Speculating on L'Empire de Ghana: le Wagadou et les traditions de Yéréré

Although we must revisit this work and engage in a deeper reading of the different recorded versions of Soninke oral traditions on Wagadu, Germaine Dieterlen's L'Empire de Ghana: le Wagadou et les traditions de Yéréré raises a number of intriguing questions about the extent we can reconstruct this distant past. Beginning with a translation of Diarra Sylla's rendition of this past as a gessere, Dieterlen then provides additional context and attempts a wider analysis of the ancient empire of Ghana (Wagadu). To some extent, she drew on the ethnographic present as well as cultural practices and rites among the Bambara, Dogon, and other West African peoples. This makes her interpretation of the institutions, social structure, and culture of Wagadu necessarily speculative.

In spite of some of these pitfalls in researching a period in pre-colonial West African history that is only partly covered in external Arabic sources, Dieterlen confirmed some of our own past theories. For instance, a cult of sorts to the vulture and hyena was part of the Soninke ritual calendar. According to Dieterlen, on the second moon of the Soninke's calendar, the wage (noble clans) gathered with their gessere to offer sacrifices to the hyena, an animal tied to their oath to Kaya Maga. Remember, the hyena played a role in assisting Diabe in Soninke tradition. There was also a special regard for the fox, it being a taboo for wage to kill this particular animal. Even the dog was the subject of taboos for the wage. For instance, they were not allowed to marry people who ate or sacrificed dogs, presumably due to the dog that accompanied the legendary ancestor, Dinga. One cannot help but wonder if the dogs with collars of gold and fine jewelry in the palace of the Ghana kings was in memory of this? Unsurprisingly, al-Bakri was likely ignorant of this, but informants told him of the palace dogs with richly decorated collars.

Besides these aforementioned taboos, Dieterlen offered some additional information on Kumbi and the Wagadu kingdom. Presumably based on her informant, she reported that Kumbi, the capital, had fifty-one quarters. Koumbi Saleh was allegedly the quarter for the market associated with caravan trade. The imperial quarter was supposedly called Kalaata, presumably the al-Ghaba of al-Bakri. There was even a quarter or section associated with the gessere. A glimpse of the different social classes or ranks in Wagadu can be seen in the description of four types of royal drums. Essentially, the major groups were the nobles, clan chiefs, slaves, and the people (commoners?). A distinct drum was used to call each of these types of residents in the capital city. Although it is difficult to see where the number of fifty-one quarters or neighborhoods came from, the number is probably meant to be symbolic or merely to suggest a huge concentration of people living within a larger capital district. That is very likely to have been true, as al-Bakri's description of the capital as two cities, one for Muslims and another for the king, with continuous habitations between, fits this.

In terms of the administration of the state, Dieterlen provided additional clues. The Koussa, for instance, participated in collecting gold for the king. Other Koussa were Koussa Tounkara, who assisted in organizing official ceremonies for the rulers of Wagadu. Another role attached to spiritual powers like access to ancestors through trance and the fabrication of ritual objects began with Djourou Tandjigo, an artisan in the times of Diabe. In addition, there were fade and hida, the governors or chiefs of provinces within Wagadu. Dumbe and djuwara were said to have been generals or military leaders. The Cisse clan which allegedly produced the most kings. A number of wage or noble clans were tied to specific provinces or regions, such as a figure remembered as Diamera Sokona, son of a fade named Birama, at Nakhata (interestingly, this figure was also said to have been the first to offer a woman to the Bida snake). Supposedly, control of territories included administration of land, markets, livestock, hunting grounds, and water sources, meaning these administrators had a lot of power over the areas under their remit. As for the military chiefs, Dieterlen suggested that these were the nana, a word possibly distorted in Arabic sources as Ghana.

But what of the known history of Wagadu as a state? Or its dynastic genealogy? Here contradictions abound as different versions of oral traditions disagree on details. Dieterlen presented Wagadu as dominated by the Cisse, beginning with Diabe as the first king based at Koumbi. Inexplicably, there were thirty-three of these Cisse kings before a member of the Toure clan became the 34th king. The Toure, who were associated with the power to control water, seized the kingdom with Moudou Toure at the head. A Muslim, Moudou Toure enjoyed support from some of the local Kakolo clans and Diane and Koma clans. Elsewhere, it is claimed that Madyou Toure was the last to reign, though it is unclear what his relationship was to Moudou Toure. Prior to this, one of the 5 Cisse clans apparently dominated rulership, the Kharesi. But the switch to the Toure may have led to a change in capitals and greater Islamization as the first Muslim kings (in the late 11th century, according to Arabic sources). One may interpret this as the rise to prominence of an Islamic noble clan in Wagadu, evidence of which can be found in external Arabic sources on Wagadu in the 1100s and 1200s. Even Zafun allegedly entered the picture, where the older brother of Diabe left when Diabe succeeded Dinga. This Cisse brother married a woman of the Dyafone clan of Dyafounou, suggesting links between Zafun and Wagadu began early in Ghana's history.

However, a looming question remains. Can one reconcile Dieterlen's reconstruction of the kingdom's past with other sources? Her text includes a few other variants of the Soninke tale of Kumbi and the dispersal from Wagadu after the killing of Bida. Some of these other sources provide a different king list for Wagadu. One named the Wagadu kings as Khaya Makha Sise, Wakane Sakho, Damera Sokhna, Gumane Fade, Sero Khumma (all brothers of Diabe, the first king). Then leadership passed to the family of D'ariso, beginning a new line of kings: Kambine, Suleyman, Bannabubu, Wagadu Makha II, Gane, Musa, Biramu, and then a disastrous civil war. Needless to say, some of the people considered kings here were supposedly noble governors or warrior leaders in Sylla and Dieterlen's version of events. We also wonder about Biramu, a name which sounds close to Birama. But once the D'ariso lineage succeeded, one notes father to son inheritance (6 generations) and the appearance of Islamic names. If the civil war which followed the reign of Biramu, among his own sons no less, involved a warrior from D'ara in Tiraka, then this could have been the moment of an Islamic faction seizing the throne. Tiraka, after all, had been an important center for trade to Ghana, Tadmakka, and other groups, with a Wangara population also there attested by some external Arabic sources. This raises the legitimate question of how to interpret the dynastic and/or religious change in Wagadu's leadership in the 11th century. It is tempting to see traditions of a Toure clan Muslim becoming king with the support of some elements within the kingdom (and possible support from the Almoravids).

Ultimately, Dieterlen's book raises more questions than it can possibly answer. Yet the connections she makes to other West African cultures and the Soninke ethnographic present can give the reader new ways to think about the history of pre-Islamic Wagadu. The clear role of the "traditional" religion as the legitimizing ideology behind kingship and the worldview of the people, as well as the strong role played by lineage in creating and distributing hierarchies, rank, and identities is worth exploring.

Gold Coast and "Mina" Captives in Saint Domingue

We have been searching through runaway ads posted in Saint Domingue's newspaper, Affiches américaines. A number of runaways were of the "Arada" or "Mina" nations, often vague terms referring to the Bight of Benin and Gold Coast as places where the captives were purchased and shipped across the Atlantic. We decided to share some of the ads for interesting cases of people from this broad region, particularly those with names, origins, or skills that shed light on the Gold Coast/Slave Coast in the 18th century. Like the above example, a Mina named Carabi. 

Another interesting case is a maroon named Codiot, perhaps the name Kwadwo used by Akan peoples. 

Another Akan name that appears among Africans of the "Mina" nation is Cofy, likely the Akan Koffi. 

Akan names like Coichy, probably Kwasi, can similarly be found among "Mina" Africans in colonial Haiti.

Apia, possibly the Akan name Appiah, was another Akan-derived name found among "Mina" blacks. Or he was perhaps named after the Apia of Greece...

An "Aguia" black named Couaminan might be a Kwamina, another Akan-derived name. 

Another Koffi, or Coffi, was a maroon of the Cramanti-Adia background. Cramanti was the Coromantee of the British West Indies, and Adia may be a reference to the Aja, or Adja, peoples.

An "Arada" named Kwaku from 1785. If "Arada" captives could have Akan-derived names, one wonders if this one was of Ewe origin.  

Sometimes, the "Mina" were listed as Amine. Here we have another Coffi, who apparently spoke the language of Curacao, Papiamento.

Another "Mine" was specified as a "Quimbou-Mine" in the colony. There is a street in Accra called Kinbu, perhaps "Quimbou" being a reference to an area of what is now Accra?

A Bandia African who was only in Saint Domingue for three months, was said to speak the "Mine" language. 

As if things weren't complicated enough, the Mallais, Malez, or Male nation were present in the colony. Since the word appears to be derived from the word for Muslims used in Allada and other parts of today's Benin, they were presumably Muslims or captives supplied by Muslim traders from the North. Since the French slave traders sometimes used the word Gold Coast for parts of the Slave Coast, it is probable that the latter coast was intended here. 

Yet another ambiguous case is Bayard, of the Otam nation. Since the "Gold Coast" in this context could have included parts of the Slave Coast, Otam might have nothing to do with Ghana. Indeed, the Otam name was associated with a people in the Calabar region. Yet, Oldendorp wrote of a "nation" of people called Attem who were neighbors of the Kassenti, or Tjemba.

Last, the case of Marie. Possibly Ibo or Cramanti, she was said to speak the two languages. If she was actually "Ibo" in origin, then one wonders if she learned the "Cramanti" language in West Africa or in Saint Domingue.

Ghana, Togo and Benin

Although our Haitian parent shares a Ga DNA match with me, suggesting an identical by descent relationship, we wonder if we are matching these Ga from Ghana via their Benin & Togo marked chromosome segments or via what Ancestry refers to as "Ivory Coast and Ghana." We suspect part of the reason for matches with Ga from southern Ghana is their genetic overlaps and historical interactions with the Ewe and peoples to the east, a major source of the Haitian people's ethnogenesis (the Slave Coast).

We were able to check on Gedmatch for a Ga person (judging by their surname, suggesting roots in the Ada region) who matched our parent, and compared the shared DNA segment to the label assigned to Chromosome 18 from Ancestry (with the help of the DNA Painter tool). Well, it turns out this Ghaianain person's shared segment with our parent falls under the Benin and Togo-marked segment. We wonder if it is similar for the other Ga we matched with, all of whom had very high Benin and Togo estimates. As for the Ga in Saint-Domingue, Geggus has described them as being lumped into the Coromantees (Cramanti in the Saint Dominguan press) category with the Akan. If one of our ancestral regions, Bainet, was partly supplied in captives by British smugglers, then the "Coromantees" were definitely present in the Jacmel Quartier, perhaps under the more frequent name of Mine (Mina). What makes things more confusing is the broad use by the French of the term Gold Coast, likely overlapping with the Slave Coast trade and perhaps bringing in Ga and Ewe groups from southeastern Ghana to French ships there, too. Descourtilz even mentioned the Ga peoples of "Acra" in a short chapter of one of his books on the African "nations" of Saint Domingue. There they were, unsurprisingly, lumped in with Akan groups.

Interestingly, our mother matched a Mandinka person from Sierra Leone on a segment of Chromosome 2 marked Ivory Coast & Ghana. We would love to know which populations were used for the reference panel for that area, although it is no surprise if someone from Sierra Leone might have similar DNA to some of the groups in Ivory Coast and Ghana. However, at least her match with a Congolese person did fall on a segment assigned to "Western Bantu Peoples" even if the specific match is not from one of the ethnic groups present in colonial Haiti. 

Updated 23andme African DNA Matches

With all of the problems at 23andme, we wanted to do a more thorough search of our Haitian parent's African matches as soon as possible. Thus, the table able represents our attempt to tally the number of matches she has based on a search from two days ago. We suspect more matches ("DNA Relatives") will disappear since they are deleting their data from the site. However, we were able to find 16 African matches. Fortunately, some even included basic data about the birthplace of their grandparents, which helped us to clarify their possible ethnic origins. Unsurprisingly, they are overwhelmingly West Africans, with obvious Nigerians more than half of the total. 

Immediately, one is struck by the number of matches to southeastern Nigerian groups (Igbo and possibly Ibibio) and the paucity of Yoruba. Unlike her Ancestry DNA matches, our Haitian parent only has 1 unambiguous Yoruba match here (someone whose name might indicate an Islamic background, too). Despite sharing more DNA with the lone Yoruba than most of the others, it is quite interesting to see so few of this ethnic group on 23andme among her matches. We are not sure if that is due to the lack of a Benin & Togo category in which Yoruba groups overlap more frequently with Haitians through shared ancestry in the Bight of Benin? Either way, 23andme is picking up on closer genetic ties to the Igbo and groups in southeastern Nigeria, including what appears to be Ibibio or Efik (our parent's largest matches, at 0.54% shared DNA). This ancestral tie to southeastern Nigeria is also suggested by her 7 matches to Igbos on Ancestry as well as her shared 29 cM of DNA with an Igbo on that site. Indeed, the only ethnolinguistic group specified in her 23andme Ancestry Composition report was also the Igbo. Seeing a closer match to the Ibibio or Efik, however, suggests ties to other groups in southeastern Nigeria, too. 

Besides the obvious Igbo and southeastern Nigeria-related ancestry implied here, one can also see Central African represented by two individuals with roots in Congo. According to my limited understanding of Congolese surnames, these two individuals may be of Luba or Lunda origins. So far, we have yet to uncover any particularly close matches to Central Africans. The more obvious suspects for Congolese and Central African ancestry in Haiti would be groups from or near the Kikongo-speaking peoples, but they are likely not represented well among customers of 23andme and Ancestry. A quick perusal of the varieties of Central African captives imported into colonial Saint Domingue, however, would likely include groups from inner regions of Central Africa, too.  

Moving on to Ghana, one finds here yet another Ga match! Our parent had 2 Ga DNA matches on Ancestry, although both of those had elevated levels of "Benin & Togo" estimates. Here, the Ga match is someone with all 4 grandparents from the Accra. Their "Nigeria" score was only 17.4%, but that may be the algorithm's attempts to capture the ancestry of people from eastern Ghana to Benin. The Ga-Adangbe were likely represented among the captives in Saint Domingue, too. Perhaps they were under the label of "Mina" ("Mine" in some of the colonial Haitian documentation) or mixed with other groups from the Bight of Benin and Gold Coast. One of our few shared DNA matches was actually with another Ga person on Ancestry, making us think that a meaningful link with this area is possible. 

As for her two Fulani matches, these are almost certainly due to shared, non-Fulani ancestry in Upper Guinea .The two Fulanis, who both possess typical Fulani surnames, also have elevated Senegambian & Guinean ancestry (as well as minor North African) that clearly establish their origin. We suspect they are from Mali, Guinea, Sierra Leone or, in one case, possibly from Nigeria (an assumption based on their 7.6% Nigerian estimate). Since our parent had one DNA match with a Mandinka from Sierra Leone on Ancestry, we would not be surprised if the matches with the two Fulanis might stem from a Mandinka-related shared ancestry (or, perhaps, Senegambian or Malian, which could be inferred from the high numbers of "Bambara" and "Mandingues" in colonial Haiti). Of course we are merely speculating here, but we suspect that shared ancestry with the Fulani via actual Fulani ancestry would have led to more matches from this group. After all, they seem to be more heavily represented among West Africans using DNA testing services like Ancestry or 23andme. 

Last, but certainly not least, the two Liberian matches. One, based on surnames, is at least partly Vai in origin with some grandparents from the Cape Mesurado area. Our parent shares the most DNA with this Liberian (besides Igbo or southeastern Nigerians) who appears to be of Vai ancestry. In Saint Domingue, groups from parts of Liberia were known as Miserables, Canga and other terms. We would love to find more matches from Liberia and Sierra Leone to fully explore the possible ancestral ties to this area.

Overall, the 23andme matches are consistent with the largely Lower Guinea ancestry of our parent. Unfortunately, the ancestral ties to the Bight of Benin are not so easily seen here in her matches, but a link to the slave trade from the Bight of Biafra is very clear. As to be expected, the lower numbers of African customers from Benin, Central Africa, and Upper Guinea limits the data and analysis, but it is largely consistent with her 23andme Ancestry Composition. It also, by and large, is in accord with the general pattern of her Ancestry matches.

Shared African Matches

Since we have been perusing African matches on Ancestry again, we couldn't help but notice that I only share a handful of the same with my Haitian parent, the source of most of my sub-Saharan African ancestry. While we generally shared matches with the same regions of West Africa, we rarely shared the same individuals. Often, however, they were Yorubas who received Haiti as a Journey. Their last names and the predictable mixture of "Nigeria" and "Benin & Togo" in their admixture results are usually a dead give away of this. However, looking at our shared matches might give us more probably identical by descent matches, or perhaps more specific ones. 

First, we both shared 10 cM and 11 cM across 1 segment with someone from Ghana. Based on their last name, a Ga origin is probable. However, that Ghanaian match was only 28% Ivory Coast & Ghana in his admixture results, a pattern Tracing African Roots has demonstrated to be more common for Ewe. Thus, we highly suspect this person has Ewe origins. The Ewe of Ghana overlap with those of Togo and, thus, Benin. Of course, we could also share DNA with this person through their Ivory Coast/Ghana estimate. For example, our parent has another Ga-Dangme match on 23andme. All of his grandparents are identified as Accra natives and his surname suggests Ga-Dangme origins. Our parent even has another Ga match on Ancestry, with 8 cM shared DNA. This Ga's results included a 34% Benin & Togo estimate.

The next shared match was a big surprise. It was an African DNA match that I missed previously. And it is to a woman from Cameroon (estimated 95% Cameroon results). Her last name is also common in Congo, but her low Western Bantu score leads me to think she hails from a Cameroon ethnic group, likely the Bamileke. According to a Cameroonian friend, our match's surname is specific to western Cameroon. Since areas of Cameroon sent captives to the Biafran coast, perhaps some Haitians do harbor distant Bamileke or Cameroonian origins. Intriguingly, the Cameroonian match is supposedly from our parent's maternal side.

Perhaps even more baffling is our shared match with a person with roots in Sierra Leone and Nigeria. Judging by their admixture results and surnames, we assume one parent is of Temne extraction while the other may be Edo or Urhobo. I assume our shared ancestry in Nigeria is more likely than Sierra Leone Temne peoples to explain the match, but more information is needed to reach any conclusion. Indeed, this person may have some Fulani ancestry, too, if their trace North Africa estimate and Senegal estimate are any indication.

Finally, the Igbo connection. This one always struck us as clear based on the documented presence of a large Igbo population among the captives in colonial Haiti's South. Similarly, the only close African DNA matches for both myself and our Haitian parent was with an Igbo from Nigeria. Furthermore, our parent's 23andme results also identified the Igbo and Southeastern Nigeria as a close match. Igbo ancestry (as well as other Nigerian lineages) are undoubtedly part of our origins.

The Northern Factor in Ashanti History

Ivor Wilks wrote an intriguing monograph several decades ago, The Northern Factor in Ashanti History. Due to our similar interest in the "northern factor" in Yoruba history (and, to a lesser extent, Dahomey and Borgu history), we found it imperative to actually read it. Wilks presents what may be a sometimes exaggerated role of Islam in 18th century and early 19th century Asante, but it does seem quite likely that trade routes to the North through Begho and later centers was of paramount importance. Like the Oyo Yoruba state, the Asante state appears to have tapped into both Atlantic and broader Sudanic/trans-Saharan trade routes. 

Unlike Oyo, the Ashanti did not require large amounts of imported horses for cavalry units. Nonetheless, the gold and kola nuts of Ghana were highly valuable commodities that brought traders from both the Western and Central Sudan into the region. Through control of or taxation of trade routes used by these northern traders, the Asante state could derive great revenues as well as import cloth and other goods not available from the trade with Europeans on the coast. Aspects of this history is revealed by written sources from Gonja and the north. European accounts plus other sources similarly shed light on the importance of these northern ties that linked this part of Ghana with the Middle Niger, the Sahara, and Hausaland. 

West African Muslims from far afield, in addition to Muslims from areas to the north conquered by Asante, were also a valued community for their literacy, the esteem in which their religion was held, and their economic importance. Whether or not Dupuis's "sketch" of Asante history as revealed to him by manuscripts and conversations with notable Muslims in Kumasi is very reliable for how the Asante themselves saw their history, it is nonetheless important to recall that the Asante rulers sponsored a history, or chronicle,  written by Muslims. The attempt by Wilks to reproduce the accounts given to Dupuis reveals just how problematic this source material can be, though it does reveal how one could and should endeavor to utilize Arabic and European sources (plus oral traditions) to make sense of the history of the Asante. 

Studium Historiae on Ghana

It's always a delight to find serious or semi-serious people creating online videos or posting articles about the ancient kingdom of Ghana. Of course, it would be even better if an academic like Bathily or perhaps Soninke-speaking historians were posting this type of content in French or English. If they, like Bathily, could draw on their knowledge of the Soninke language and Soninke oral traditions and ethnographies, I believe we could get a bit closer to what Ghana actually was like.

Timeline of Western Sudan to 1400s

The following is a timeline for the early Western Sudan, basically everything before imperial Mali. While there remains so much to discover and uncover about the Western Sudanic region before the major kingdoms converted to Islam and even deeper in antiquity, the paucity of written sources means we will probably remain in the dark for the foreseeable future on many aspects of its early history. That said, the early Arabic sources do contain a wealth of information on the area, from Takrur to Kawkaw. We decided to attempt a tentative timeline for the region (including the Sahara and sometimes North Africa or the Mediterranean) to illustrate some of the important personages, developments, locales, and events that transpired in our region from the 6th century until the end of the 13th. Since we mainly relied on written sources, the excellent  Corpus of early Arabic sources for West African History edited by Levtzion and Hopkins. Our other sources include Delafosse, Trimingham on Takrur, the French and English translations of the Timbuktu tarikhs, and Arabic Medieval Inscriptions from the Republic of Mali: Epigraphy, Chronicles, and Songhay-Tuareg History by Paulo Fernando de Moraes Farias.

294: Mint in Carthage (gold from West Africa a source?)

c.500: Imported cloth found at Kissi, evidence of pre-Islamic trans-Saharan trade

568: Garamantian ruler sent envoys to Byzantium

666/667: Uqba b. Nafi conquers Fazzan and Kawar, imposing tribute payments in slaves

before 732/33: Wahb b. Munabbih mentioned Nuba, Zanj, Qazan (Fazzan?), Zaghawa, Habasha, Qibt and Barbar as the race of Sudan 

734-741: During this period, Muslim raids of Habib b. Abi Ubayda 

740: Revolt of the Berbers during governorship of Abd Allah b. al-Habhab

744/45: Abd al-Rahman became governor of Ifriqiya; said to have begun digging wells on the Saharan trade route

757/58: Foundation of Sijilmassa

761/62: Tahard founded

804/820 or 823-872: Imam of Tahart sent Muhammad b. 'Arafa in a deputation to a Sudan king with a gift

814-15: Walls of Sijilmasa constructed

837: Death of king Sahaja king Tilutan

c.850: Foundation of earliest dynasty of Takrur, the Dya'ogo (Trimingham)

872/73: al-Yaqubi described Kawkaw as the most powerful kingdom of the blacks, obeyed by al-MRW, MuRDBH, al-HRBR, the kingdom of the Sanhaja, TDhKRYR, Zayanir, 'RWR and BQARWT; Ghana also powerful and described as having gold mines and vassal kings ('AM, Sama)

by 889/90: Anbiya people of Sanhaja mentioned by al-Yaqubi, camel nomads with royal capital at Ghust (Awdaghust) whose king lacks religion and raids the Sudan; Lamta Berbers who produce lamtiyya shields live between Zawila and Kawar, and adjoining Zawila to the route to Awjila and Ajdabiya

900: Death of Sanhaja king, Yalattan

c.903: Anbiya described as land of Lamta who produce the lamtiyya shields; people of Ghana grow sorghum and cowpeaes and wear clothes of skins

between 908-938: royal palace at Gao Ancien built

909: Tahart destroyed

918: End of reign of Tamim, Sanhaja king (Sanhaja divided politically again)

918/19: Foundation of Zawila in the Fazzan by Abd Alla b. Khattab al-Hawwari

944-45: Growth of power of Abu Yazid in Ifriqiya; Abu Yazid was born in Kawkaw to a Zanata father 

950/51: Ibn Hawqal went to Sijilmasa, saw many shaykhs and much wealth; Ibn Hawal heard from Abu Ishaq Ibrahim b. Abd Allah that the Sanhaja king of Awdaghust, Tinbarutan b. Usfayshar, king of all Sanhaja, had been ruling for 20 years and had 300,000 tents (plus shelters and huts) in his domain. Ibn Hawqal also reported story of Tinbarutan defeating a Berber tribe with the vast camel herd of his sister, the wealthiest person in the tribe

952: Check for 42,000 dinars in Awdaghust

961/2-972: Tin Yarutan b. Wisanu b. Nizar Sanhaja king, received tribute from more than 20 Sudan kings; also, this king aided the ruler of Masin against Awgham, east of Ghana, with 50,000 camelry

973: Death of Muhammad b. Yusuf al-Warraq, whose geographical work was a major source for al-Bakri

c.977: final version of Ibn Hawqal's work written, including mention of a check concerning a debt of Muhammad b. Abi Sa'dun in Awdaghust for 42,000 dinars and the kings of Tadmakka, Fusahr b. Alfara and Inaw b. Sabanzak

c.980: Dya'ogo dynasty of Takrur overthrown by the Manna who came from the Nyakhate clan of Dyara (Soninke)

by 990: al-Muhallabi describes Kawkaw (Kuku) as ruled by a king who pretends to be Muslim, names the town Sarnah and its markets

1009-10: Conversion to Islam by King Zuwa Kusay of Kawkaw; said by Trimingham to have moved capital from Kukiya to Kawkaw

1013/14: Earliest known epitaph from Essouk (Tadmakka)

1037-1065: Reign of Ferdinand I, "Galician" king who received a stone substance from the Dar'a valley that takes on the consistency of flax; Fernando I later sent a kerchief made of this to the Emperor in Constantinople,  who in return, sent him a crown

1040/41: Death of Warjabi, Takrur king who converted to Islam

1042: Earliest Islamic epitaph at Kawkaw

1043/44: Wazjay b. Yasin imposed Islam in Takrur 

1048: Early rise of Almoravids

1054/55: Sijilmasa residents massacre Almoravid garrison left in the town after Almoravids conquer it; Awdaghust invaded by Almoravids, and city described as divided due to conflict between Zanata and Arabs (Almoravids persecuted the residents for recognizing the suzerainty of Ghana)

1056-57: Yahya b. Umar fought Banu Gudala with the aid of Labbi b. Warjabi, the king of Takrur

1063: Start of reign of Tunka Menin of Ghana (Wagadu), nephew of previous ruler, Basi

1067-68: Commander of the Almoravids is Abu Bakr b. Umar

1076-77: Conversion of Ghana to Islam

1076-1180: Soso ruled by pagan Soninke dynasty with clan name Dyari-so (Trimingham)

1079-1082: Islam adopted by people of Gao (Mahmud Kati)

c.1083/84: Ghana attacked Tadmakka

1100s: Ghana said to raid Amima and Barbara peoples for slaves; Timbuktu growing in importance for trade

c.1100-1120: Reign of Banna-Bubu of Soso, when Fulbe appear in region and members of the royal family married wives from the So or Ferboe clan, becoming the Sose and Soso

1108: Death of queen S.wa at Gao Saney

1110: Death of Abu Abdullah Muhammad b. Abdu Llah b. Zaghi at Gao Saney, with a stela in Almerian style; death of king Abu Bakr ibn Abu Quhafa at Gao Saney

1116/17: Ghana's royal palace constructed (al-Idrisi)

1117: Death of Aisha, daughter of King Kuri, probably the same Korey or K.r.y in the Zuwa dynasty lists

1119: Death of Queen M.s.r (Gao Saney)

1120: Death of King Yama b. K.ma b. Zaghi, or Umar b. al-Khatta, a king who waged holy war

c.1125-1150: Zafun king received with honor in Marrakesh by Almoravids

1126: Death of Fatima, daughter of King Mama (or Yama or Nama) (Gao Saney)

1127: Death of Za (Zu'a) b. Queen Hakkiya (Saney inscriptions)

1140: Death of Bariqa, daughter of Kuri (Gao Saney inscriptions)

after 1154: Kawkaw mentioned as wealthy town reached by caravans from Egypt, Waraqlan, and Sijilmasa; inhabitants grow sesame, sugarcane, rice

1154: Completion of al-Idrisi's geographical work, which describes Ghana and Kawkaw as Muslim states 

1180: Soso dynasty overthrown by a soldier named Dyara Kante (Trimingham)

c.1199: letter to the king of Ghana refers to him as a pagan (perhaps a reference to the Soso?)

c.1203: Sosso conquest of Ghana

1203: Death of King Fanda, son of 'Aru Bani (Aru-Baani/Arbaani/Aru Bine/Arbine), son of Zaghi (or Zaghay)

1210: Funerary stelae of a Songhay woman, Buwy or Waybiya, at Gorongobo

before 1222: al-Sharishi described Ghana as Muslim kingdom with schools and many Maghribi merchants who stay, buy slaves for concubinage and are well-received by the king

1224: Wealthy Soninke families plus Arabs ad Berbers move to Walata (Biru), according to Delafosse

c.1235: Sundiata Keita defeated Soso king at the Battle of Kirina

1251: Death of Zuwa of Kawkaw

1253: Death of Ai'isha, daughter of king Zuwa Kayna (Gao Saney)

1264-65: Death of Yama Kuri (Yama Korey), son of king R.w.a (Zuwa)

1260-1277: Mansa Wali reigned in Mali, who made the hajj to Mecca during the reign of the Mamluk sultan Baybars

1299-1308: Reign of Mansa Sakura, freed slave usurper who also made the pilgrimage to Mecca and died on his way back. By c.1300, was in control of the Niger Bend

c.1300: Manna dynasty of Takrur replaced by Tondyon

c.1312: Mansa Muhammad launched expedition into the Atlantic 

1324: Pilgrimage of Mansa Musa 

1352-53: Ibn Battuta in Mali

1360: Mansa Mari Jata II sent an ambassador to Morocco who brought a giraffe

1373/74: Death of Mansa Mari Jata II

1390: Mansa Maga III takes power

1433: Tuaregs seize control of Timbuktu

Chronicles from Gonja

Chronicles from Gonja collects and translates several Arabic manuscripts of a historical nature from kingdom of Gonja. Founded sometime in the mid-16th century by a warrior from the Mali Empire, Gonja was later made a tributary of the Asante Empire. However, the longstanding ties of trade in gold, kola nuts, textiles, and other goods had connected northern Ghana with the Western Sudan region since the Middle Ages. Even before the foundation of Gonja as a conquest state, Wangara merchants had already been active in the region. After its establishment, the warrior "estate" then established a close alliance with the Wangara and Islamic scholars. Later, Asante expansion northward in the 18th century began to encroach upon Gonja, eventually reducing it to a vassal state. Nonetheless, Gonja's literate Muslims were active in Kumase, writing charms, serving as advisors, and recording chronicles, letters, and prayers. 

The texts translated by Levtzion and commented upon by Ivor Wilks and Bruce Haight mainly date from the 18th and 19th centuries. The more substantial ones, such as the Tarikh Ghinja and the Kitab Ghanja, essentially present the history of Gonja's rulers from its origins in the 16th century to the second half of the 18th century. One even adopts the typical form of annals of the style of Islamic historiography. Nonetheless, many of the texts translated here reflect low standards of literacy or fluency in the Arabic tongue. Perhaps the scarcity of paper or the lower state of scholars who produced copies of older manuscripts is to blame here. Despite these aforementioned problems, and issues of copyists incorrectly replacing Bighu with Segu or confusing the names of Gonja sultans, the texts do provide a wealth of information on the region of northern Ghana and surrounding areas. 

The Wangara and/or Malinke elements were a bridge who linked the Akan peoples to the south with the Western Sudan, trans-Saharan trade, and, undoubtedly, with the Hausa trade in kola nuts. Indeed, sources such as the Wangara Chronicle indicate how influential Muslim Malinke traders were in Hausaland, just as their presence in Gonja was inextricably linked to Gonja's ruling estate, the Ngbanya. So, in a sense, the Wangara were a bridge connecting areas like Gonja and Dagomba with the Western and Central Sudan. Indeed, a rare reference to a man of Borno in Kafaba in the Tarikh Ghunja, if reliable, indicates a Borno presence in this region early in Gonja's existence. In addition, an allusion to the death of a Gonja pilgrim in a village of Katsina, while returning from Mecca, testifies to another dimension of Gonja's ties to the Central Sudan. Instead of, say, taking a pilgrimage route that went to the Middle Niger Valley and then crossed the Sahara, this pilgrim, at least on his return trip, traveled through Hausaland. Thus, in our eyes, the northern region of Ghana offer an intriguing case of a region with close ties to both the Western and Central Sudan, contributing to the formation of trading diasporas linked by gold, kola nuts, and Islam. 

Asante and Its Neighbors

J.K. Fynn's brief Asante and Its Neighbors, 1700-1807 seeks to elucidate the rise of Asante under Osei Tutu to its position as the predominant power of the Gold Coast by the early 1800s. While mainly relying on records of the European trading posts and forts on the coast and occasional oral or ethnographic evidence, Fynn's narrative account appears to follow an accurate chronology of Asentehenes also used by scholars like Wilks. The Asante, who were little known to the Europeans in the late 17th century, were able to seize upon the opportunities of greater trade and access to firearms to pursue political and economic expansion. The "northern factor" was also relevant for the trade in gold, ivory, kola nuts, textiles, and slaves with markets in the Sudanic land and trans-Saharan networks. However, access to firearms gave an advantage to the Asante against the militaries of the Dagomba, Gonja, and others. However, Asante access to the coast was hindered by the Fanti and, at various times, by other polities of the Gold Coast. Thus, the history of 18th century Asante, according to Fynn, is, to a large part, the tale of Asante expansion to the south, subjugation of other polities as tributaries, and the eventual establishment of Asante control of the southern ports in the early decades of the 19th century. Unfortunately for them, however, the British commitment to anti-slave trade measures became a problem just as the Asante achieved more complete, unhindered access to the coast.

Part of the problem of the Asante state in the 18th century was the failure of Osei Tutu, who, despite his excellence as the founder of the state who bequeathed a number of customs and practices to foster unity, to develop a more effective administrative system for ruling conquered peoples. Opoku Ware, his successor, attempted reforms that were later blocked by provincial rulers. This, plus ongoing revolts, internal discord, and struggles with the vassals made it difficult for Asante to emerge as the hegemon of the region until closer to the end of the period under examination. Fortunately, later rulers, like Osei Kwadwo, were able to accomplish administrative reforms with a bureaucracy that improved imperial administration. The Asante rulers may have also relied heavily on access to northern markets (and captives, such as the "Duncoes" and their Akwamu allies to still receive firearms, trade goods, and find areas for political expansion. Asante's conquest of Gonja and Dagomba, for instance, must have assisted with these aims as Asante expansion to the coast was hindered by the Fanti or tributary states in rebellion. The northern factor, therefore, must have remained of great political, military and economic significance while the Atlantic trade with European was ultimately the source for the Asante's expansion through access to muskets and gunpowder. Trying to understand this dynamic role of northern trade and Atlantic trade in the fortune of West African states like Asante and Oyo seems especially relevant, even though Asante did not rely on cavalry supplied by horse imports from northern trade.

Of interest for our purposes is Fynn's comments on the "Dunko" or "Dunkoes" sold into slavery from the Gold Coast. According to sources cited by Fynn, the word "Donko" meant slave. In addition, the Dunkos often had tribal marks on their faces and were often associated with northern territories like Dagomba, Mossi, Frafraf and others. We know from the Arabic chronicles of northern Ghana and contemporary Europeans at the coast that the Asante were active in north in the 1740s and again in the 1770s and subsequent decades. Indeed, a revolt against the Asante in 1780-1781 was likely one of the Dagomba, referred to as Duncoes. The Dunkos of Saint Domingue, or colonial Haiti, were therefore a mix of people from what is now northern Ghana and surrounding areas. Some of these Dunkoes or Dokos were also maroons of Le Maniel. If some of them were natives of Dagomba, then perhaps there may even have been an Islamic presence among the Duncoes in Saint Domingue. To what extent the Dunko were associated with marronage raises even more questions.

Glimpses of Pre-Islamic Soninke

Although there is often potential danger in using oral traditions and modern ethnographic analogies to understand different societies from the distant past, a reappraisal of Soninke oral traditions and the corpus of external Arabic sources supports doing so. Islam has spread among Soninke people for 1000 years, but a cursory examination of Mandinka, Bambara and similar religious traditions can inform our understanding of Ghana. In so doing, the polity's pre-Islamic roots become clearer and aspects of its social, political and economic life can be unveiled. External sources like al-Bakri, despite being of great use, suffer from not personally traveling to Ghana or letting their religious and ethnocentric biases obscure the realities of other societies. Thus, in order to delve deep into Soninke origins, we shall begin with the oral traditions as recorded in Arabic  by Mamadi Aïssa (and translated into French by Maurice Delafosse) of Nioro.

The "Histoire de royaoume de Ouagadou" begins Traditions historiques et légendaires du Soudan occidental. Tracing the origins of the Soninke clans to Dinga, assuredly a mythical figure, this report of Soninke origins reflects Islamic influences. For instance, Dinga is said to come from the East and to have been a descendant of Job, Solomon, and David. Nonetheless, there are powerful indicators of the pre-Islamic Soninke worldview in the tale of his migrations. First, Dinga traveled in the company of 300 magicians, led by Karabara Diadiane, an ancestor of the Soudoro clan (Aissa 6). This establishes right away that the mythical founder of the Soninke people was associated with magic, occult power or spiritual power. The tale of Dinga then shifts to his migrations, including a stop at a village named Dienne. Dinga takes a local wife but she fails to bear him a child after 27 years together. So, unsurprisingly, Dinga moves on to another place (Aissa 7). The fact that his first was barren or failed to become pregnant after so long, which was a cause for divorce, highlights the central role of fertility and progeny in an agricultural society like that of the ancient Soninke. Dinga's search for a wife to bear him children is likely related to the migrations of the Soninke ancestors in search of water or fertile lands.

After leaving his first wife, Dinga married a woman in the village of Diagha. This wife bears him 3 sons, twins. One of the twins dies but the other two people ancestors of the Souare and Dyikine clans (Aissa 7). Twins always have spiritual significance. The death of one of the triplets may have have been necessary for restoring a balance of two halves. Or, alternatively, perhaps the death of one of the twins was an ominous sign for the posterity of Dinga? Regardless, Dinga relocates from Diagha to Kingui, where he stops at Daraga. Dinga requests his followers, who must consist of his large body of magicians, retainers, dependents, sons, and slaves, to get water from a well. Unfortunately, a genie or jinn (or goblin, Levtzion 17) inhabiting the well prevents them from doing so. Dinga himself then confronts the jinn, but has to rely on aid from the leader of the magicians, Karabara Diadiane, to defeat the genie through sorcery (Aissa 7). This episode indicates the importance of wells and sources of water for the life of a community. Dinga, as leader, endeavored to ensure a water supply from the well but was only able to succeed with the help of a powerful magician. Royal power, therefore, relied on the supernatural or occult powers and wisdom of ritual specialists and priests. Kings or chiefs could not ensure the survival of their dependents without their assistance.

After defeating the genie of the well, Dinga accepts its offer of marriage to his three daughters. These three daughters become the mothers of several sons (the origins of various Soninke clans are traced to them). The spirit or jinn in the well, a source of water or life, therefore becomes an ancestor of the Soninke through Dinga's numerous progeny. This may symbolize water as one of the four elements to the Soninke. One of the progeny of Dinga is, according to this version of the legend, the serpent or Bida himself (Aissa 8). Thus, Bida, or the serpent, is related to the Soninke clans. The serpent may have become a totemic or powerful symbol in Soninke origins as it was a liminal animal inhabiting watery and dry spaces. Further, the snake's ability to shed its skin may have become an additional factor in its symbolic role associated with life, water, and rebirth. Indeed, the power of the snake "cult" among the Soninke was so strong that even 20th century Muslim Soninke avoided the taboo of killing or harming the bida snake (Bathily 19). If this belief was true for the "Zafun" described in the Arabic sources, then the Soninke societies described by al-Bakri and others in the 11th and 12th century likely believed the snake was a powerful entity linked to fertility, rain, gold (which could be panned from rivers after rainfall), and, thus, worthy of sacrifice and perhaps consulted for oracular powers (Levtzion & Hopkins 78). Similar beliefs about animals like the fox may have also been a factor in Soninke religion. According to Askia Muhammad, some of the self-proclaimed Muslims he freed actually believed in a fox cult and consulted shrines for idols or spirits (al-Maghili 77). 

The other sons of Dinga are worth mentioning for their role in the establishment of Wagadu. According to the this version of the tale, the founder of the Sisse or Cisse clan was the son of Dinga through the second daughter of the well jinn (Aissa 8). Maghan Diabe eventually occupies the center stage through his role in the foundation of Wagadu as a prosperous kingdom. According to the traditions, Dinga, old and blind, offers to give an older son the kingship (represented by a royal talisman) in exchange for roasted meat (Aissa 10). Considering the role of hunters or hunting in the oral traditions surrounding Sundiata and other Mande cultures, perhaps this is an indication of the importance of hunters in society and rulership. First of all, Dinga, now blind, must step down or vacate the throne. His disability means his ability to conduct the community is compromised, especially if hunting and war were essential traits of kingship. What makes things even more interesting, and perhaps influenced by Biblical traditions, is Aissa's version making Maghan Diabe king through a ruse. Again, as in the case of Dinga's success against the spirit in the well, Maghan Diabe is only able to pull it off through the assistance of the sorcerer, Karabara Diadiane. Nevertheless, Maghan Diabe's seizure of power by providing his father with roasted meat before his older brother may indicate greater prowess as a hunter or warrior. Thus, despite being younger than his brother, he was the more skilled hunter/warrior who earned the authority of the ailing Dinga. The entire episode is suggestive of the great role priests or those in control of occult forces could have in the royal court as well as the ability to hunt. Moreover, by providing food or sustenance to his father, Maghan Diabe reverses the traditional father-son relationship and demonstrates respect for elders, even if he attempted to win the "royal chains" or talisman through trickery. 

However, Maghan Diabe's older brother still receives an important gift. Instead of the kingship, Dinga bestows upon him a talisman associated with control of rain (Aissa 11). Consequently, a different branch of the royal family retained control of rain while the line of Maghan Diabe ruled Wagadu. This episode avoids fratricidal violence among brothers or clans of the Soninke while perhaps establishing a branch of the royal lineage as a line of ritual specialists or rainmakers at Kumbi. If an accurate portrayal of events, this suggests the kings of Wagadu were not directly associated with rainmaking but members of their family became a hereditary line of priests with that power. However, the fissioning of the Soninke into various clans might have been an impetus for more migrations. The next move was inspired by Diabe's consulting a diviner. The prophecy of this person predicts Diabe will become a great king and tells him to undertake another journey through the desert. The allusion to a diviner here may be a testament to the antiquity of geomancy or divination among the Soninke. This journey of the hero also presents new challenges and requires a crossing of the desert with 40 beasts of burden. By undertaking this quest through inhospitable land, Diabe may have been undergoing another ordeal that would lead him to the greener, wealthier pastures of Wagadu.

Diabe's quest through the land also included encounters with animals. In this case, hyenas and vultures enter the story. The leader of the hyenas cannot offer assistance to Diabe's group. An old vulture encountered afterwards, one that cannot fly, could direct them but requires something in exchange. After feeding the vulture all 40 of the animals in his group, it agrees to guide Diabe to the site of Kumbi (Aissa 12). Since animals besides the snake or serpent do not speak or communicate with humans, the significance of the hyenas and vultures merits commentary. The hyena, as an animal that can laugh and is a dog-like scavenger, may have become a liminal creature in between human and animal society. The hyena's human-life laughs and dog-like features would have familiar to the Soninke, yet their scavenger lifestyle may have triggered disgust or disdain. The vulture, also a scavenger, may have been a liminal being through his ability to fly and its association with death or decay. However, after feeding it, its youth is restored and it guides the protagonist to Kumbi with his renewed flying ability. Perhaps the vulture's ability to fly and be more useful in a harsh climate represented an ability to traverse different worlds or cosmos to the Soninke.

After finally reaching Kumbi, another miraculous event occurs. At the site where the vultures leads them stands a tree. As Diabe orders the tree to be cut, a giant python or snake appears. In addition, a drum falls from the tree and 9,999 men appear, including 4 Soninke chiefs (Aissa 13). This myth connects the tree or forest with the snake and a ritual drum, perhaps the same as the one identified by al-Bakri for the royal court. Historians have long known from al-Bakri that Ghana's royal capital included a sacred grove (Levtzion & Hopkins 80). The tree, through its association with the snake (Bida), possibly became the area for the sacred grove associated with the pre-Islamic religion (al-Ghaba). But, Diabe had one more ordeal to undergo before fully establishing the kingdom of Wagadu at Kumbi. Four Soninke chiefs, including one ancestor of the Silla clan, could not agree on who should rule (Aissa 13). After one proposes a test involving the drum that fell from the tree, only Diabe is able to fit his arm. This must be an allusion to the royal drums used in Ghana's royal court. Next, Diabe must form the proper relationship with the snake, or Bida. The two come to an agreement in which Diabe will provide one beautiful maiden to the snake in exchange for 20 days of golden rain. This ritual exchange was associated with a sacrificial or ritual fest in Kumbi (Aissa 14). Undoubtedly, this is a reference to the panning and mining of gold in Wagadu. The snake's origins in the spirit of the well also signified fertility, water or life. By coming into a harmonious agreement with the snake, perhaps the Soninke traditions are suggesting Wagadu developed into a prosperous ecological balance with the spirits of nature. Through ritual offerings, sacrifices, and celebrations, the king and his ritual specialists must have been tasked with maintaining this balance. 

Unfortunately for the Cisse rulers of Wagadu, the agreement with Bida ended when an exceptional man, said to possess magical powers, chose to slay the serpent. After Diabe and his 4 brothers ruled in succession, the last, Kaya Magha, experienced the dissolution of the kingdom. Mamadi Sefe-Dokhote, kills the snake to protect the woman he loved from being given to the snake. Just as Siya is about to be given to the serpent in the ritual, Mamadi slays it by cutting off its head seven times (either through its ability to regenerate the body part or magic). By accomplishing this, Mamadi ensures the fall of Wagadu as no more rain or gold causes the dispersal of its people (Aissa 17). The careful balance maintained through rituals and the political order defined by the ruling ideology was destroyed. The Soninke dispersed and Wagadu  is gone.

The next problem becomes one of making sense of Wagadu with the oral traditions and textual sources. The medieval kingdom or empire of Ghana was a Soninke state in which the Soninke royal title was identified by al-Bakri in the name of one king, Tunkamenin (Bathily 13). However, the oral traditions of Wagadu are about far deeper origins of the Soninke people than the medieval kingdom of Ghana. Indeed, some of the clans identified in the traditions appear in the external Arabic sources of the Middle Ages as separate kingdoms or polities, not always loyal to Ghana. It seems likely that the Wagadu and Cisse dynasty identified in the oral traditions refer to a predecessor state to Ghana, or perhaps an earlier incarnation of the state that ended before the 9th  or 10th century. If the "Ghana" of the Arabic sources was a later offshoot of the Wagadu kingdom, then perhaps Ghana was just the most successful of the successor states. The other alternative could be the omission or loss of several names of kings leading up to Kaya Magha, so that the oral traditions telescope events and personages into a simplified chronology of only five kings of Wagadu before its dissolution. The breakup of Wagadu and formation of new Soninke polities would, over several centuries, have led to the loss of names for Wagadu's kings after losing the institutional framework of the royal court that likely sponsored the storage and dissemination of such information. The persistence of pagan practices among some Soninke, such as those of Gajaja, did not mean the preservation of this history (Bathily 38).

Luckily, when one carefully examines the traditions of Wagadu, external Arabic sources, and the ethnographic evidence of related cultures, one can potentially reach deeper conclusions about the origins of the kingdom and how it operated. If Wagadu's name referred to the ruling clans who divided the territory into their spheres of influence, and the clan leaders were expected to report to the royal capital for an annual religious festival in honor of the serpent, one can begin to see how the state's ruling ideology used religion to buttress the king's authority (Aissa 15). The traditional religion, however, would not have been enough to ensure loyalty as provincial leaders of ruling clans may have sought power or influence. Others likely formed marriage alliances with the tunka, perhaps contributing sons to serve in the court. Indeed, the capital could have shifted when different clans jostled for power (Bathily 19). Religious practices specifically tied to localities or aspects of nature were also relevant to the ancient Soninke. According to Askia Muhammad's questions to al-Maghili, similar concerns were an issue for the Askia (Hunwick 69). While Askia Muhammad may have been attempting to overemphasize the non-Islamic practices of Sunni Ali or the previous Songhay dynasty, the "worship" of rocks, trees, and idols was likely widespread across the Western Sudan. Specialists serving as intermediaries and others offering their services as soothsayers must have been a common sight. Soninke religious specialists presumably held similar beliefs in their "idols" of trees and stones in the area of al-Ghaba.

Yet the snake cult and veneration of royal kings must have contributed to making Ghana's royal groves a powerful center for political, economic, and ritual purposes. Indeed, the capital of Ghana near the site of the snake cult may have been significant for royal succession, too, as al-Bakri indicates for the Zafun. Indeed, for the "Zafqu" of al-Bakri, the monstrous serpent lived in a cave in the desert. It received offerings of food, milk, drink, precious garments, and was called with formulas and whistling. The snake was involved with choosing the next king after the death of a ruler (Levtzion & Hopkins 78). If, the identification of the "Zafqu" with the Zafun or Diafunu is credible, then al-Bakri's description may offer clues on the function of the serpent cult in Ghana. Of course, the Zafun were also sometimes described as nomadic people wearing the veil, perhaps a reference to Berber influences on part of the Soninke population (Levtzion & Hopkins 170). If so, perhaps something akin to a solar cult was part of their religious practices, if al-Muhallabi's description of pre-Islamic Awdaghust Berbers is reliable (Levtzion & Hopkins 168). Ghana's snake, however, may have been associated with the sacred groves and wells rather than a desert in the cave. The role of royal veneration or ancestor worship cannot be dismissed, either. For Ghana, al-Bakri describes "domed buildings and groves and thickets where the sorcerers of these people, men in charge of their religious cult, live" (Levtzion & Hopkins 80). The tombs of kings were associated with idols and additionally featured an enormous dome with carpets, cushions, ornaments, weapons, food, drink, and the men who served his meals. Furthermore, al-Bakri describes sacrifices to the death and offerings of intoxicating drinks, suggesting kings and the deceased ancestors were appeased through rituals and honored. A later example from the Mossi states, cited in the Tarikh al-Sudan includes an instance of the Yatenga king consulting his ancestors through the traditional religion about possibly converting to Islam. Such a major decision, if it really was resolved through a ritual ceremony to consult ancestors, might offer clues to understanding how "traditional" religion in Ghana shaped political decisions (Hunwick 106). Through ostentatious display of their wealth in imported textiles, luxuries, and elite tombs, the kings of Ghana likely sought to buttress their rule through ancestry and connections to the snake cult. Indeed, Ibn Hawqal also believed the wealthy of Ghana were buried with their slave girls, showing off their power through the large accumulation of dependents and slaves they possessed, who then presumably served him in the afterlife (Levtzion & Hopkins 52).

Pre-Islamic Soninke religion also raises an interesting question about the status of women. What was the role of women in their religion and society? Even if al-Bakri's claim of matrilineal inheritance of the crown is questionable, certainly women were important in the "traditional" religion. A discovery of a female statue from Wagadu, currently located at a museum in Mauritania, emphasizes fertility. Soninke kings, through their association with the snake cult and fertility, presumably also valued women's fertility as the source of children. The symbolic associations of motherhood and trees could have been a factor here. Moreover, the association of women with divination and sorcery in other parts of the Western Sudan or Sahel might offer another avenue for exploration. For example, the Damdam kingdom mentioned by al-Bakri worshipped an idol in the form of a woman atop a fortress (Levtzion & Hopkins 86). Such an idol, the site of pilgrimage for this Damdam people who lived near Gao, could be a female spirit or mother goddess figure. The example of  Kugha, a town known for its associations with Ghana through gift exchange, may be illustrative (Levtzion & Hopkins 49). According to al-Idrisi, the women of Kugha were famous for their witchcraft (Levtzion & Hopkins 112). Were women renowned for their control of occult forces also present in Wagadu? What was the status of women in the "traditional" religion of the Soninke? If sorcery and witchcraft accusations were allegedly common in 14th century Ghana and Mali, according to al-Umari, surely women were also active participants in the process (Levtzion & Hopkins 265). Perceptions of sorcery and accusations of witchcraft may have also been one way to solve community discord through litigation before the king. Women certainly would have been involved in this in ways that are not detectable in our limited source materials. In addition, Islamic sources like al-Bakri may have assumed women were not in positions of authority, religious or otherwise. 

In summation, reading the traditions of Wagadu and focusing on the religious symbolism can pave the way forward for uncovering or emphasizing different aspects about the kingdom of Ghana. Although much will remain unknown or unverifiable, it is clear that pre-Islamic Soninke religion was foundational to the state. It shaped the royal court, its legitimacy, the development of ancestor veneration, and, almost certainly, the ways in which Islamic traditions and divination practices developed among Soninke, Mandinka and Bambara peoples. It has been proposed here that the Soninke religion possibly embraced the concept of fundamental elements, included ancestor worship, and perhaps incorporated animals as totemic figures in their view of ethnogenesis. Influences from across the Sahara, Sudan, and even the Mediterranean may have shaped Soninke beliefs. For instance, the worship of the Sun, attributed to pre-Islamic Berbers of Awdaghust, may have been an influence on the Zafun or Soninke near the desert. Religious and spiritual practices of Wagadu may have also been shaped by idol worship in Takrur, traditions of magic in Kugha, and Islamic systems of divination or belief. In fact, there were likely agricultural festivals and rites organized around a sacred calendar that may have been lunar or solar. Women may have possessed far more authority or spiritual power than our sources indicate, particularly in the domain of religion and, perhaps, possession. Like the Mallal king who converted to Islam after an Ibadi prayed for rain, it is likely that Islam was also spreading in Ghana among those who found it efficacious for reaching a goal. Moreover, Ghana or Soninke religion retained many aspects of the pre-Islamic past long after the decline and fall of Ghana. By highlighting its influence on the ancient kingdom of Wagadu, one can understand the indigenous roots of a complex Sudanic civilization that did not reject cosmopolitan influences. 

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Pollet, Eric, and Grace Winter. La Société Soninké (Dyahunu, Mali). Bruxelles: Éditions de l'Institut de sociologie, Université libre de Bruxelles, 1971. 

Saʻdī, ʻAbd al-Raḥmān ibn ʻAbd Allāh, and John O. Hunwick. Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʻdi's Taʼrikh Al-Sudan Down to 1613 and Other Contemporary Documents. Leiden ; Boston: Brill, 1999. 

Tamari, Tal. "The Development of Caste Systems in West Africa." The Journal of African History 32, no. 2 (1991): 221-50. Accessed November 3, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/stable/182616.

Timbuktī, Maḥmūd Kutī ibn Mutawakkil Kutī, Christopher Wise, and Hala Abu Taleb. Taʼrīkh Al Fattāsh =: The Timbuktu Chronicles, 1493-1599 : English Translation of the Original Works in Arabic By Al Hajj Mahmud Kati. Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 2011.

Ghana and Wagadu

 "A discussion of the traditions of Wagadu with some reference to ancient Ghāna, including of review of oral accounts, Arabic sources and archaeological evidence" by Abdoulaye Bathily effectively combines linguistic, textual, and oral sources. A speaker of the Soninke language who brings an internal perspective on the deeply ancient Soninke, Bathily dispels some of the worst (and racist) theories while pushing for a more balanced interpretation of the oral traditions, external Arabic sources, Timbuktu chronicles, and cultural evidence. Delafosse, Frobenius and their ilk are proven incorrect and fanciful, particularly the notion of ancient Judeo-Syriens colonizing West Africa in Antiquity before founding Ghana. Moreover, Bathily's knowledge of Soninke language and culture allows him to craft more plausible theories and interpretations of medieval Arabic sources such as al-Bakri while suggesting a more likely interpretation from the limited archaeological sources on Dhar Tichitt and Kumbi. Bathily's essay is truly exemplary and it is a shame scholarship on Wagadu has not advanced significantly since it was published. 

Bathily also applies common sense to parse the meaning of the the genealogies and oral traditions from the Soninke or the Timbuktu chroniclers who sought to link Soninke origins to the Middle East. Clearly, the Soninke were later influenced by Islamic conceptions and some "remixed" their genealogies, oral histories and legends to reflect this. If Islamization was already a process impacting the Soninke of Wagadu, or Ghana before the Almoravid movement (and Bathily is agnostic on the Almoravid conquest or its alleged role in hastening Islamization), then anyone attempting to interpret the references to the Middle East or Islam should know not to interpret it literally. Indeed, even al-Idrisi in the 12th century reported Alid ancestry for the kings of Wagadu, suggesting these should probably not be taken at face-value. In addition, Bathily's study suggests one should not interpret the legends of Wagadu's fall as necessarily meaning climate change, servile chiefs or lineages in revolt or a dramatic conflict between "traditional" religion and Islam. For instance, some of the traditions collected by Monteil suggest Sumanguru was a slave official of Wagadu who broke away. Yet other traditions do not mention that. His appendix, consisting of the Soninke original and translation of 2 oral traditions on Wagadu origin, demonstrates that any historical reconstruction of deep Wagadu history clearly require careful ethnographic and linguistic expertise. However, the current academic research may have stronger evidence today about the role climate change in influencing Ghana's decline. Nonetheless, it would not necessarily elucidate the decline of Ghana if indeed Ghana's capital city shifted. In fact, Bathily suggests that Kumbi may have only been one of the possibly many capitals of Ghana, if indeed different ruling clans or factions of the ruling clan switched political capitals. Such a theory would be consistent with post-Wagadu Soninke kingdoms and chiefdoms. It also suggests climate change might not have been so significant of a factor if indeed Ghana had a multiplicity of capitals, including some further south.

Where Bathily's essay especially shines is the analysis of the Arabic sources. Knowing that Kaya Magha as a title does not exist in Soninke, but could have been Kuya Manga (a nickname of a royal title for Wagadu), Bathily additionally explains that Ghana or Gana does not exist as a title among the Soninke. Perhaps, as suggested by Bathily, Ghana derived from the Berber word for bush, agan, since al-Bakri also identified the capital as al-ghaba. It is speculation on his part, but perhaps that Berber term was misapplied or misunderstood by al-Bakri and others to refer to the entire kingdom. Yet the identification of Wagadu as the Ghana of the medieval Arabic sources can be established from other words of Soninke origin appearing in al-Bakri. For instance, the name of a Ghana king, Tunkamenin, is actually derived from the title Tunka. Indeed, it is possible that that Tunkamenin's successor was his Tunka Lemmine, or younger relative chosen to help an elder king rule the kingdom. If indeed the kings of Wagadu were often elders or seniors of the ruling clan(s), then like later Soninke rulers, they might have chosen a younger relative to assist in administration. Perhaps this younger relative was often a nephew of the king, which confused al-Bakri into thinking the kingdom of Ghana practiced matrilineal succession. After all, according to Bathily, the Soninke were not matrilineal but practiced endogamy and stressed relations between maternal uncles and nephews. We also learn from Bathilily that a group who were probably Soninke but not identified as Ghana (the Zafun) were probably adherents of some type of snake cult or religious pratice. Even today, the Soninke possess a taboo against killing the biida snake, which suggests that the "traditional" religion of Wagadu was similar to that of the Ziafun and the Soninke today. All of this suggests the Ghana of the medieval Arabic sources was indeed a Soninke kingdom, probably Wagadu (derived from wago or wage, for the ruling clans who may have alternated in their control). Evidence from the ethnographic present, the history of later Soninke kingdoms, linguistics, and archaeology points to a Soninke identification for Ghana and it almost certainly being the Wagadu remembered in Soninke traditions.

Where things become even more speculative or questionable is the ultimate origin of the Soninke. Were they from the Sahel but eventually dispersed after Wagadu's fall? Bathily is sure they did not come from the Middle Niger. Soninke place names like Biru (Walata) and the archaeological evidence based on Munson's work does seem to point to a northern origin. But is Bathily correct about the possible role of slavery's growing importance during the increase in agricultural activity manifested during the Dhar Tichitt phase? What was the relationship with early trans-Saharan trade and Libyco-Berbers? To what extent was the Wagadu polity administered through slave officials? And what was the origin of occupational castes among the Soninke and related Mande groups? Many questions remain unanswered but Bathily's article points us in some fruitful directions with a robust use of the available sources. 

West African Food in the Middle Ages

Lewicki's West African Food in the Middle Ages is one of those useful reference books for anyone interested in finding out more about the alimentary factors in the history of Sudanic West Africa before the changes wrought by the introduction of American crops after 1492. It covers the period from the 900s until the early 1500s, mainly drawing from medieval external Arabic sources and later post-Leo Africanus sources from Europe or West African chronicles. For anyone interested in the Western Sudan from Takrur and the Senegambia to Mali and Songhay, there will be some useful information. Even Hausaland, Saharan and Sahelian Tuareg, Mauritania, Kanem, and Borno are included. The societies south of the savanna are usually omitted, though references to kola and Yoruba cuisine will occasionally appear in the text.

Unfortunately, since the book is basically a list of the various types of food and some of the dishes prepared in West Africa's Sahel and savanna lands, there is not too much in the way of analysis. Moreover, since many of our sources are external Arabic geographies or accounts, there is a lot of room for error, doubt, and uncertainty. For instance, Lewicki theorizes from al-Umari's account of Mali that criminals or convicts may have been sacrificed in an annual yam ritual akin to that of the Asante and other groups south of the empire of Mali. He could very well be correct, but there are too many uncertainties and unknown factors in the interpretation of the Arabic sources or the chronology of certain customs or culinary habits. Some dishes and drinks, such as mead, the use of millet for beer and porridges, sorghum, and milk or butter, appear across the region and are probably of very deep antiquity in West Africa. Imported spices and things such as wheat, onions, lemons, peaches, and sugarcane attest to changes in consumption patterns tied to trade, migration, and cultural shifts. One can look at, for instance, al-Bakri's description of Awdaghust, with its North Africans (coming from societies where wheat was an important crop) and its black women slave cooks well-known for their confections as an example of the probable culinary culture that characterized other Sahelian trading towns or centers. 

Despite the structural problems of this book basically consisting of a series of lists and some of the necessarily speculative theories or conclusions, it really does provide greater clarity as to the basic diet of various West African peoples. The ancestors of the Imraguen of Mauritania, who feasted on sea turtles, or the Bambara consumption of dogs is explained adequately. Widespread eating of carrion is also elucidated, bringing more context to Ibn Battuta's negative perception of dietary habits in Mali. Moreover, the early introduction of Mediterranean and Asian crops or domesticates in West Africa raises all sorts of interesting questions. Lewicki was writing at a time when Arkell's theory of Christian Nubian influence in lands west of the Nile was great, but looking at Kanem, one finds early references to sugarcane and Mediterranean crops. Some of these were not common in Borno during the 19th century but one cannot avoid the obvious conclusion that Kanem-Borno was part of a complex pattern of agricultural and cultural change across West Africa.