Gustav Nachtigal's third volume of Sahara and Sudan remains an indispensable source for reconstructing the history of Bagirmi. Based on his interviews with the alifa of Moito, whose family held the post, and then compared with the accounts of other elites of the kingdom, Nachtigal managed to devise a tentative chronology. Since a chronicle (or, perhaps, a local equivalent to the Diwan of Borno) was no longer extant, Nachtigal heavily relied on these aforementioned oral accounts. Naturally, members of these elite families with illustrious pedigrees may have embellished or exaggerated the achievements of their own ancestors or kings related to them. Nonetheless, by interviewing a number of them, Nachtigal was able to achieve some balance. Of course, it also meant he heavily emphasized the secular political elite and largely ignored the Islamic or religious factor. Subaltern groups were also very peripheral as the history recounted to Nachtigal largely consisted of palace coups, attempted usurpations, military expeditions, or territorial conquests. Despite these limitations, it is useful for nonetheless reporting on traditions of the Bagirmi elites who, impressively, were able to recall the names of horses used by their ancestors in famous battles as well as other types of information.
First, the question of Bagirmi's shadowy origins. Nachtigal's version emphasizes the presence of the Fulani, or Fellata, in the north of Bagirmi. Ruled by separate chiefs, these communities were said to have paid tribute to the Bulala of Fitri. In addition, Arab Assala, Debebaba, Asela, Dekakire and Khozzam were already pasturing herds in the region without being established yet in Bagirmi. Through the Fulani, some Islamic influence already reached some of the other groups, such as the Mabberate. At a point unknown but likely at the end of the 15th century or early 16th century, 12 leaders from the east arrived. Despite later traditions of Yemeni origins, Dokko (Kenga), Birni Besse, Lubatko, Dokkoai, Dalobirni, Jungo Juggeldu, Nyugo Midwaia, Guggun Darko, Guggun Bira, Nuyugo Kubudga, Magira, and Ngol Gauge probably arrived from a region not too distant from Bagirmi. Led by Dokko, who established a colony in the Sokoro district of Kenga, the 12 leaders were recalled as brothers. As for their ethnic origins, close ties to the Kenga and the relic of the Bagirmi kings once kept in Kenga land point to their probable shared origins with said people.[1]
In terms of dating this period of the arrival of Dokko and his brothers, one can perhaps draw from Lanier. For Lanier, Bagirmi's first ruler was a man named Oumar, and his reign allegedly ended in c. 1493. Nachtigal, however, did not include an Oumar (Omar) in his list as the first ruler. Yet he omitted Dokko from his lists of kings. Perhaps Lanier's Oumar is Dokko? Yet Lanier seemed to think Birni Besse was also the same person as Dalobirni and Dokengue (Dokko in Nachtigal's list). Consequently, one is left wondering if Oumar as the founder was a mistake on Lanier's part.[2] On the other hand, de Lauture's list likewise placed Birni Besse as the first king.[3] Despite the contradictions or differences in the sources, Nachtigal's account matches others in terms of stressing the success of the early Barma leaders as hunters. Through their success as hunters and sharing meat with locals, they appear to have gradually developed a following or rapport with the Fulani and others.[4]
As for the relative dating, c. 1522-1536, there is some possible evidence for an earlier appearance of the place name Bagirmi. Depending on how one interprets Fra Mauro's map, a place called Bargemi may be identifiable with Bagirmi. That map also depicts a place called Bolala, presumably a reference to the Bulala. As the Bulala sultans were based in Kanem during the 1400s and 1500s, and perhaps exerted some degree of influence over the populations in the Fitri region (Ahmad b. Furtu's chronicle seems to attribute their origins to the Fitri region or imply Bulala influence over the Fitri region in the second half of the 1500s), Bagirmi traditions appear to be correct in attributing a period of tributary status with regard to the Bulala.[5] Perhaps the association of them with Fitri is an allusion to their origins there or the fact that the Bulala sultans were later established in Fitri as their base of operations in the 1600s.
Nevertheless, one can also view Nachtigal's dating of Birni Besse through the lens of the history of Kanem and Borno. If one uses Lange's dates, Idris b. Ali of Borno (r. 1497-1519) was said to have launched two campaigns into Kanem against the Bulala sultans. Subsequent conflict between Borno and Kanem occurred during the reign of Muhammad b. Idris (c. 1519-1538).[6] This ruler, who went to war with a Bulala sultan named Kaday b. Lafia, who died early in his reign, could provide a clue for the wider regional political context for Birni Besse's rise to power. If, say, Kaday b. Lafia had died early in the reign of Muhammad b. Idris, the tensions between Borno and Kanem may have provided a distraction that weakened the ability of the Bulala kingdom to respond to conditions in Bagirmi. Thus, Birni Besse may have been able to end the tributes to the Bulala sultans partly through the pressure exerted on the Bulala from Borno. Needless to say, military preparation and the building of alliances likely played a role, too. If Melfi's garbled accounts of Dalou-Birni was actually based on Birni Besse, secret preparation of shields, spears, lances, and local alliances to defeat the cavalry sent by the Bulala sultan. By the end of this conflict, Melfi's Dalou-Birni became the leader of "Bidili" (Bidiri?).[7]
Of course, one could still place Birni Besse's victories against the Bulala to the earlier period, when Idris b. Ali of Borno reigned (c. 1497-1519). After all, Idris b. Ali's two campaigns to Kanem would also have provided a context in which the Bulala rulers were less likely to respond with adequate force against the rise of a new political center in Bagirmi. One must also consider Carbou's theory that it was actually the Kuka kingdom in Fitri which had imposed tribute on Bagirmi, thereby challenging our tentative explanation in which Borno successes against the Bulala played a role in this process.[8] Nonetheless, it does seem likely that the traditions of Bagirmi, which are in accordance with the Bulala here, are likely correct. Therefore, Bagirmi may have existed as a place-name by the 1400s and the conditions under which it threw off the yoke of the Bulala under Birni Besse likely benefitted from the wars between Borno and Kanem.
After ending tribute payments to the Bulala, Nachtigal's account of Bagirmi history quickly summarizes the reigns of several kings. According to his informants, Birni Besse married the daughter of the Maje king and later had him killed to seize the territory. Afterwards, he defeated various Arab groups and imposed a tribute on them like the Fellata. By the end of his reign, he was said to have incorporated districts on the Ba Batshikam into the kingdom.[9] Lanier's article also attributes some successes against Arab groups to Birni Besse, as well as the N'dams.[10] His successor, per Nachtigal, was his brother, Lubatko (Lanier's list is contradictory here, with 2 different Lubatkos appearing). If Lubatko actually was part of the original (Kenga) group of migrants, he may have been quite old by this period. Nachtigal nonetheless dated his reign c. 1536-1548. Besides erecting a hedge of thorns around Massenya, Lubatko also defeated the Bulala.[11] This second victory against the Bulala appears to be unique to Nachtigal. Yet it too could be tentatively placed in a larger regional context. In the period of c. 1536-1548, Abd al-Jalil b. Kaday was likely the Bulala sultan in question. Although this Bulala sultan did go to war with Borno's Dunama b. Muhammad (c. 1539-1557), he appears to have held the throne for a long period. It is thus plausible for another attempt to impose tributary status on Bagirmi to have taken place in the 1540s or 1500s.[12]
Succeeding Lubatko, Bagirmi's throne passed to his son, Malo (r. 1548-1568). Malo, who built a proper wall around Massenya, was also said to have defeated the Bulala and expanded the kingdom through the conquest of Moito and Birke Debaba.[13] Another source, de Lauture, wrote of Malo's victory against the Djouba Fellata of Darkam, who obeyed a chief or leader named Yahya.[14] This second attack by the Bulala may have taken place under the same Bulala king who attacked during the reign of Lubatko, Abd al-Jalil b. Kaday. Alternatively, it may have been during the reign of Abd al-Jalil b. Kaday's son. However, Malo's reign sparked resistance from some of the Fellata (perhaps another tradition of de Lauture's Djouba Fellata?). He was also opposed by the eldest of Lubatko's brothers.[15] If so, then succession in early Bagirmi should have been collateral, going to the eldest brother of the last king. If Birni Besse and Lubatko still had brothers alive in the 1540s and 1550s, then this may indicate the kingdom was indeed consolidated in the 1500s. On the other hand, de Lauture's list includes a number of brothers of Birni Besse who reigned before Malo, who is likely fused with Abdallah.
Following Malo, Abdallah, his brother, became ruler. Usurping the throne with the support of his Sarua uncle, Mbarlaya, Abdallah had Malo killed. He nonetheless honored his uncles, bestowing upon them various privileges. In Nachtigal's account, Abdallah was the first great Bagirmi ruler. He instituted the offices of mbarma and fatsha as well as a plethora of other titles. His conquests included Busso, Maffaling, Boai, Musgugu, Mondo, Balenyere, Onyko, Manjafa, and Bugoman. Additional campaigns were launched against Sokoro, Sarua, Ndamm, Mongolo, and other regions. As one may expect, tribute was likewise imposed on various Arab groups and the Fellata, including 100 slaves from each of the following: Fellata, Debaba, Khozzam, Assala, Selmiye, and others. Even the capital, Massenya, was transformed during Abdallah's reign. He increased the numbers of royal slaves and captives held by dignitaries whilst removing the Fellata and others from the capital. The palace was enlarged with a ground plan devised by 4 Fulani Islamic mu'allims: Dede, Shille, Aji Amede and Majangala. As the first undeniably Islamic king, Abdallah appointed an imam, qadi, supported the building of masjids, and sought to attract foreign Islamic clerics. As the first to use the title of mbang and the first to inflict the death penalty, Abdallah appears to have laid the foundations for a much stronger monarchy in the political system. Evidence of this can be found in his custom of forcing his sons-in-law to have his daughters as their sole wives, presumably enhancing the status of the royal family through their daughters.[16]
Whether or not Abdallah was actually able to impose a small tribute on Middogo and force the Bulala to recognize his "supremacy" remains unclear. There does appear to be recognition of Bagirmi's growing power in this period, however. According to Lavers, Idris b. Ali (c. 1564-1596) died whilst on a campaign against Bagirmi.[17] If so, then by c. 1596, Bagirmi was a rising power whose expansion may have sparked concerns in Borno. Certainly, the various expeditions from Borno to Kanem during part of Abdallah's reign also helped. The Bulala sultanate was likely preoccupied with the conflict between Idris b. Ali of Borno's support for one contender against Abd al-Jalil b. Abd al-Jalil. Though we lack evidence, it is possible Abdallah may have even offered support to the Bulala sultan opposed to Borno in order to profit from the political divisions in Kanem.[18] Unfortunately, we have little from Nachtigal's informants to date events in Abdallah's reign. Supposedly, however, in the thirteenth year of his reign (perhaps c. 1581), he campaigned against Sarua, Mongolo, Ndamm and other lands. By the end of his reign, Nachtigal wrote that even Logon and Kusseri were sending annual presents to Bagirmi.[19] If so, this was even more reason for concern in Borno. It also demonstrates that Melfi's Allah Hadji I may have been at least partly based on Abdallah, as Allah Hadji I was said to have imposed a blockade on the town of Mahamat, a Kotoko leader. Melfi's informants then attributed this victory to the beginning of tribute from Logon, Kusseri and Gulfei.[20]
Despite his successes on the battlefield and his transformation of Massenya and the political system, Abdallah was poisoned. Possibly poisoned through the instigation of one of his wives, the throne passed to Omar (c. 1608-1625). A son of Abdallah, Omar was remembered as pious and just. His brother, Dalai succeeded him (1625-1635). Little is reported on the reigns of these brothers by Nachtigal. Besides Dalai's expedition against the Musgo between the Shari and Ba Logon, where his forces suffered initial losses, little else was recorded.[21] Only with the succession of Burkomanda (1635-1665), does one witness a richer narrative.[22] Said to have been the son of Omar, his reign was amply described by Nachtigal.
The subsequent king, Abd er-Rahman, son of Burkomana, was also called Woli (1665-1674). Another pious ruler who shied away from military adventures, he was succeeded by his son, Dalobirni (1674-1680). This Dalobirni was remembered in tradition as stupid and malevolent. He later died in a battle with Wadai at Gala. Although Nachtigal did not speculate on this, one wonders if the death of Dalobirni in these circumstances may partly explain why Bagirmi supported the Keira sultan of Darfur against Ya'qub Arus, the Wadai ruler dated by Nachtigal to 1681-1707.
Instead of speculating on this point, Nachtigal traced the military ventures of Abd el-Qadir Woli (1680-1707), the successor to Dalobirni, to the Karka archipelago and then the Bahr el-Ghazal. His fatsha, Kano, was apparently quite successful in plundering the Qor'an and then plundered Kusseri and eastern Logon. This king later abdicated to live a religious life in the Karka islands.[23] Possible evidence of his actions to the east against Wadai may be reported in a contradictory manner by de Lauture. Indeed, the fatsha, Kano, was said to have achieved some successes against Wadai before suffering a defeat. Was this possibly connected to the alliance with Darfur against Wadai? And despite de Lauture attributing this event to the reign of Alawin, a successor of Abd el-Qadir Kebir, did it take place during the reign of the latter?[24] It depends on how many individuals serving as fatsha were named Kano. Lanier also attributed the conquest of Dekakire to this Abd el-Qadir, dated 1660-1694.[25]
Lamentably, the abdication of Abd el-Qadir Woli paved the way for a civil war. His son, Bar, went to war with his brother, Kindana, over the throne. In spite of his eventual success through the assassination of Kindana (this one counted as a king by de Lauture), Bar was said to have been unjust and unintelligent. His subjects appealed to Wanja (Wanya) in Kenga, an uncle of Bar to seize the throne. Wanya succeeded (1722-1736). This sparked the return of Abd el-Qadir Woli, who abdicated the throne in 1707, but he failed to arouse popular support and lost his soldiers. Unlike Lanier, however, Nachtigal did not mention Abd el-Qadir's travels eastward to Dekakire as the initial stages of a pilgrimage to Mecca. Instead, Nachtigal believed he was traveling through the region with a small group and was taken prisoner. Upon delivery to his brother, Wanya, he was killed.[26] Lanier, on the other hand, wrote that Abd el-Qadir was killed after Arabs in Dekakire captured him and gave him to the king. It is certainly possible that Abd el-Qadir realized his chances of defeating Wanya or retaking the throne were very low, so perhaps he had decided to undertake the hajj. In fact, if this was what he was doing, it may explain why his son, Muhammad al-Amin, undertook the hajj. He may have been part of the group with his father but managed to escape capture and continued traveling eastward.
As for the reign of Wanya, Nachtigal recorded little. He was said to have built a new wall around Massenya and later died of smallpox. His son, Burkomanda Tad Lele (1736-1741), was popular and only went to war once, against Debaba. Lanier, however, mistook him for the first Burkomanda.[27] His son, Loel (or Loen), succeeded him (1741-1751). Nachtigal saw him as a just, intelligent ruler. With his krema Zaruch, he focused on military matters and expansion of the kingdom. For example, Maffaling, which had rebuilt its wall, found itself under attack for hosting N'garba Belat, a son of Abd el-Qadir Woli. Zarouch reconquered the town. Loel was also said to have spent lavishly on acquiring his favorite horse for the sum of 1000 cattle. During his reign, expeditions were launched against Sokoro and conquests of Sommo, Gala, Banam and as far east as the Awlad Rashid lands in southern Wadai.[28] Unfortunately, when his krema punished or abused a man, Zurkan, whom he suspected of an illicit relationship with his wife, Zurkan left for Sennar to convince Abd el-Qadir's other son to seize the throne.
The only other event of Loel's reign not mentioned in other sources is an attack from Borno in 1741. Sadly, Lanier did not indicate his source for that date, and he placed the beginning of Muhammad al-Amin's reign in the same year.[29] If one uses Nachtigal's chronology, perhaps the attack was launched in c. 1751? Melfi, whose chronology is questionable, also wrote of a Laouan known for loving horse races in Massenya.[30] This does sound like Nachtigal's Loel (or Loen), a king who was known for accumulating 500 horses and expanding the royal stables for them.
Loen's fall was caused by the return of Muhammad al-Amin to Bagirmi. The son of Abd el-Qadir Woli, he was based in Sennar (or perhaps a village or town within the Funj Sultanate) when Zurkan sought him. Since Zurkan knew Loel would do nothing after Zaruch mistreated him, he convinced Hadji (Muhammad al-Amin) to return and seize power. In a process undoubtedly simplified by Nachtigal, Muhammad al-Amin and Zurkan formed an alliance with Moito's ruler (the alifa, once responsible for overseeing the north?). With a base in Moito, Hadji defeated Loel, seized Massenya, and ruled from 1751-1785. Said to have been cruel, violent, vengeful and unjust, his reign led to numerous military campaigns led by a fatsha named Kano and Kano's successor, Arueli.[31]
Exactly how Hadji was able to come to power despite his father having abdicated the throne decades earlier and his living outside the kingdom for an unknown number of years was not elucidated by Nachtigal. Presumably, the ruler of Moito saw an opportunity to increase his own influence through a king indebted to him?[32] Other sources are hardly any better. According to Melfi, Hadji (misnamed Allah Hadji II) was actually the brother of Laouan (Loel) and had been invited to return by a musician. Prior to that, he was a dyer living in the "village" of Sounar (Sennar?), presumably a village or town in Sennar. One wonders if Hadji also returned with supporters from the Funj sultanate who assisted him. The garbled traditions reported by Melfi claim he was married to the chief's daughter in "Sounar."[33] Moreover, his time in Moito as a base of operations allegedly lasted 3 years, and Loen was inexplicably nonchalant about crushing the revolt, if Nachtigal is to be trusted. Perhaps the few years Hadji spent in Moito as well as possibly bringing supporters from the east with him contributed to his success. One also wonders if travels as far as Mecca may have conferred upon him a certain spiritual authority or reputation, even if Bagirmi's Islamization was limited in the reign of Loel.
With Muhammad al-Amin on the throne, one enters the third seminal reign of Bagirmi history before 1806/1807. With Birni Besse as a founder and Abdallah as a builder, Muhammad al-Amin became the one who continued to significantly expand the kingdom in the second half of the 18th century. Nachtigal's account is relatively detailed for his reign and emphasizes his numerous military successes. For instance, with his fatsha Kano (later replaced by Araueli), Bagirmi was said to have defeated the Bulala in Fitri and Middogo. Expeditions against Kanem and Borku were launched, led by krema Shekko. Araueli had to follow up these failed expeditions with two successful raids that brought back ample silver and horses. Attacks were launched against Maffaling, Logon, Arabs in southern Borno, Gogomi, Sarua, Miltu (known for salt production), the Bua of Gamkul, Kuka villages between the Chad and Fitri, and the Musgo. A rebellion by a pretender, Belat Zara, was crushed and a campaign was launched against Somrai by Araueli. Indeed, this fatsha also possessed the ignominious honor of beginning the production of eunuchs, bringing in great wealth to Bagirmi.[34]
Other writers besides Nachtigal similarly stressed the territorial acquisitions and conquests of Muhammad al-Amin's reign. For example, de Lauture wrote of his taking of Dar Fitri and having the king of Fitri, Ab-Sekkin, killed.[35] Lanier, who dated his reign 1741-1784, believed he was a zealous promoter of Islam who shook off Borno suzerainty whilst forcing Logone and Kousseri to submit to his authority.[36] Also said to have conquered Fitri and destroyed a number of towns, Muhammad al-Amin was seen by Melfi's sources as a less cruel ruler than Loen.[37] Whether or not Muhammad al-Amin was the first to begin the practice of blinding princes remains ambiguous, particularly as other sources attribute that custom to Abdallah or seem to infer it was practiced long before Muhammad al-Amin.
Despite his successes in military conquests and promotion of Islam in the kingdom, al-Amin's successor was apparently his complete opposite in adherence to Islamic law. Gauranga (1786-1806), his son, was luckily able to benefit from the military experience of Araueli. Their success against the Bulala of Fitri was noted, culminating in the death of the Fitri ruler at Kabra, though some sources associate this with the reign of Muhammad al-Amin. Nonetheless, Gauranga's incestuous relationship with Tamar, his half-sister, apparently sparked resistance from the ulama. Even though Tamar was briefly replaced as gumso by another woman, she was accused by Gumso Zitun, her replacement, of having an affair with Araueli. Without bothering to investigate the matter, a furious Gauranga tried to have Araueli killed. This grave error meant that when the invasion from Wadai was launched, Bagirmi lacked its best general to lead the defense. In fact, when Wadai forces plundered Massenya, Araueli did nothing. Importantly, Nachtigal did acknowledge that Bagirmi informants attributed the Wadai invasion to the conflict with the Bulala in Fitri.[38]
Acting in defense of the Bulala and/or to avenge them, Sabun of Wadai invaded Bagirmi and took the capital. In all likelihood, the causes for this war were likely more complex than the incest committed by Gauranga. Clearly, tensions or competition between Wadai and Bagirmi over the Fitri region and parts of Kanem were areas of concern for Wadai. As Nachtigal believed Wadai expansion into at least eastern Kanem occurred by the 1790s, and Bagirmi activities in the Fitri region infringed upon a region Wadai saw or wanted to have in its own sphere of influence, conflict was inevitable.[39] This was particularly so after Wadai established peaceful relations with Darfur to their east. With their eastern flank relatively secure, expansion further west was more feasible. Sabun's sacking of Massenya apparently also brought many captives, a high tribute, and interventions in choosing the king of Bagirmi. These actions faced resistance from Araueli, but secured Wadai's rising status as the regional superpower east of Lake Chad.
Overall, Nachtigal's account of Bagirmi history from c. 1522 to 1806 has yet to be fully superseded. It is problematic on many levels and its lack of contradictions is possibly a red flag. Yet Nachtigal was able to interview members of different elite families with ties to the kingdom's past and its royal dynasty. This was hardly free from bias, yet one might expect elite families with ties to the monarchy to be more likely to have mechanisms in place to remember their history. This seems to have been the case since the names of companions of different figures in the myriad battles or wars of the kingdom were remembered. Indeed, even horses were remembered by name in some of the most famous battles. Yet this type of historical narrative largely focused on secular elites with little to nothing about the lives of Islamic religious figures, the peasantry, slaves, and the cultural changes over time. Closer examination of traditions in Fitri, Wadai, Kanem, Babaliya and the Kotoko states would also be very relevant here, particularly for relations with Bagirmi in the 1600s and 1700s. Migration from the Kotoko states or Borno and pressures from Bagirmi on the Shuwa as a factor in their later activities in Borno should also be investigated further. Lastly, the connections of Bagirmi with Darfur and the Funj sultanates prior to 1806 deserve scrutiny. Was Muhammad al-Amin a person with connections in Sinnar? Was his attempt to spread the faith in Bagirmi upon his return partly motivated by his experiences in the east? Or was he accompanied by supporters from the east who assisted in his rise to the throne? To what extent was the "Sudan Road" for Islamic pilgrimage connecting Bagirmi to diverse currents of thought and statecraft?
[1] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan III, translated by Allan G.B. Fisher and Humphrey J. Fisher, 398-399.
[2] See Henri Lanier, “L'ancien royaume du Baguirmi," in Bulletin du Comité de l'Afrique française 35 (1925), 459-460. Nachtigal and Lanier also differ on dates for the reigns of Bagirmi’s kings.
[3] Le Comte d’Escayrac de Lauture, Mémoire sur le Soudan, géographie naturelle et politique, histoire et ethnographie, mÅ“urs et institutions de l'Empire des Fellatas, du Bornou, du Baguermi, du Waday, du Dar-Four, rédigé, d'après des renseignements entièrement nouveaux et accompagné d'une esquisse du Soudan oriental, 73.
[4] See Ch. Edwige, “Notes sur la subdivision de Melfi,” in Bulletin de la Société des recherches congolaises 8 (1927), 7. Edwige’s Dalou-Birni was said to have been a great hunter.
[5] See H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs Volume 1 for a translation of Ahmad b. Furtu’s account of the Kanem campaigns of Idris b. Ali (c. 1564-1596 in Lange’s dating). The Bulala usurpation of Kanem from the Sayfawa dynasty in the late 14th century seems to have arisen from the Fitri region. And whilst Idris b. Ali of Borno was in Kanem, people from the Fitri region came to acknowledge his authority, implying the Bulala sultanate retained some degree of influence in Fitri. See page 28, “Captains and emirs and chiefs among the Bulala, however came over to our Sultan and also the Arab tribes and the people of Fitri and other people.” Ahmad b. Furtu’s chronicle also provides precious clues about the conflicts between the Bulala sultans and Borno from the time of Idris b. Ali (c. 1497-1519) to his grandson of the same name (1564-1596).
[6] As always, dates for the Sayfawa dynasty and some of the events associated with their reigns are based on Dierk Lange’s Le Diwan des sultans du [Kanem-] Bornu: Chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808).
[7] Ch. Edwige, “Notes sur la subdivision de Melfi,” 8-11.
[8] See Henri Carbou, La région du Tchad et du Oudaï: études ethnographiques, dialecte Toubou I, 299. Of course, the Kouka kingdom may have been a vassal state or tributary of the Bulala sultanate centered in Kanem at this time.
[9] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan III, 400-401.
[10] Henri Lanier, “L'ancien royaume du Baguirmi," 460.
[11] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan III, 401.
[12] See H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs I, 18.
[13] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan III, 401-402.
[14] Le Comte d’Escayrac de Lauture, Mémoire sur le Soudan, géographie naturelle et politique, histoire et ethnographie, mÅ“urs et institutions de l'Empire des Fellatas, du Bornou, du Baguermi, du Waday, du Dar-Four, rédigé, d'après des renseignements entièrement nouveaux et accompagné d'une esquisse du Soudan oriental, 74.
[15] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan III, 401.
[16] Ibid., 402-404.
[17] John Lavers, “Kanem and Borno to 1808,” 198 in Obaro Ikime (editor), Groundwork of Nigerian History. Lavers cited a colonial-era report on the Uje district, one which we have not been able to consult. However, it does indicate that near the final dozen years or so of his reign, Abdallah had transformed the kingdom into a veritable regional power.
[18] H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs I, 32. According to Ahmad b. Furtu, the Bulala foe of Idris Alooma was “on the road to Bagarmi” at one point. Was this due to a possible alliance with Abdallah of Bagirmi?
[19] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan III, 404.
[20] Ch. Edwige, “Notes sur la subdivision de Melfi,” 12.
[21] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan III, 404-405.
[22] See Behique Dunama, “Mbang Burkomanda I: Bagirmi's 17th Century Rise in Sudanic Context” for a tentative analysis of this reign.
[23] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan III, 406-407. For Nachtigal’s reconstruction of Darfur’s history, see volume 4 of Sahara and Sudan. For the claim of an alliance with Bagirmi against Wadai, see page 281. The conflict between Darfur and Wadai took place during the reign of Wadai’s Arus, or Ya’qub Arus (1681-1707).
[24] Le Comte d’Escayrac de Lauture, Mémoire sur le Soudan, géographie naturelle et politique, histoire et ethnographie, mÅ“urs et institutions de l'Empire des Fellatas, du Bornou, du Baguermi, du Waday, du Dar-Four, rédigé, d'après des renseignements entièrement nouveaux et accompagné d'une esquisse du Soudan oriental, 74.
[25] Henri Lanier, L'ancien royaume du Baguirmi,” 460. Lanier’s claim here would be interesting if verified, since it was Arabs of this area who captured Abd el-Qadir Woli decades after his abdication and delivered him to a brother who had him executed.
[26] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan III, 407.
[27] See Behique Dunama, “Mbang Burkomanda I: Bagirmi's 17th Century Rise in Sudanic Context” for a discussion of this mistake.
[28] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan III, 408.
[29] Henri Lanier, L'ancien royaume du Baguirmi,” 460-461.
[30] Ch. Edwige, “Notes sur la subdivision de Melfi,” 13. Apparently, this king enjoyed weekly Friday horse races in Massenya.
[31] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan III, 409.
[32] One also wonders if they shaped the interview of Nachtigal with the alifa of Moito, too.
[33] Ch. Edwige, “Notes sur la subdivision de Melfi,” 13-14.
[34] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan III, 409-411.
[35] Le Comte d’Escayrac de Lauture, Mémoire sur le Soudan, géographie naturelle et politique, histoire et ethnographie, mÅ“urs et institutions de l'Empire des Fellatas, du Bornou, du Baguermi, du Waday, du Dar-Four, rédigé, d'après des renseignements entièrement nouveaux et accompagné d'une esquisse du Soudan oriental, 76.
[36] Henri Lanier, L'ancien royaume du Baguirmi,” 461.
[37] Ch. Edwige, “Notes sur la subdivision de Melfi,” 14. We hope to revisit the reign of Muhammad al-Amin in a future post, placing his reign in a larger regional context of the Central Sudan during the 18th century. This may illuminate some of the contradictions in the oral sources on his character and reign.
[38] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan III, 412-413. As Lavers noted in an important 1983 essay on Bagirmi in Annals of Borno, one of the few in English on the kingdom’s history before the 19th century, this episode has not been thoroughly analyzed. Zeltner, of course, wrote about it in his Les pays du Tchad et la montée des périls. 1795-1850, but only as one major episode in the reign of Sabun.
[39] For a tentative overview of Kanem’s history in the 1700s, see Behique Dunama, “Siècles Obscurs: The Alifas of Kanem and the Tunjur in the 17th and 18th Centuries” and “Revisiting the Siècles Obscurs.”
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