Yarnam, Mandara and Descourtilz

 

Something we have thought about for some time now is the reference to a tyrannical and extreme Sayfawa maina in a 19th century Mandara chronicle. The kirgam, translated in French in Eldridge Mohammadou's Le Royaume du Wandala, ou Mandara, au XIXe siècle, was the subject of another post on the ill-fated 1781 Mandara campaign of Borno. But the chronicle, despite being written several years after the war and from a highly biased perspective, also tells us of a Sayfawa prince named Yarnam who robbed, raped, and killed en route to Mandara. At a place called Karangou, Yarnam was said to have stayed with a man named Ali Ayssami. The prince not only demanded money, he also raped his host's wife and daughter and executed her son. When the host sought justice from the mai of Borno, Ali b. al-Hajj Dunama, he received nothing. 

While this episode could be a literary invention to portray the Sayfawa ruler in as poorly a light as possible and make his attack on Mandara unjust, it is interesting to note Descourtilz also reported something similar about an African prince who was extremely cruel and monstruous. In the case of Descourtilz, however, it is left ambiguous as to the origin of this prince. But he included the anecdote of this prince in a chapter on Borno, based on interviews with Africans from there living in Saint Domingue (modern Haiti). In Descourtilz's version, this African prince mercilessly killed a child and then killed the daughter of a ruler in a neighboring state. Since the daughter had the same name as the animal meant for sacrifice in some sort of ritual or rite (labani, a forest beast), the despotic prince killed her and offered her as a sacrifice. Needless to say, this triggerered a larger conflict won by the father of the princess. His victory against the prince and his followers supposedly led to some of them ending up on the Rossignol-Desdunes plantation in colonial Haiti.

As previously mentioned, the story reported by Descourtilz does not specify that the young prince was from Borno. But it is inserted in a short chapter on Borno. Is it possible this young prince was the same Yarnam mentioned in the Mandara chronicle? The timing is consistent with a perhaps 1780s Sayfawa maina whose extremely abusive and violent actions led to his demise. Some of his followers may have ended up in Saint Domingue by the end of the 1780s and then were met by Descourtilz. Of course, Descourtilz never clearly identified the place of origin for the prince he was writiing about. 

Fey

Just a classic RAM song from the 1990s...brings back better memories, even though we have never been huge fans of RAM.

Foucault's Pendulum

As fans of Ishmael Reed's masterpiece novel, Mumbo Jumbo, Naoki Urasawa's Twentieth Century Boys, as well as Chris Carter's Millennium (although the second season was not exactly in the vein of what Carter would have done), we finally read Foucault's Pendulum. This is a novel we endeavored to read a few years ago on a Kindle but due to its length and subject matter, a text like this is meant to be read in physical form. Umberto Eco has created the ultimate anti-occult, anti-conspiracy theory book using a conspiracy and invented Tradition. This zany tale involves everything from Jewish mysticism, alchemy, Ism'ailism, and Candomble to the Templars, Rosicrucians, Paulicians, Nazism, Freemasonry, telluric currents and the Jesuits. It is also an excellent work for the bibliophiles and book editors, since the Plan concocted by the 3 Italian editors is really a masterful work of erudition and throws a number of references to major texts in the history of Western literature, esotericism, and even popular culture (Mickey and Minnie Mouse, for instance). 

In terms of the novel's structure, most of it is really Casaubon narrating the previous steps that led to him staying in the Musée des Arts et Métiers in Paris after hours to witness an occult gathering of various Diabolicals (believers in various strands of occultist knowledge who come to believe in the Plan concocted by Belbo, Casaubon and  Diotallevi). Occasionally, journal entries or literary pieces from the computer, Abulafia, of Belbo, provide additional narration of events that shape the novel. By the end, the three book editors, who initially approached the subject of the Plan with an inventive sense of humor, find themselves trapped in a whirlwind of curious and dangerous events. Along the way, Belbo is forced to revisit his memories of the latter days of Fascist Italy and lost opportunities while Casaubon tries to find another, deeper, meaning in the plethora of invented esoteric currents mixed together to in a deep way. 

While Umberto Eco did not seek to undermine the racial and Eurocentric biases that Ishmael Reed highlighted with Jes Grew, he managed to produce an intellectually sophisticated look at how the occult mind works and distorts to create new realities to make sense of their zeitgeist. This is why for each period, newly  invented "Tradition" is adapted to make sense of the world in the search for a higher truth. Perhaps more of the Diabolicals should have thought like Casaubon and Lia did about their own philosopher's stone...

Peep Show Laugh Track

 

If you ever wanted to know what Peep Show with a laugh track would be like, this Channel 4 Charity Comedy Gala clip is a good example. While it is always fun to see Jeremy and Mark doing mundane things together (which they do in the show, sometimes eating at restaurants like the Indian one where Jeremy requested 4 naan) or going to a pub, this clip captures our duo at their best. The clip here is quintessentially Peep Show but I think we're all glad that the show did not  use a laugh track...

Revisiting Contribution à l'étude de l'ethnobotanique précolombienne des Grandes Antilles

After reading numerous other studies on the indigenous peoples of the Caribbean, revisiting Jacques Roumain's "Contribution à l'étude de l'ethnobotanique précolombienne des Grandes Antilles" in Oeuvres Complètes  is a more meaningful experience. As the only substantial article on the indigenous peoples of Haiti (and the Greater Antilles) by Roumain, this piece from the 1940s shows Roumain attempting to bring together the historical, archaeological and linguistic sources. An added benefit is the inclusion of Haitian Creole names for various flora of the region, not just the Taino and Spanish names (often derived from the Taino or indigenous names). This is particularly interesting as one can see how Haitian Creole words for local flora are often not of Taino origin, though hardly shocking. But as one of the few articles that tries to bring Haitian perspectives into conversation with sources drawn from Spanish, English or German sources, Roumain's work shows there is a place for Haitian perspectives. Indeed, the Puerto Rican scholar, Francisco Moscoso, made a point of citing Nau for his understanding of how Taino chiefdoms worked through tribute obligations. One only wishes Roumain had lived long enough to explore other dynamics of indigenous Caribbean archaeology and socio-political questions. Perhaps Haitian ethnology could have maintained a more serious interest in the indigenous theme.

al-Maghili and The Obligations of Princes

Although it is a dated translation, Baldwin's The Obligations of Princes: An Essay on Moslem Kingship is one of the more accessible translations of al-Maghili's treatise on politics. Written for the ruler of Kano, Muhammad Rumfa (r. 1463-1499) when al-Maghili lived in Kano, Taj al- Din fi ma Yajib 'ala l- Muluk shows how the influential North African scholar conceived of an ideal Islamic state. Throughout the short treatise, al-Maghili focuses on the role of the king or sultan as a force of justice who seeks to rule in a way to support the spiritual and material well-being of their subjects. An essential refrain throughout the text is translated by Baldwin, "The veiling of the king from his subjects is the source of all mischief" (p. 7). Throughout several short chapters, the reader is reminded of this. 

Since the question of how to rule justly was a central aim, al-Maghili's account gives a number of directives to Rumfa on how a king should rule. As previously mentioned, a king must not veil himself from his subjects as this is the source of all mischief. Indeed, "God has not invested you with power that you may lord it over your subjects and dominate them; He has put you in authority only to foster their spiritual and material well-being." In order to avoid that pitfall, a ruler must "Manifest your love of what is excellent, and of worthy people; show your hatred of corruption and corrupt people" (7). And while a prince is allowed to adorn their person and court, they must not exceed what is acceptable for men or reduce their treasury. In other words, the king can and will look "the part" through lavish clothes, courts, and jewelry. But, there must be moderation so that kings will not abuse the treasury. Muhammad Rumfa appears to have followed this through his own lifestyle.

Besides, these aforementioned injunctions, al-Maghili offers a number of reasonable guidance on administration, the conduct of war, and the duties of the prince in these spheres. A king should always have a guard at hand and also endeavor to use guile rather than outright war when feasible. Princes must be skeptical of those who come bearing presents and to forfeit strongholds they cannot hold. These suggest that an ideal ruler must know how to operate a state in which military matters require diplomacy and guile. Furthermore, overexpansion or attempting to make gains one cannot hold are foolish. In the context of competing Hausa kingdoms of the 15th century, this advice could be seen as a warning to be careful about entanglements one cannot win or turn to one's advantage. To what extent Rumfa followed this is unclear since he went to war with Katsina for 11 years without either side winning.

Lastly, it is worth mentioning that in judgement and the law the duty of the ruler is to ensure justice and support. Indeed, these two are the pillars of royal authority. Thus, upright and informed witnesses must be included for taking testimony in a case. Similary, princes cannot accept bribes or take money in cases In addition, al-Maghili writes, "It is the bounden duty of a great prince to sit everyday where the women and children may have access to them" (15). Clearly, the ruler cannot be completely separated or divorced from his subjects. The weakest and most minor among them should be able to reach the king when they have legitimate grievances or complaints about his administrators or governors. Justice likewise entails lawful collection of retinue and taxation. This must follow religious law and avoid seizing goods from the people. In fact, the ruler should be liberal and use state revunies to suppor t those in need, strengthen defenses or fortresses, and provide for the Islamic religious establishment. The poor, oprhans, descendants of the Prophet, and others must be supported, too. 

If a ruler violated these rules for proper Islamic governance and became tyranical, al-Maghili views them as illegitimate. Subjects were under no obligation to support these rulers if a rebellion breaks out. Instead, al-Maghili wrote, "Leave him and your claims on him, for God will take vengeance on a tyrant by means of a tyrant, to the ruin of them both" (18). Here one can see that, to al-Maghili, the political authority immediately lost legitimacy when it violated the core precepts of Islamic statecraft. In other words, the consent of the governed is a core part of the state contract. One can see here the seeds of Uthman dan Fodio's jihad which rocked the region in the 19th century as various Habe governments were accused of corruption, unjust practices, and violating Islamic tenets. As al-Maghili's responses to Askia Muhammad demonstrate, similar accusations were made against Sunni Ali of Songhay. In Air, too, the al-Lamtuni's questions to al-Suyuti of Egypt indicate a similar problem with widespread political corruption and a number of other practices which both viewed as unjust.

In that light, it is interesting to compare the ideal vision of a Muslim ruler described by al-Maghili (who also responded to questions from Askia Muhammad of Songhay) with what is known of Muhammad Rumfa. Based on the The Kano Chronicle, Muhammad Rumfa is remembered for having undertaken a number of innovations as well as welcoming sharifs. Given his vast number of wives and for allegedly being the first to use ostrich feather sandals and the kakaki, Rumfa appears to have elevated the royal court's style, ostentation, and power, both symbolically and politically. But in terms of the veiling of the king from his subjects, it is difficult to discern how and to what extent Rumfa may have tried to ensure access to his subjects. Perhaps the giving of state offices to eunuchs was meant to increase the power of the sarki as these officials would be bound to Rumfa? In that sense, he may have followed al-Maghili's recommendation to appoint governors who did not buy their positions with gifts and to closely scrutinize how his officials administered areas under their control. But the lenthy war with Katsina said to have taken place during his reign may be an example of failing to recognize an impossible situation that requires relinquishing strongholds and focusing on guile or other strategems for military victory. 

Le portail de Bainet

We randomly encountered a painting of Gabriel Leroy depicting the portail of Bainet in the 1950s today. Since the painter was from Jacmel, it was included in a series on Jacmel, Jacmel en photos, by Jean-Elie Gilles. Although this painting is only showing one part of our ancestral town, it is always a pleasure to see more paintings of Bainet.