Keigo Higashino's Silent Parade was full of the plot twists and suspense one expects from the mystery genre, but is a more meandering effort than usual. It was perhaps extended for an extra 50 or so pages longer than necessary, although this case has a more meaningful resolution than A Mid-Summer Equation. Anyway, this time Yukawa, or Detective Galileo, has returned from the United States and is working out of a Tokyo neighborhood or suburb called Kikuno. Whilst there, he reconnects with his old friend, Kusanagi, and his subordinate, Utsumi. As we all know, Yukawa gets dragged into yet another case. This time, it involves a remarkable criminal whose refusal to speak allows him to get away with murder on two occasions. Although this requires suspension of disbelief to accept (but Japanese criminal law is perhaps quite different here), the killer, Hasunuma, eventually becomes a murder victim himself. The identity of the killers is not quite a mystery here, but rather the question of how the murder was done and by whom in a large group leads to some surprising revelations! Throughout his involvement int he case, Yukawa actually became, to some extent, part of the Kikuno community. As a regular at the Namiki-ya restaurant run by the family of one of Hasunuma's victims, one begins to appreciate Yukawa's community involvement and his unique sense of justice. For fans of the series, Yukawa even refers to one of his earlier cases in which he helped Kusanagi close another baffling case. This shows what may be some kind of emotional growth in Yukawa whose presence in the community of Kukuno shows another side.
Monday, February 2, 2026
Sunday, February 1, 2026
Speculating on a Medieval Jewish Population in Mali
Songhay at the time of Sonni Ali Ber, in Adam Konare Ba, Sonni Ali Ber.
Although the tradition of a Jewish population near Tindirma (in Mali) has long been known, this past has not been confirmed through archaeology or finds like gravestones. That said, it is remarkable that the tradition has been reported in the Tarikh al-Fattash, the marginalia in Timbuktu manuscripts, and oral tradition collected in the region during the 20th century. Since some versions of the tradition insert fantastic or unrealistic details, such as the giant stature of the ancient Beni Israel or their 7 leaders commanding thousands of cavalry forces, we previously assumed this was purely legendary. When reconsidering the evidence, however, our opinion has changed to a tempered skepticism.
First, let us explain our initial stance rejecting the historical validity of the Jewish population in Tindirma. The 1447 letter of Antonio Malfante, a man who traveled to Tuwat and wrote of the area’s Jewish population, also mentioned their prominence in trade. But the same author wrote of the “Philistines” of the Sahara, apparently Tuareg, who did not let Jews pass through their territory. According to Malfante, “They are sworn enemies of the Jews, who do not dare pass hither.”[1] Assuming Malfante correctly understood the nature of the Jewish community’s relationship with Saharan nomads, the Jewish population in Tamentit or other northern Saharan trading centers did not usually cross the Sahara. If they did, the “Philistines” presumably harassed them.
Of course, it is very dangerous to rely too heavily (and uncritically) on a single source. It is certainly possible some Jews crossed the Sahara from Tuwat in the 1400s. Their presence in Songhay during the reign of Askia Muhammad is likewise implied by the government’s actions to ban them and despoil traders of their goods for doing business with Jews.[2] Leo Africanus also echoed this, describing the ruler of Songhay (or the “king” of Timbuktu) as “an inveterate enemy of the Jews.”[3] It is difficult to imagine the need for anti-Jewish laws or proclamations if there were absolutely no Jewish people in the domains of Songhay. While al-Maghili’s role in this is quite probable, one must wonder to what attitudes regarding Jews existed in the Western Sudan.
An additional type of evidence attesting to the Jewish colony of Tindirma can be found in the margins of various manuscripts from Timbuktu. According to Susana Molins Lliteras, notes dated to 1504/5 describe the ancient Jewish presence near Tindirma. These notes report that the Jews were buried with their heads facing west. Furthermore, the presence of Hebrew inscriptions was noted. This type of evidence must be carefully evaluated, but it illustrates how the idea of a Jewish presence in Tindirma was around by the early 16th century. Indeed, despite the Hebrew writing, the notes mention a donation in the area as well as an allusion to knives and swords.[4] Perhaps this is referring to some type of military regime or system in place to defend the area’s prosperous farmers?
Besides the marginalia in Timbuktu manuscripts, the Tarikh al-Fattash echoes the notion of a Jewish past in Tindirma. Although its composite nature and 19th century interpolation forces one to consider that the references to the Jewish presence are based on oral traditions, it brings new details into the narrative. For instance, the report on the Tindirma region in the chronicle alludes to the use of wells by the Jews as a water source for their farms. It is also here where the legend of 7 Jewish princes arose, who allegedly each commanded a group of 12,000 horsemen. They were also said to have partitioned the 333 wells built for agricultural purposes among themselves. The names given to these princes appear to be Arabic, such as Fadl ben Mizar.
In terms of the community’s disappearance, the chronicle only mentions that a single Jew was there when a Sorko man and his wife, Marma came to the region. When the kurmina-fari Amar arrived to establish Tindirma as his capital, this lone survivor was dead. This account seems particularly legendary, but the Jewish man named his town Bako.[5] Yet, if the date of 1497 for Umar Komadiakha’s appointment as kurmina-fari is accurate, this suggests that whatever Jewish communities lived in the region had disappeared or dispersed by the late 15th century.[6]
As one moves into the colonial era, a reconnaissance of Tindirma was conducted by Bonnel de Mézières. This Frenchman traveled to Tindirma in the company of a respected Timbuktu scholar. He claimed to have seen evidence of the extensive wells built in the region as well as the Jewish cemetery. He also found evidence of a tumulus at Coigur.[7] Since he personally witnessed what was described as the cemetery of the Beni Israel and traveled with an informant presenting oral traditions, there does seem to have been, in the distant past, a prosperous community here perceived as non-Muslims. At least, that’s what was commonly believed by this period.
Later, in the postcolonial era, Mahmoud Abdou Zouber collected oral traditions published as Traditions historiques songhoy (Tindirma, Morikoyra, Arham). A number of local informants recounted the tradition of an ancient Jewish presence in the region, though sometimes contradicting each other. In some cases, it is also possible that the local traditions were influenced by the Tarikh al-Fattash or drew from similar sources. Yet one key difference is the reference to possible conflict with the Songhay under the Si dynasty. According to one informant, one “Israelite” was in the region when Umar (Amar Aboubakari) built the mosque in Tindirma. Said to have perished at a place called Founefoune 3 years after the arrival of the kurmina-fari, which has been dated to 1497, the single survivor of the community would have died in c. 1500. This informant also reported that the Jews were not defeated in battle or exterminated. Instead, he reported, “Ces Israélites n'ont pas été exterminés par la guerre ; ils sont morts tout simplement.”[8]
On the other hand, other informants hinted at a military conflict that ended the Jewish presence in the region. According to tradition, Sonni Ali had a grand court at Tindirma, suggesting the region was once important to 15th century Songhay rulers before Askia Muhammad. Moreover, the town, Baka, between Tindirma and Lessoudji was said to have been the place where Jews established a community and subjected the local inhabitants. In the words of the informant, “Les Israélites s’y ont fixés, et ont exercé leur domination sur les autochtones.”[9] This town, Baka, sounds suspiciously close to the name of the Jewish town in the Tarikh al-Fattash. Where things differ is the tradition of the barakoy, Mansikoura, said to have battled the Jews. Indeed, an informant said “C’est le Barakoy qui a vaincu les Israélites et les a contraints à descendre jusqu'à Tindirma.”[10] Elsewhere, the area the Jews once resided in is referred to as the Barissileyla, a place near the river where Jewish tombs, human remains, and wells were found. As for the barakoy, his title appears to include the word mansa, a title used by the barakoy in the Songhay Empire.
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Sketch of the Fati region by Bonnel de Mézières.
While the traditions imply that the barakoy had used military force to displace the Jewish population, it is not clear to what extent said venture may have contributed to the dissolution of the community. Tradition suggests this occurred in the 15th century, too, likely during the reign of Sonni Ali (c. 1464-1492). After all, Sonni Ali is said to have conquered Bara, the region where Tindirma seemingly was a part of.[11] If the traditions are not entirely legendary, there is a chance that the Jewish community of the area was relocated by a barakoy at this time. Later on, by the late 15th century, the community had died out or dispersed. But the references to the construction of wells and agricultural produce suggest that, for some time at least, the local elites from this allegedly Jewish population lived off the taxation and agricultural production of the region. To what extent they were linked to supplying provisions to Timbuktu or other towns is unclear, but one could imagine a scenario in which Jewish traders might have expanded their interests in the region by investing in agriculture. Their construction of well-built wells for sources of water may have also appealed to Sonni Ali, who once expressed an interest in canals and has been said to have sponsored the creation of wells in the Gourma region.[12] In fact, a tradition reported by Boubou Hama asserts that Jews supported Sonni Ali against the Islamic clerical class and Tuareg.[13] Consequently, it is not inconceivable that Jewish traders with links to Tuwat and a settlement near the Niger supported Sonni Ali during his conquests of Jenne, Timbuktu and other parts of the Middle Niger.
Traditions of the barakoy chasing Jews may contradict this possible alliance between Sonni Ali and the Jews. But it is possible that the Jewish presence near Tindirma, however small or large it may have been, expressed support for Sonni Ali. Their dispersal through the hydraulic program of the Songhay leader could have led to the dissolution of the community. Then, under Askia Muhammad, persecution or banning of Jews may have further weakened whatever was left of the Jewish presence in the region. Ultimately, whatever was left of the community near Tindirma ended by the late 1490s as Askia Muhammad became the ruler of Songhay. Despite that, oral tradition recorded a non-Muslim presence in the area that was very likely tied to Jewish traders who may have come from Tuwat. Since oral traditions, chronicles and, to a certain extent, archaeological traces of ancient wells survive, the notion of a Jewish community in the 15th century Western Sudan is quite plausible. To what extent they encouraged proselytization or how they managed the area under their authority is unclear, but it was likely in decline by the late 15th century during the reign of Sonni Ali.
[1] Antonio Malfante, “Letter from Tuwat”, in The Voyages of Cadamosto and Other Documents on Western Africa in the Second Half of the Fifteenth Century.
[2] John Hunwick, Jews of a Saharan Oasis, 64
[3] John Hunwick, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Sa‘dī's Ta’rīkh al-sūdān down to 1613 and other Contemporary Documents, 281.
[4] Susana Molins Lliteras, “The Making of a Historian in Timbuktu: The Signed Marginalia Attributed to Mahmud Ka’ti in the Fondo Ka’ti Collection”, in Scribal Practice and the Global Cultures of Colophons, 1400–1800, 147-148.
[5] Octave Houdas (trans.), Tarikh el-Fettach" ou Chronique du chercheur pour servir à l'histoire des villes, des armées, et des principaux personnages du Tekrour: documents arabes relatifs à l'histoire du Soudan, 119-123.
[6] John Hunwick, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire, 104, 343.
[7] Bonnel de Mézières, “Reconnaissance à Tendirma et dans la région de Fati, Bulletin de la Section de Géographie, t. XXIX, 130-131.
[8] Mahmoud Abdou Zouber, Traditions historiques songhoy (Tindirma, Morikoyra, Arham), 14-18.
[9] Ibid., 74.
[10] Ibid.
[11] Hunwick, Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire, 92.
Friday, January 30, 2026
Eclipse
Yet another classic from Ahmad Jamal's 1970s oeuvre. Jamal has long been one of the jazz greats whose discography we have yet to properly explore.
Thursday, January 29, 2026
A Midsummer's Equation
A Midsummer's Equation by Keigo Higashino was an intriguing read. More ambitious than the previous entries in the Detective Galileo series for its huge cast of characters, it also features Yukawa visiting a small town on the coast. Therefore, a task force involving the local police, prefectural detectives, and Tokyo detectives Kusanagi and Utsumi are working to solve the murder of a retired detective from Tokyo in the town of Hari Cove. In addition, several other characters, including a 5th grader and possible suspects in the case have short chapters showing their perspective on events in the novel. In some cases, it felt a little excessive, although the use of Kyohei, the 5th grader, was humorous and included a number of important clues to the mystery. We will never forget Yukawa lecturing this child about science or helping him with his summer homework, either. Overall, this is yet another Detective Galileo mystery in which the detectives must search deeper in the past of those involved in a murder to close the case. In this novel, things are not so cut and dried, and there is a deeper meaning to many of Yukawa's interactions with Narumi, Kyohei and others. The largest flaw was perhaps never divulging a more plausible motive for one of the characters heavily involved in the case. It would probably have been even more effective if fewer characters received their short chapters detailing their actions...Of course, we were glad to see the author avoided one of the easier endings possible for a heart-wrenching tale such as this one...
Wednesday, January 28, 2026
Revisiting Amina of Zaria
Muhammad Bello's map of the Sokoto Caliphate and nearby regions.
Queen Amina of Zaria remains one of the most obscure historical figures in the early history of Hausaland yet widely celebrated. Said to have been the daughter of Bakwa Turunku, whose gender has been remembered as male in some sources and female according to others, some scholars date her reign to the 16th century. Others, relying on information in the Kano Chronicle, suggest a 15th century date. Upon a reexamination of the surviving textual sources and a parsimonious reading of the oral traditions, we argue for a 15th century date for Amina’s life. By closely examining other dates or developments in the Central Sudan which can be corroborated by multiple sources, it is clear that Amina of Zaria was unlikely to have lived in the late 16th century. Those final decades of the 1500s are covered by a plethora of sources which do not easily support Amina or Zaria as major powers in the Hausaland at the time. However, when one uses a 15th century date, it is more likely that, at that era when the history of Hausaland was not well-represented in the extant corpus of written sources, Amina may have lived. This brief excursion through the sources shall argue in favor of a 15th century date for Amina and contextualize Zaria’s southern expansion into central northern Nigeria. Beginning with pre-colonial written sources, we will then explore sources and traditions collected during the colonial era before examining post-colonial scholarship on Amina of Zaria.
Amina of Zaria in the Pre-Colonial Written Sources
Beginning in the 16th century, the century in which many assume Amina lived, some detailed descriptions of West Africa can be found in the work of Anania. An Italian writing about West Africa but not solely regurgitating information from Leo Africanus, Anania had access to sources from the second half of the 1500s. For instance, Anania knew that the state of Kebbi was, at the time, still a major power in Hausaland. Therefore, it is very interesting to note that in his description of Zaria, or Zegzeg, Anania merely referred to its geographic location north of the Cardi, or pagans. Interestingly, Doma appears as one of the states in Anania’s geographical text, although merely to report on its sacred king.[1] It is very likely that the Doma mentioned here is the land of Doma included in the Gwari region by Muhammad Bello. Yet one cannot help but notice that Anania did not report any type of Zaria dominion or suzerainty of Doma. This suggests that if Zaria under Queen Amina did impose tribute on Doma, it was likely before the time of Anania, perhaps further back in the 15th century.
There are important written sources in the 19th century, too. In particular, the writings of Muhammad Bello of the Sokoto Caliphate and his nephew, Shaykh Dan Tafa, who provided brief allusions to the conquests of Amina. The former wrote of Zaria’s Amina, daughter of its emir, who waged war and ruled over Katsina, Kano, and Bauchi. According to Bello, she later died in Atagara, near Idah. Atagara, in Bello’s conception of West African geography, was an expansive land close to the coast visited by Europeans. Zaria’s dominions at this time supposedly included the Gwari region: Gwandara, Doma, Yasku, Kwotto, Adama, Kwato and Kwararafa.[2] Since Bello’s account was written in the 19th century and likely drew from oral tradition, it is unclear to what extent Zaria really did extend its influence so far south. Similar questions could be raised about the nature of Zaria’s influence in the affairs of Kano and Katsina. Like his uncle, Dan Tafa’s brief mention of Amina of Zaria is likely based on Bello’s Infaq al-Maysur. He also reports that Kwararafa once ruled Zaria.[3] This suggests that Zaria’s claims to tribute from Kwararafa were hardly permanent. Indeed, it is likely that when Kwararafa attacked Kano, Katsina, or perhaps even Borno, Zaria was either neutral or sometimes even forced to send tribute to the powerful non-Muslim state to the south. If moments of Kwararafa aggression against Hausa states like Kano and Katsina or Borno represent moments when Zaria may also have been the weaker power in relation to Kwararafa, it is difficult to locate Amina’s reign to the commonly repeated date of 1576, particularly since Kwararafa was said to have attacked Kano during the reign of Mohamma Zaki (r. 1582-1618).[4]
The next great source of the precolonial era is the Kano Chronicle. Ostensibly on the history of Kano, numerous references to relations with other Hausa or non-Hausa states can be found in the text. It can also be corroborated by other sources to help control the dating, although a new chronology to supersede that of Palmer is sorely needed. Nonetheless, its reliability for earlier centuries has been attested by the Diwan of Kanem-Borno. According to the Diwan, a deposed mai named Uthman K.l.n.ma was briefly ruler of Borno in c. 1421. The same source indicates that he died in Kano.[5] This man was undoubtedly Dagachi, a Borno prince who arrived in Kano during the reign of Dauda (r. 1421-1438). Although the Kano Chronicle anachronistically claims Dagachi arrived with guns, the deposed Sayfawa mai likely arrived in Kano in c. 1421 or 1422. Soon after his arrival in the Hausa kingdom, Dauda went to war on Zaria, leaving Dagachi in charge for months during this campaign.[6] It is perhaps telling that the chronicle did not report the success of Dauda against Zaria at this time (possibly sometime in the early 1420s), but it clearly identifies Zaria’s ruler as Amina of Zaria. We suspect she was the victor against Dauda, since the chronicle then goes on to report her conquests as far as Nupe and Kwararafa. In addition, she was said to receive 40 eunuchs and 10,000 kola nuts from Nupe as tribute. Indeed, “Her conquests extended over 34 years.”[7] If taken at face value, then the reign of Amina of Zaria extended over a 34 year period that included at least part of the 1420s.
In addition, the Kano Chronicle also reports on earlier and later conflicts with Zaria or other states which aid our chronology. For instance, Kanajeji, who ruled Kano in 1390-1410, is remembered for going to war against Zaria, attacking Turunku. After losing to Zaria, Kanajeji fulfilled pre-Islamic rites for Tchibiri and defeated Zaria, killing their king.[8] This account suggests that Zaria’s capital was at Turunku in the late 1300s or early 1400s, a town also associated with Bakwa Turunku, Amina’s parent. Later, during the reign of Abdulahi Burja (r. 1438-1452), Borno was said to have attacked Asben. Although the campaign did not succeed, “The next year, every town in the west paid him tsare.”[9] The exact meaning of this reference to Borno’s campaign against Asben and the resulting payment of tsare is unclear, but Yusufu Bala Usman has argued that Palmer’s translation misleads the reader by omitting the full sentence of the Arabic text. Apparently, it was tarai given to the Sayfawa ruler for a blessing.[10] The enigmatic reference in the chronicle to every town in the west may be a reference to more than one Hausa kingdom sending an at least nominal gift or “tribute” to Borno in recognition of its ruler’s Islamic legitimacy and influence. But it nonetheless gives a potential terminus ad quem for Zaria’s hegemony led by Amina. Therefore, sometime between 1438-1452, Amina may have died and Zaria’s hegemony over Kano and other states ended or declined. Further evidence of this can be found in the Kano Chronicle for the reign of Abdulahi (r. 1499-1509), who was said to have conquered Zaria.[11]
In summation, the precolonial written sources provide clear evidence for Amina of Zaria’s influence and a tentative chronology. Although Bello and Dan Tafa were writing in the 19th century and presumably based their work on oral traditions for Amina, the Kano Chronicle is rather detailed and can be corroborated by other sources for events in the 15th century. The aforementioned Anania, writing in the second half of the 16th century, did not refer to Zaria as a major power in the Central Sudan. This strongly suggests that those who prefer to begin Amina’s reign to c. 1576 are failing to take into account the absence of any sources that refer to Zaria as a regional power in this period.
Amina of Zaria in Colonial Historiography
With the advent of British colonialism, the emergence of scholarship and ethnography of the peoples of Nigeria worked hand in hand with colonial administration and ideology. In the case of areas of Nigeria where a written tradition persisted, a few king lists, chronicles, and other manuscripts were translated. In the case of Zaria’s Hausa rulers, E.J. Arnett translated one list of its rulers. In his list, Bakwa was revered for freeing Zaria from Kwararafa rule. Bakwa’s reign was also dated 1492-1522.[12] H.R. Palmer, well known in the study of Borno’s history, also published translations of important sources like the Kano Chronicle. In his study of oral traditions in Borno or other parts of northern Nigeria, Palmer was also very instrumental in reproducing them for Sudanese Memoirs and The Bornu Sahara and Sudan. For instance, his sources problematically asserted the Kisra legend of origin for Kwararafa. In his own speculative footnotes, Palmer wanted to present the Turunku kings of Zaria as appointees of the Askias of Songhay while Amina of Zaria was allegedly a Queen Mother of the Kwararafa.[13] Furthermore, Palmer dates a major victory of Borno against Kwona (Kwararafa) to the reign of Ali Gaji. Relying presumably on oral tradition, the Kwona chief was apparently captured and 17,000 of his people taken captive.[14] Of course, much of Palmer’s speculative reasoning and unscientific linguistic evidence does not stand up to scrutiny. But if the dating of one of the major campaigns against Kwararafa from Borno occurred in Ali Gaji’s reign (second half of the 15th century), we may have another instance in which Zaria was possibly not a major power in the Central Sudan.
Besides Palmer and Arnett, two major colonial-era sources exist. One, the Nigerian Northern Provinces, Gazetteer, includes details on Zaria’s Hausa dynasty. The foundation of Zaria town was completed by Bakwa Turunku, who, based on a list of kings, was the 22nd ruler. Their reign was said to have begun in c. 1536 while Nohir was assigned the years 1532-1535.[15] Another major source, A Chronicle of Abuja, was published in the 1950s. Reporting on the Habe dynasty there who ruled Zaria before the jihad, it contains a wealth of references on Zaria’s history. Nonetheless, its authors assign Bakwa Turunku’s construction of Zaria town to 1537. Moreover, they seem to identify Bakwa as a woman, writing “It was by her determination, too, that the Kwarrarafa or Jukons, were prevented from overrunning the land of Zazzau in their invasion from the south.”[16] This same source, on an unclear basis, dates Zaria’s tribute to Borno to the year 1734.
Overall, the colonial era produced many written sources drawn from oral tradition or translations of precolonial documents. These authors often brought with them their own colonialist ideologies of race and problematic notions of ethnicity, language, or oral tradition. Nonetheless, this era produced English-language lists of kings with problematic dates for Zaria. It also included the first English translation of the Kano Chronicle. Perhaps most significantly, a Hausa language history of Amina entitled Amina Sarauniyar Zazzau was written in 1954 by an anonymous author. This text appears to be one of the main sources utilized by various historians of Zaria, although the author may have compiled various traditions or legends which are contradictory. Unfortunately, we were unable to locate a copy of this work.
Amina of Zaria in the Post-Colonial World
With Nigerian independence and the search for feminine national heroes or icons, Amina of Zaria attracted much interest. Academics eager to challenge colonial-era paradigms of sub-Saharan African history were also developing new approaches to the history of Nigeria and Hausaland. As many know, oral tradition was fully embraced in some quarters as a source for African history whilst scholars also began to work with additional types of Arabic or ajami manuscripts. For Amina of Zaria, however, scholars could never quite develop a scholarly consensus on when she lived, her relationship to Bakwa Turunku, or the development of a coherent model for understanding Zaria’s dynamic relations with Kwararafa, Kano, and other states.
Fortunately for Anglophone readers, Kirk-Greene and Hogben’s The Emirates of Northern Nigeria: A Preliminary Survey of Their Historical Traditions summarizes most of the traditions on Amina in the chapter on Zaria. Interestingly, they present Bakwa Turunku as a queen rather than male and attribute the movement of people from Turunku to Kufena during her reign (possibly in c. 1536). But Turunku was also said to have been built by slaves of Bakwa during her war with the Nupe.[17] As for Amina herself, she is believed to have been a daughter of Bakwa. Her sister, Zaria, was the source of Zazzau’s new capital city’s name. Furthermore, Amina’s mother, Bakwa, ruled after her father and brother. As for Amina, she was said to have become a magajiya at age 16 and led Zaria’s military campaigns during the reign of Karama. Apparently, she was seen as so influential in Zaria that the ruler of Kano sought to marry her with gifts of slaves and cloth. Eventually, in 1576, she became ruler of Zaria.[18] Kirk-Greene and Hogben even repeat the tradition that Amina took a lover in each town she conquered before having him beheaded the following day. Her praise song became “Amina, daughter of Niketau, a woman as capable as a man.”[19] Elsewhere, she was remembered in Yauri for remonstrating the people for their lack of a king.[20] Clearly, Kirk-Greene and Hogben presented all the known traditions of Amina. They even use the problematic date of 1576 for the start of her reign. They also drew from Muhammad Bello while ignoring the chronology for Amina indicated in the Kano Chronicle. Unfortunately, they did not endeavor to date Amina’s reign with a more judicious interpretation of the traditions and other written sources.
Besides Kirk-Greene and Hogben, Abdullahi Smith wrote extensively on Zaria’s Hausa rulers. In “Some notes on the history of Zazzau under the Hausa kings” in Zaria and Its Region, Smith attempted an overview of Zaria’s pre-jihad past. In Smith’s view, Bakwa reigned in the late 1400s. He believed that the rise of a new dynasty in Zaria happened after Sarkin Kano Kanajeji defeated Zazzau in the early 1400s. As a result, the dynasty based in Turunku may have moved to Kufena.[21] Bakwa himself emerges as a foundational figure in tradition. For example, Zaria’s old Hausa kings were known beyond the Kaduna frontier as the sons of Bakwa.[22] Based on a model of Hausa political organization in which territorial expansion and commerce were pursued by Hausa rulers to maintain the support of elite officials and their families, Smith proposes reasons why Zaria was interested in southern conquests and trade. Thus, Sarauniya (daughter of the sarki) Amina, said to be the daughter of Bakwa Turunku, campaigned as far as Nupeland and Kwararafa. Despite dating this expansion to the 1500s, Smith relies on later traditions for Zaria’s influence in the south. Indeed, Zaria’s sway was felt among the Kamuku, the Basa of Gumna, in Gwari, Kajuru, the Morwa, Katab, Chawa and more. According to tradition, all these various groups were once subject to Zazzau. Additionally, the aforementioned Muhammad Bello extended Zaria’s influence to Doma, Yeskwa and other lands.[23]
In terms of Zaria’s policy in the south, Smith also raised several essential points to consider. First, Zaria’s southern expansion may have been related to the Abakpa and Abakwariga communities among the Idoma and Jukun. These groups of Hausa origin were certainly established in Kwararafa by the 17th century and undoubtedly long before. Second, Smith asserts that slave raiding was hardly the sole concern of Zaria in its relations with the source. In fact, Zaria may have been seen by some of their southern neighbors as a source of protection in a landscape with several mutually hostile peoples.[24] Third, Zaria’s encounter with Borno that allegedly took place during the time of Amina at Gadaz was only one episode of Borno’s relations with Zaria. In truth, at an unknown date, Borno established formal relations with Zaria. Zaria’s court even included an official, the Bakon Barno, who may have been responsible for delivering Zaria’s tribute. Another official, the Kadalla, was an emissary of Borno in Zaria. Lastly, the Magajin Mallam was another representative of the Sayfawa in Zaria, participating in the installation of a new sarki.[25] Since Smith was rightly hesitant to assign any date of origin to these officials, it is worthwhile to consider that Borno’s encounter with Zaria forces at Gadaz was motivated by the desire of the Sayfawa ruler to marry Amina.[26] In spite of the lack of corroborating evidence from Borno, it is still possible that the Sayfawa wanted to establish formal relations with Zaria at a time when the state was exerting its influence in Nupeland and Kwararafa. Thus, Zaria’s southern expansion and commercial relations undoubtedly made it important for Borno, particularly for access to kola nuts and slaves. Even if all these developments cannot be traced to the time of Amina, they are plausible developments to comprehend Zaria’s southern expansion.
Issues of religion and spirituality are also areas of concern in understanding Zaria’s expansion. Though further research is necessary, the relationship of the sarauniya or magajiya to the Bori cult was an established practice in the court of Zaria.[27] If Amina of Zaria was a magajiya at one point, does that mean she was also involved in important state rituals? Like Kanajeji of Kano and the Tchibiri, was Amina involved in pre-Islamic rites closely entwined with the Hausa kingdom’s administration and ruling ideology? One must also wonder to what extent this also shaped her military campaigns in the south since these cults may have been part of her military strategy. Similarly, were these non-Islamic practices one way in which Zaria could incorporate non-Muslim groups?
The next major historical source on Amina, Sa’ad Abubakar’s essay, “Queen Amina of Zaria,” attempts to correlate all previous scholarship on the queen. Unlike Smith, Abubakar was more willing to accept Bakwa as the parent of Amina. His recounting of the traditions on Amina also elucidates how she became so skilled in statecraft and war. Before the reign of Bakwa, Amina spent time at the court of her grandfather, Sarki Nohir. It was there that she carefully observed the government and later learned the ways of war. Then, after the death of Bakwa, who succeeded Nohir, Amina assisted in the wars of Karama, a king who loved war. Amina’s military training paid off handsomely here, as she was said to have become rich with booty and slaves.[28] Like Smith, Abubakar associates Zaria’s southern campaigns with Hausa settlements in these lands.[29] The request of the Sayfawa mai to marry Amina at Gadaz may be apocryphal, but could very well symbolize the beginning of formal relations between Borno and Zaria. Lamentably, Abubakar’s analysis of Amina does not help establish a better chronology for her reign.
Amina of Zaria: Conclusions for a More Accurate Chronology
With any historically obscure figure who has become the subject of legends and oft-repeated claims, Amina of Zaria’s very existence has been called into question. Others uncritically repeat problematic chronologies for her reign that fail to take into account all the available sources. Therefore, a reconsideration of Amina’s reign that dates it to the first half of the 15th century is better aligned with the textual and oral sources. Similarly, the romanticization of Amina of Zaria and the making of a national heroine of her story has obfuscated a deeper analysis of how Zaria’s southern expansion functioned. It was unquestionably a dynamic frontier that was occasionally challenged by Kwararafa’s rise and fall. Similarly, Zaria’s occasionally combative relations with Kano reveal how Zazzau was never able to maintain its dominance for too long. But, when contextualized properly, Amina was and is remembered for playing a pivotal role in the early expansion and consolidation of Zaria. This was not just a symbol of Zaria’s military and commercial growth, but something remembered by tradition as linked to the Zaria king most often invoked in tradition, Bakwa. Naturally, as a female leader remembered for taking part in military campaigns and possessing leadership, Amina’s story raises a plethora of questions about gender, power, and perhaps pre-Islamic Hausa religious traditions. How does her experience fare with that of Aisa Kili of Borno, who ruled in the 16th century? How did women rulers find legitimacy in a context where formal kingship was usually monopolized by men? Amina of Zaria’s life raises more questions than it answers, but correctly dating her reign provides possible clues to how gendered notions of power may have developed after the 1400s.
[1] Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud. "L'intérieur de l'Afrique occidentale d'après Giovanni Lorenzo Anania (XVIe siècle),” 335, 339.
[2] Muhammad Bello and Salahudeen Yusuf (editor). A History of Islam, Scholarship and Revivalism in Western Sudan, Being an Annotated Translation with Introduction of Infaqul-Maisur Fi Tarikh Bilad al-Tukur of Sultan Muhammad Bello Bin Fodio, 80.
[3] Shaykh Dan Tafa, Rawdat’l-Afkaar.
[4] H.R. Palmer, “Kano Chronicle,” 82.
[5] Dierk Lange, Le Dīwān Des Sultans Du (Kānem-)Bornū: Chronologie Et Histoire D'un Royaume Africain (de La Fin Du Xe Siècle Jusqu'à 1808), 77.
[6] H.R. Palmer, “Kano Chronicle,” 74-75.
[7] H.R. Palmer, “Kano Chronicle,” 75.
[8] Ibid., 73-74.
[9] Ibid., 75.
[10] Yusufu Bala Usman, “A Reconsideration of the History of Relations Between Borno and Hausaland before 1804,” in Studies in the History of Pre-Colonial Borno, 189.
[11] H.R. Palmer, “Kano Chronicle,” 78.
[12] E.J. Arnett, “A Hausa Chronicle,” 162.
[13] H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs II, 62.
[14] H.R. Palmer, The Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 223.
[15] E.J. Arnette (ed.), Gazetteer of Zaria, Gazetteer, 8.
[16] Alhaji Hassan & Shuaibu Na’ibi, A Chronicle of Abuja, 13.
[17] A.H.M. Kirk-Greene & S.J. Hogben, The Emirates of Northern Nigeria: A Preliminary Survey of Their Historical Traditions, 215-216.
[18] Ibid., 216-217.
[19] Ibid., 218.
[20] Ibid., 255-256.
[21] Abdullahi Smith, “Some notes on the history of Zazzau under the Hausa Kings” in Zaria and Its, 83. Elsewhere in the same essay, smith suggests that Bakwa was a contemporary of Kano’s Muhammad Rumfa and Katsina’s Muhammad Korau (Smith, 21).
[22] Ibid., 98. A praise song among the Hausawa in Katab country likewise refers to the Hausa as the sons of Bakwa (Ibid., 99).
[23] Ibid., 85-86.
[24] Ibid., 87-88.
[25] Ibid., 88.
[26] Sa’ad Abubakar, “Queen Amina of Zaria” in Nigerian Women in Historical Perspective, 21.
[27] Abdullahi Smith, “Some notes on the history of Zazzau under the Hausa Kings” in Zaria and Its Region (M.J. Mortimore, ed.), 101.
[28] Sa’ad Abubakar, “Queen Amina of Zaria” in Nigerian Women in Historical Perspective, 10, 18.
[29] Ibid., 20.
Tuesday, January 27, 2026
Viva Emiliano Zapata (Live)
A classic from one of Gato Barbieri's creative period performed live in the 1980s...We don't think we've heard this one before, but Gato Barbieri still sounds amazing. We are now inspired to listen to all of Gato Barbieri's later work...
Monday, January 26, 2026
Kukawa: Twin Cities Capital of Borno
Nachtigal's plan of Kuka in Sahara and Sudan.
The history of Borno’s 19th century al-Kanemy dynasty, Kukawa, inherited many traits of past Kanuri and Kanembu capitals. First established in 1814 by the first shaykh, Muhammad al-Amin al-Kanemi, Kukawa survived as a political capital until the conquest by Rabeh in 1893. Despite an attempt to revive the city as British Borno, it was replaced by Maiduguri. In spite of its brevity as Borno’s political center, Kukawa’s past is illustrative of certain trends in Kanem and Borno urbanization. Moreover, detailed descriptions of Kukawa can be found in the various works by Europeans who traveled to Kukawa during the 1820s, 1850s, 1870s and 1890s. With this more abundant material describing the city, a closer look at Kukawa’s past is in order to see how the al-Kanemi dynasty continued the tradition of urbanization.
First, the origins. Louis Brenner, author of a major study of the al-Kanemi dynasty, collected oral traditions of Muhammad al-Amin al-Kanemi conflicting with the people of Ngornu. This town, whose praise singers allegedly did not include al-Kanemi in their songs, may have had tensions with al-Kanemi.[1] By this time, Birni Gazargamo had already been abandoned due to conflict with forces claiming adherence to Uthman dan Fodio’s jihad. Furthermore, the Sayfawa, still holding much symbolic power, were based at Birni Kabela. Since al-Kanemi did not desire to completely supplant the role of the Sayfawa, he let them be as figureheads who still retained many followers in their own court. But al-Kanemi, in need of his own political center, established Kuka, or Kukawa, in c. 1814. This settlement, the original Kukawa, was what was later known as the western town after 1846, when the town had been attacked by Wadai.
Plan in the 1820s in Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa: In the Years 1822, 1823, and 1824.
Much of the early history of Kukawa must have involved the Shehu’s closest followers also establishing themselves in the city, particularly his Shuwa and Kanembu allies and inner circle. But over time, even the Shehu’s court began to resemble the court of the Sayfawa. According to Brenner, the Sayfawa even sent courtiers to Kukawa, where the system of seating by rank or precedence was adopted from the court of the mai.[2] More direct testimony of the town of Kukawa in the 1820s can be found in the writings of Denham and Clapperton, British travelers to Borno. According to Denham, the main market of the town was in front of one of the principal gates, attracting at least 15,000 people. In addition, wrestling was one attraction for spectators in the town.[3] But at this time, Ngornu was the most populous town in Borno and the major market town. Said to have contained at least 30,000 inhabitants, one is left with the impression that Kukawa was not designed to be a major center for trade by al-Kanemi.[4] Instead, Kukawa was envisioned mainly as a political center with Ngornu as an economic capital. Meanwhile, the Sayfawa figureheads retained their own large court at Birni Kabela. It is very likely that before Shehu Umar’s son extinguished the last mai in 1846, the courtiers of the old dynasty were still not entirely convinced to permanently shift their allegiance to the Shehu.
Barth's plan of Kukawa in Travels and discoveries in North and Central Africa.
Fortunately, some description of life in the capital in the 1820s can be found in the reports of the British visitors. For instance, al-Kanemi was motivated by a desire to control the moral behavior of women in the capital. Thus, when he ordered harsh punishment for 60 women of poor repute, in which 5 were hanged and 4 flogged, many “Bornouse” (Kanuri?) left the city. Indeed, supposedly more than 100 families left Kuka in disgust at al-Kanemi’s diabolical public punishment.[5] Besides the possible unpopularity of the Shehu’s public policy with regards to women and morality, there may have been ethnic tensions in early Kukawa, too. For example, Nicholas Said, who was, admittedly, born in a later period, recalled the divisions of Kukawa’s Kanuri, Shuwa, and Kanembu population. To Said, the Kanouri formed the ruling caste who occasionally mistreated or seized goods of the Shuwa and Kanembu.[6] Additionally, the map of the town produced by the 1820s British mission showed the city’s division into ethnic quarters, one each assigned to the Bornouese (Kanuri), Kanembu and Shuwa. Perhaps by the time of Nicholas Said’s youth, the elite from the old Sayfawa dynasty had been more thoroughly integrated into the al-Kanemi court. A possible example of this may be the family of the alkali of Kukawa, who at the time of Migeod’s visit was the grandson of Liman Yusufu of Gazargamo.[7] Either way, the possibility of ethnic tensions, especially in the early years of Kukawa, necessitated ethnic quarters. Perhaps Tripolitanian Arabs and Tubu were also assigned their own sections in the city, too.
Sketch of the dendal in Barth's Travels and discoveries in North and Central Africa.
Unfortunately, not much else is known about these early decades of Kukawa’s history until the death of al-Kanemi in c. 1837. Reports of an attack on the town from Bagirmi’s king, Burkomanda, indicate it must have been rebuilt at least once before the 1846 attack.[8] It is very likely that, with the consolidation of al-Kanemi’s rule and the decay of the Sayfawa, more of Borno’s old elite began to increasingly look to al-Kanemi as the real and legitimate authority. This likely attracted even more residents as it became clear to all that al-Kanemi’s power was not waning. With more people, Kuka may have also begun to attract more commerce, gradually becoming a major center for regional and trans-Saharan trade in Borno. Consequently, by the end of al-Kanemi’s life, his administration had survived a number of challenges: an attempt by the Sayfawa to retake power with the aid of Bagirmi, the Manga rebellion, attacks from the west and tensions with Sokoto, and even charismatic shaykhs who he saw as threats to his power. Undoubtedly, Kukawa must have grown with new people eager for titles or fiefs from the most powerful person in Borno.
Moving into the reign of Shehu Umar, al-Kanemi’s son, even more detailed descriptions of Kukawa can be found. Unfortunately, Shehu Umar was seen as lethargic and less accomplished than his father. Nonetheless, Kukawa continued to grow. It was during his reign that the capital became two towns. After a final attempt by the Sayfawa to oust the al-Kanemi dynasty with the help of Wadai, Kukawa was pillaged again. Thus, after 1846, construction began on the eastern town. The capital was significantly expanded as the old city, the western town, was used for non-titled nobility, commoners, and North African merchants.[9] The area in between the two parts was called Gumzi-gini that was about ¼ of a mile.[10] The old, western town, or Bula-pute, was said to have been about 1 mile long each way before the capital was rebuilt.[11] The distance between the part of the western town where Rohlfs stayed in the 1860s to the Shehu’s palace in the eastern town took an hour to walk.[12]
Gustav Nachtigal's view of the dendal in Sahara and Sudan.
Nicholas Said, who recalled seeing Heinrich Barth during the latter’s visit to Kukawa, believed the town, which was enclosed by a clay wall 30 feet high, had at least 40,000 people. During the dry season, this population more than doubled to over 100,000.[13] Even the palace grounds of Shehu Umar in the eastern town were vast. One of them was said to have been larger than the town of Bilma in Kawar.[14] Barth, on the other hand, was surprised by the large extent of the double town.[15] During his time in the capital, he moved to a clay house in the western town, billa futeba, which contained small rooms and a yard. The eastern town was separated from the western one by a space about half a mile broad, also densely inhabited.[16] Yet compared with the bustle of Kano and towns in Hausaland, Barth believed that the town only had one dyeing yard.[17] Moreover, political turmoil in 1853-1854 struck as Shehu Umar was deposed by his brother, who briefly reigned until September 1854.[18] In spite of Shehu Umar’s lack of his father’s ability, Kukawa significantly expanded during his reign. Ties with North Africa continued as well, with the Ottoman authorities in Tripoli appointing Sharif Barkan as their resident in 1854-1869.[19] A few Christians were even living in Kukawa, the Lanzon Maltese family.[20]
Perhaps it was the visit of Gustav Nachtigal in the 1870s that produced the most comprehensive description of Kukawa. Nachtigal was able to see the eastern town, western town, and the various hamlets on the northern side which likely cultivated grain that fed the city. According to Nachtigal, Kuka was more than 2 kilometers from east to west and a little less than this from north to south. Confusingly, Nachtigal also wrote that Kukawa stretched, at its furthest east and west points, to more than ½ a German mile.[21] Its weekly market every Monday was held outside the western’s town’s western gate. The dendal, or major avenue, had earthen houses on either side. As one might expect for an old Kanuri city, the western town had few regular streets, like Birni Gazargamo. Moreover, the space between the eastern and western towns was more than 1 kilometer wide. Further, the eastern town, Billa gedibe, was longer and narrower than the western town but had a wider dendal that ended right at the palace and main mosque.[22] In terms of housing, the eastern town had more earthen houses than the western town, and they were similar to homes in the Fezzan but with smaller living spaces and bigger courtyards.[23] In the western town, more houses built of straw or reed, ngim, could be found. Of course, the western town was also where 2/3 of the population lived. Since Nachtigal estimated the total population at 50,00-60,00, the western town may have had as many as 40,000 residents.
Nachtigal's courtyard in Kukawa.
Public life was centered on the dendal. Nachtigal wrote, “Rides along this main thoroughfare were always of novel and enthralling interest for me, revealing a life of such variety and even splendour as a European can scarcely associate with the idea of a Negro town.”[24] Although it would become littered with many little lakes during the rainy season, the dendal was the center of life for the city. In addition, Nachtigal described aspects of the various social classes in the capital. For example, well-to-do free people often wore multiple garments as a sign of their wealth. Thus, wearing 2-4 garments showing off fine clothes and riding horses were signals of wealth and status.[25] The rich also lived in larger homes with flower and vegetable gardens.[26] Descendants of the old aristocracy of Borno were very much present, with the men carrying the mbare scepter.[27] Elite men also enjoyed giving audiences to their clients, slaves and servants.[28] Nachtigal also witnessed the influential Fezzani, Muhammad el Titiwi, who acted as a consul for North Africans in Kukawa.[29] Perhaps unsurprisingly, Shehu Umar also welcomed and gave gifts to foreign sharif visitors to Kukawa just as adventurers and pilgrims passed through Kukawa.[30] Besides the North African traders and local elites, Nachtigal also saw evidence of the artisans and laboring masses. Unlike Barth, he noticed signs of the division of labor and specialized artisans, with professional standards in the capital. Women were very much involved in the city’s economic life as vendors while those who dealt in horses, fish, cloth, leather, natron, salt, and other products sold their wares in the city. Young people also gathered at night to sing and dance while the streets were full of blind beggars and mendicant students.[31] But once one left the dendal, streets usually had less traffic and more crooked paths and modest homes were visible.
Outside Kukawa in De Saint-Louis à Tripoli par le Lac Tchad: Voyage au travers du Soudan et du Sahara.
As one moves into the last two decades of Kukawa’s history before the fall, sources are less detailed. An article describing the city in 1883 by Lt. Massari mentioned European merchandise for sale via Tripoli and ostrich feathers as a major export. However, Massari also described a city in which pleasure, amusement, singing, and dancing were the characteristics of its residents. Thus, it was common for bands of young girls to walk the streets while singing and clapping their hands.[32] This perspective of Europeans on the relative freedom of women in Kukawa was similarly noted by Monteil, who saw the city on the eve of its destruction.[33] In spite of the city’s joyful spirit, the 1880s also included a period of pestilence or disease, Wuromaram, which killed many people.[34] As the ruling dynasty declined in the years leading to Rabeh’s invasion and conquest of Borno, Kukawa probably declined as well. Certainly, the excessive taxation of the Shehus and their inability to defend trans-Saharan routes were symptoms of this period of decline. Finally, by 1893 (although some say 1894), Rabih was able to pillage Kukawa itself. According to one Mallam Aba asked about the event in 1895, the carnage of Rabih’s conquest of Kukawa lasted for 2 days, with 3,100 skulls counted by the end.[35]
Plan of Nachtigal's home in Kukawa.
With the fall of Rabih’s state and the coming of European colonialism, Kukawa was considered by the British to become the capital of Borno. However, those plans failed as Maiduguri was chosen instead. Despite this, Kukawa serves as an example of Kanuri urbanism under a non-Sayfawa dynasty. The city maintained many past traditions, such as the prominence of the dendal and mosques near the royal palace. The city’s daily and weekly markets were also probably organized along similar lines to what existed in Birni Gazargamo. Indeed, the various trades and crafts in the city appear to have been organized in this way. As the al-Kanemi dynasty borrowed more titles and styles of the Sayfawa court, one can imagine this also shaped the development of the capital’s neighborhoods or quarters in similar ways. However, Kukawa took this one step further by expanding to include an eastern town primarily associated with the Shehu’s court and high dignitaries. This spatial separation from the masses of the population is similar to the use of fired-brick walls and structures in Gazargamo, but Gazargamo’s royal complex was close to the center of that vast metropolis. Without fired-brick (except for the tombs of the Shehus), Kukawa’s elite built a separate eastern town that still marked their distinction from the rest of society spatially. In many respects, Kukawa inherited the older traditions of Gazargamo with 19th century changes and modifications as the new dynasty rose and fell.
[1] Louis Brenner, The Shehus of Kukawa: A History of the Al-Kanemi Dynasty of Bornu, 47.
[2] Ibid., 61.
[3] Denham, Dixon, Hugh Clapperton, and Walter Oudney. Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa: In the Years 1822, 1823, and 1824, 93, 273.
[4] Ibid., 108-109.
[5] Denham, Dixon, Hugh Clapperton, and Walter Oudney. Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa: In the Years 1822, 1823, and 1824 Vol. 2, page 79-80.
[6] Nicholas Said, The Autobigraphy of Nicholas Said: A Native of Bornou, Eastern Soudan, Central Africa, 14.
[7] Frederick William Hugh Migeod, Through Nigeria to Lake Chad, 179.
[8] Landeroin, “Notice historique” in Documents scientifiques de la Mission Tilho, page 361.
[9] Louis Brenner, The Shehus of Kukawa, p. 70.
[10] Migeod, Through Nigeria to Lake Chad, 173.
[11] Ibid., 172.
[12] Frauke Jager, “Maiduguri—Twentieth Century Capital with Ancient Roots,” in From Bulamari to Yerwa to Metropolitan Maiduguri, 27.
[13] Nicholas Said, The Autobiography, 13.
[14] Ibid., 26.
[15] Heinrich Barth, Travels and Discoveries (1890), p. 354.
[16] Ibid., 376-377, 379.
[17] Ibid., 385.
[18] Brenner, The Shehus of Kukawa, 79.
[19] Rémi Dewière, “Borno in the Ottoman Archives,” 156.
[20] Raymond Hickey, “Filippo da Segni’s Journey from Tripoli to Kukawa in 1850,” 153.
[21] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan Vol. 2, 162.
[22] Ibid., 148-149.
[23] Ibid., 149-150.
[24] Ibid., 155.
[25] Ibid., 157.
[26] Ibid., 152.
[27] Ibid., 157.
[28] Ibid., 160.
[29] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan Vol. 4, 11.
[30] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan Vol. 2, 174.
[31] Ibid., 159-160.
[32] Lieutenant Massari, “La traversée de l’Afrique de la mer Rouge au golfe de Guinée, article in Bull. de la Soc. belge de géographie (1883), 868.
[33] Monteil, De Saint-Louis à Tripoli par le Lac Tchad: Voyage au travers du Soudan et du Sahara, 355.
[34] Kyari Mohammed, Borno in the Rabih Years, 1893-1901: The Rise and Crash of a Predatory State, 24.
[35] H.R. Palmer, Gazetteer of Bornu Province, 109.
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