Nachtigal's Bornu

 

Our poor attempt at sharing Gustav Nachtigal's map of Borno from his Sahara and Sudan (naturally, we used the English translation by Allen B. Fisher and Humphrey J. Fisher). Since we had to take a photo using a cellular phone and the map was creased from the way it was folded, this was the best we could do. Nonetheless, we are glad we did so, as Nachtigal's map provides some indication of the distribution of ethnicities or language groups as well as major sites in Borno surrounding areas (his maps of Kanem, Bagirmi, Wadai, and Darfur are also interesting). Of course, the demography of certain areas had changed quite a lot by the time Nachtigal arrived in the area.

Le Comte d'Escayrac de Lauture and Bagirmi

   

Map of the regions stretching from Lake Chad to Kordan by de Lauture

Le Comte d'Escayrac de Lauture's "Mémoire sur le Soudan, géographie naturelle et politique, histoire et ethnographie, mœurs et institutions de l'Empire des Fellatas, du Bornou, du Baguermi, du Waday, du Dar-Four, rédigé, d'après des renseignements entièrement nouveaux et accompagné d'une esquisse du Soudan oriental" is another significant source on Bagirmi history. Despite never traveling there, de Lauture's (any connection with the Lauture in Saint-Domingue/Haiti?) information on Bagirmi appears to be largely derived from an identifiable native. A shaykh named Ibrahim who met with the author in Cairo, this informant was also said to be related to the sultans of Bagirmi. This means that he presumably possessed more access to court traditions. Ibrahim also claimed to have participated in the wars with Borno in the time of al-Kanemi and was well-traveled. His information on the royal genealogies of Bagirmi and neighboring states in the "Land of the Blacks" demonstrates a number of problems, however.

So, what does this recounting of Bagirmi history reveal? Using an apparently flawed dating system, Ibrahim supplied dates that placed the first ruler of Bagirmi, Bernim-Besse, to about 243 years earlier. Some familiar elements in the founder of the royal line appear, such as his success as a hunter who shared meat with locals. However, his initial military ventures were not directed against the Bulala sultans of Fitri. Instead, it was against the Fulanis, particularly their chief Yawa (?), the chief of Djouba. This variation appears to be based on a kernel of truth as some Fulani groups were indeed settled in the region before the arrival of the Bagirmi founder. Indeed, the Islamization of the Bagirmi dynasty was perhaps shaped by these Fulanis, whose communities included Islamic scholars and preachers. There very well could have been conflict with some Fulani local communities in the beginning, too. 

As for the origin of Bernim-Besse, he was allegedly a native of Yemen. Yet our author noticed a similarity in language and other traits between the people of Bagirmi and the Sara. Nachtigal and others, who actually traveled to the region, were perhaps closer to the truth when they noticed the probable Kenga origins of the Barma dynasty. Nonetheless, linguistic similarities of all these languages and a likely origin in central Africa seem justified. 

Subsequently, our author lists a number of successors to Bernim-Besse consisting of brothers and their sons. Other sources likewise record a number of early mbang successors who were brothers of the first king. By the time of the 7th king, Malo, Islam was adopted. Another name for Malo, ghazi in de Lauture, seems to indicate this particular king engaged in a number of military campaigns. He was even said to have chased the Djouba Fellata out of Derkam, a group who obeyed a king named Yaya (was this a garbled allusion to the actions of Bernim-Besse against the Djouba?). To make things even more confusing, Malo ascended to the throne 28 years after his father, presumably meaning 28 years after his father's death. If so, there were then 5 kings in a very short period between Malo and his father. Overall, it would appear that Malo here is actually Nachtigal's Abdallah, who reigned c. 1568-1608. But aspects of Abdallah's reign were confusingly attributed to Malo, the brother he usurped the throne from.

Later Bagirmi kings are often recognizable in de Lauture's list, albeit the regnal lengths and accomplishments of some appear to be misplaced chronologically. The 8th king, a Soliman ban Bigli (the big king), was only king for 6 months because he abdicated to live a contemplative life on an island in the center of Lake Chad. This sounds like the later Abd al-Qadir Woli of Nachtigal's chronology (c. 1680-1707). However, the Bigli part of the name brings to mind Lanier's Abdel Mahamoud Begli, the successor to Oumar (Lanier's dynastic founder). The fact that these kings likely had multiple names explains why oral traditions may conflate traditions about one with their predecessors or successors. Alternatively, there very well could have been another short-lived reign in which another mbang abdicated, thereby causing his erasure from other lists of kings due to the brevity of his tenure. 

Fortunately, some of de Lauture's information appears to confirm or match Nachtigal's data. For example, a fatsha named Kano appears in both of their works. According to the earlier list of kings by de Lauture, Kano was fatsha during the reign of  Alàwin, the 13th mbang. The fatsha Kano led Bagirmi to victory against Wadai in this reign. He was also said to have taken Ilelat from Wadai. In Nachtigal's version, Kano participated in Bagirmi campaigns or raids against the Karka archipelago, Logone, Qo'ran, and Gawi. There is no mention in Nachtigal's account of a victory against Wadai, although it is certainly possible campaigns against the Qo'ran or Goran may have entailed raiding against Wadai (areas seen by Wadai as tributaries or on its frontier). Nachtigal's fatsha named Kano was associated with the reign of Abd-al-Qadir Woli, the king de Lauture called Soliman. Kano was apparently defeated by a kamkolak of Wadai.

Yet in other ways, de Lauture diverged significantly from Nachtigal on the length of the reigns of some of these rulers of the 1600s and 1700s. Bar, for instance, was only assigned a reign of 2 years while Nachtigal estimated several years. Then his brother, who does appear as a king in de Lauture's list, was not named as such by Nachtigal. Instead, Wanja reigned until his death from smallpox. After him, came Burkomanda. But, de Lauture placed Abd el Kader Kebir here instead, then Alawin, Abdala, and Bourkoumanda. The Bourkoumanda listed here, or Burkumanda, seized a short-lived Wadai ruler, Mohammed-Zaouni. Based on his placement in the kings list of Wadai, this appears to be an example of de Lauture's list mixing up Burkumanda I with Burkumanda II, although he also appears to have omitted the first Burkumanda from his list altogether. But the general chronology of Nachtigal, which dates the reign of Burkumanda I from 1635-1665, does include mention of conflict with Wadai. de Lauture also attributed the slaying of a Bagirmi king, Ab-Sekkin II, to Mohammed-el-Hadji whereas others see that as the result of his son's reign. Likewise, he seemed to believe the motives for Saboun's invasion of Wadai had more to do with avenging an earlier defeat when Mohammed-Zaouni was taken captive. This seems to be more of the result of Ibrahim wanting to avoid impugning the Bagirmi kings on moral grounds. 

In conclusion, the royal list of de Lauture included some major errors in the list of kings and some of the events associated with their reigns. It nonetheless provides some details derived from a shaykh based on his understanding of Bagirmi's past and what he was willing to share with our Frenchman. Based on his own personal ties to the royal family, he may have sought to promote an image of Bagirmi strength and success, perhaps providing a motive for his claim of Bagirmi once taking captive a king of Wadai. On the other hand, the Wadai kings list is also difficult to reconstruct and rulers who only occupied the throne for a short period of time may have been omitted from some lists or genealogies. Despite its numerous inconsistencies and other problems, we find de Lauture's list useful and potentially instructive on some aspects of Bagirmi's history before the 1800s.

The Wealth of Bagirmi

 

Whilst revisiting various sources on Bagirmi, we were struck by al-Tunisi's account of the staggering amount of wealth hoarded by the kingdom. Although he was not personally present for Sabun of Wadai's invasion of Bagirmi and the pillaging of Massenya, he did have access to informants who participated in the victory, such as his own father. This precious testimony makes al-Tunisi's Voyage au Ouadây an essential source on Wadai during the early 19th century. According to al-Tunisi, Wadai forces found the room in the palace filled up to the ceiling with leather sacs containing duros, or Spanish silver coins. One of the sacs supposedly contained 4000 duros and about ten were missing from the room of about 20 square feet. From this, we read an estimate of more than 200,000 francs were lost. He doesn't say the total number brought back to Wadai, but if the remaining number of sacs left in that room were brought back to Wara, loot seized from Bagirmi was immense. Indeed, perhaps the equivalent of millions of US dollars worth of silver coins were stolen from Bagirmi's palace. This amount of silver coins may have been the result of the last several Bagirmi kings hoarding the coins. Unfortunately, we do not know to what extent such silver was used in conjunction with strips of cloth or other units of exchange in the kingdom. Perhaps they were mainly used for purchasing luxury goods as well as ensuring the price of silver locally remained high (by restricting circulation), thereby increasing the monarch's control of international commerce?

"L'ancien royaume du Baguirmi" and Lanier

 

Map of Bagirmi in Lanier's "L'ancien royaume du Baguirmi" in Bulletin du Comité de l'Afrique française 35 (1925).

Whilst revisiting various sources on the history of Bagirmi before the 19th century, we recently re-read Henri Lanier's essay, "L'ancien royaume du Baguirmi." Based on notes collected from 1913-1916, Lanier's essay provides a different look at the early origins of Bagirmi. He also claimed to have consulted a list of Bagirmi rulers with the regnal lengths from a lettered family that conserved this information orally. Unfortunately, he did not name said family but noted their familial ties to Bagirmi monarchs like Hadji (Muhammad al-Amin). Thus, his list of rulers and the dates are not the same as those of Nachtigal. One wonders if this list also fabricated a new Arab progenitor of the dynasty in the figure of Abdel Mahamoud Begli.

When we look at these different 19th century and colonial-era articles or chapters on the history of Bagirmi, we cannot help but think of the Andean world and the Spanish chronicles on the Inca. Like the Incas, in Bagirmi, the colonial writings are based (almost) entirely on oral tradition for the period before European conquest. Unlike the Incas, however, Bagirmi did possess a system of writing (although the khipu system was highly sophisticated and capable of recording different types of information, too). We suspect it was used for gargams as in Borno and for Islamic scholarship. Lettered village chiefs, given the title of gol, in places like Bidri and Aboughern may also have produced documents or texts with relevant information on Bagirmi's history, too. Also, recording of the royal genealogy of the kings was partly entrusted to someone Gaden believed was officially tied to the court. This person was supposed to recite the names of the kings of Bagirmi and how long they reigned. Presumably, praise-singers tied to the court and descendants of kings or dignitaries also preserved information orally. For instance, Nachtigal experienced this when writing his history of Bagirmi, speaking to elite descendants who even knew the names of the horses used by their ancestors in the various military campaigns or battles in Bagirmi's past. Like the Andean world, we also suspect descendants of different dignitaries and kings may have preserved or passed down competing versions of past events. With the frequency of revolts or usurpations in Bagirmi's past, one also suspects there may have been versions of the royal history that deviated from earlier traditions to help legitimize another descent group. 

We cannot prove it, but we suspect the reign of Muhammad al-Amin, or Hadji Muhammad, may have represented one such moment in which his reign sought to legitimize his descent group seizing the throne after their ancestor, Abd el-Kader, was killed by his brother, Ousman. Perhaps like Pachacuti in Tawantinsuyu, Muhammad al-Amin's reign, viewed by Lanier as the apogee of Bagirmi, witnessed the consolidation of another variation in Bagirmi's origins story. Certainly, the insertion of an unfamiliar Arab into the royal genealogy by Lanier's informants may have a connection with Muhammad al-Amin's reputation of propagating Islam in the kingdom during the second half of the 18th century. Doing so highlighted the Islamic credentials of the dynasy since their origins.

As in the case of the distant Incas, Lanier's summary of pre-19th century Bagirmi history shares much of the same information with other studies. However, perhaps due to the frequency of shared names among different mbangs, Lanier attributes historical events to different rulers than Nachtigal, Carbou, or others. For instance, Lanier believed that the Bourkoumanda Tadlele, whose reign he dated 1734-1739, was the one who gave his sister in marriage to a Bulala sultan and engaged on a long series of campaigns to Borku and Kawar. The evidence for this being the work of an earlier Burkomanda in the 17th century is more likely. 

Similarly, Lanier's account of Oumar, the first king, deviates from that of others. His Oumar, who allegedly arrived in Bagirmi in a group of about 300 companions, was the one who shared elephant meat with locals and gathered local support. He then led them in resistance to the Bulala sultans who imposed tribute on the area previously. However, the tribute to the Bulala was not the same as that recorded by Edwige, who reported the tribute to the Bulala sultan was in cloth. Otherwise, the traditions are somewhat similar in that Oumar defeats the cavalry sent by the Bulala sultan, although Edwige thought Dalou-Birni accomplished this.

Subsequent Bagirmi history according to Lanier diverges substantially with the addition of the Arab figure before continuing with some familiar names. Lanier's account apparently adds a second Libatko to the list of kings and then dates Bang Dolo Berni (also named Ahmet Al Berni or Dal Beri Besse)  1513-1543. This mbang is recognizable in other lists, as well as Malo (said to have been the tshiroma) and Abdallah. The custom of blinding royal competitors supposedly began with Abdallah, the first usurper (although other sources differ on this). As for the 17th century, little is reported except for father to son succession for a few reigns and the conquest of Dekakire by Abd el Kader (r. 1660-1694). Lanier's version of events after this appears garbled or confused compared to the narrative of Nachtigal. However, without elucidating his sources, Lanier produces a date of 1741 for an attack from Borno which forced the mbang Lahoual (Alahouine) to recognize the authority of the Sayfawa. This could very well be correct, and could be the result of one of the Late Sayfawa Period maiwa attempting to reassert Bornoan influence to the south and east of Lake Chad.

Toward the end of this period, when Sabun of Waday invaded and pillaged Massenya, Lanier's explanation of the conflict is quite familiar. Wadai's attack was partly motivated by Bagirmi's assault on the Bulala sultanate, which resulted in the death of its ruler. Supposedly, Saboun invaded, in part, to avenge the Bulalas (perhaps to also reassert Wadai's sphere of influence in the Fitri region and ending Bagirmi raids on their border, too). The details are in alignment with Nachtigal here.

Ultimately, besides a slightly different chronology with years presumably drawn from a well-connected family, Lanier's history of Bagirmi is quite familiar for anyone who has read Nachtigal. His narrative also stretches further back in time to include Oumar in the 1400s, attributing the cessation of Bagirmi tribute to the Bulala sultans to his leadership. By c. 1493, however, Oumar was dead, and a few additional reigns separate him from Bang Dolo Berni. Lanier seems to have acknowledged that other writers had little to report on the very early history of the kingdom since many of their informants only knew of Dolo Berni (or, Ahmet Al Berni/Dal Beri Besse). Possible problems immediately emerge in Lanier's account, too. The duplication of Libatko and the addition of an Arab into the royal genealogy (beyond just vague claims of Middle Eastern origin) may be the result of a specific family of informants. His account of later historical developments in the 1600s and 1700s also garbles or omits the stories associated with some mbangs. In this case, it is perhaps a result of this same family with elite connections choosing to promote certain Bagirmi rulers and their lineages above those of others. Alternatively, these informants may have mixed the achievements of kings with those of similarly named rulers from different centuries. 

As for its most unique trait, the extra details on the earliest rulers may also have been partly shaped by this family seeking to predate the origins of Islam among the royal family to the 1400s and early 1500s, before Abdallah. We return again to the Andean parallel where historians and chroniclers must parse through these often conflicting narratives passed on through oral tradition and how the specific background of their informants and the regions they collected information from in the kingdom shaped their retelling of the history. In the case of Bagirmi, perhaps greater attention to written texts produced within the kingdom can be analyzed to help understand the relationship between the royal court and the ulama. Implications here can be useful for comprehending the contradictions and divergence in the oral traditions.

Wali Mai Kargo and al-Jirmi Miracles

Whilst rereading "Temple's 'Notes on the History of Kano' [1909]: A Lost Chronicle on Political Office" from Sudanic Africa by Lovejoy, Mahadi and Mukhtar, we saw an interesting miracle attributed to MaiKalgo (or Mai Kargo) on page 49. Although the document appears to have been a draft and contains a number of errors or contradicts the more famous Kano Chronicle at times, we thought it was intriguing to see Temple's version of the miracle of the famous wali in question. According to Temple, MaiKalgo's blood wrote out the Shahada when he was killed by the  Kwararafa forces which attacked Kano during the reign of Muhama Zaki. If one follows Palmer's chronology, his reign should be tentatively dated 1582-1618. Dokaji, on the other hand, associates Mai Kargo (MaiKalgo) with a later attack on Kano during the reign of Dada (Dadi, 1670-1703). Furthermore, the miracle reported by Dokaji does not mention anything about the blood of the slain wali from what we can tell.

However, the tradition of Temple about the slain holy man's blood writing out the Muhammadan creed is very similar to at least one tradition about al-Jirmi of Borno. Said to have executed by the order of the mai Umar of Borno, the blood of this leader of the earliest known Kalumbardo was said to have written out the Islamic creed. Undoubtedly, this miracle was part of a broader set of miraculous stories on the sanctity of figures unjustly killed. In the case of Mai Kargo, it was his death at the hands of the pagan Kwararafa. For Muhammad Bello, writing in the 19th century and seeking to justify the jihad against Borno, it was incorporated into the tale to heighten the charge against the Sayfawa on Islamic grounds.

al-Kanemi and the Berawuna

 

Whilst perusing Gustav Nachtigal's Sahara and Sudan again, we came across an intriguing letter by Muhammad al-Amin al-Kanemi from 1828. Whilst reporting on an expedition in Kanem, what stood out to us was the word al-Kanemi used to refer to people of Borno: Berawuna. According to the footnote of Gustav Nachtigal, this word meant "people of Borno." We find this interesting since this was the word used by people in the Fazzan to refer to people from Borno as well as the Tubu. In other words, the term appears to recognize the common origin of the Kanuri in Borno with the Tubu. On the other hand, Barth, in his massive account of his travels in this part of Africa, reported that the Goranes called the people of Mao in Kanem Beránema, perhaps a reference to the Dalatoa. Likewise the Kel Ewey Tuareg apparently called the Teda Beráuni. Anyway, al-Kanemi's use of the term makes sense given his own Fazzani background.

One wonders if there is any connection here to the Hausa word for the Kanuri, Bareberi. We once thought that it may be a possible remnant of the alleged "Zaghawa" origins of early Kanem, particularly due to the existence of the ethnonym Beri by the Zaghawa. Now we wonder if it may be related to Beráuni or Berawuna/Berâouna. Or was the Fazzani term possibly related to the Beri? Someone with the requisite language skills and understanding of linguistics should explore this to understand the origins of the various ways people referred to the people of Borno and what we know as the Kanuri.

Señor Burns

 

Nostalgia for the great JRPGs of the 1990s reminded us of the peak years of The Simpsons. We always thought it was amazing that Tito Puente appeared in an episode, and even more that his group recorded the song "Señor Burns." The Simpsons truly had some magical moments back in those days...