Edwige's Notes on the Melfi Subdivision

Ch. Edwige's "Notes sur la subdivision de Melfi" is a report from the 1920s based largely on oral traditions. While certainly aware of earlier works on Bagirmi's history, such as Nachtigal, Edwige's list of Bagirmi kings before the 19th century is much shorter. Perhaps due to the nature of his informants in Melfi, which included Sokoro, Kenga, and Dekakire, much of Bagirmi's pre-1800s past was not retained in local traditions. Exceptions, of course, could be found. For instance, the chiefly lineage of the n'gares of the Sokoros claimed to know the names of about 13 different chiefs. Besides this family lineage which inherited a position, the heterogeneous population of Muslims and non-Muslims provides fewer instances of this type of well-established genealogy. 

Despite the obvious errors and incomplete nature of Edwige's list of Bagirmi kings, it is nonetheless a possible opportunity to explore how traditions from this area of the kingdom perceived their distant past. In some ways, it follows the general narrative with occasional omissions or what may be legendary traits added to the tradition. Take Dalou-Birni, for example. Clearly identifiable with Nachtigal's Dalobirni, who reigned in the 17th century, he is also meant to be Birni Besse, one of the founding figures of Bagirmi's royal dynasty. Edwige's informants added extra details. First, according to Edwige, Dalu was of Arab origin from the Kuraysh (though it is telling that his brothers included one named Kenga, perhaps an admission of the shared roots of the Barma and Kenga). This Middle Eastern origin story is hardly surprising. But Edwige also shared a more narratively rich background for Dalou-Birni, whose accentuated color sparked the feeling from his father that his mother had committed adultery. Perhaps this is an attempt to explain the darker skin of Dalou-Birni despite his Arab father. After his father threw the infant Dalou-Birni into a fire and he miraculously survived, his father gifted his mother 100 cows. This is an attempt to link the etymology of the toponym Bagirmi with the words "Bagara mia!" that his mother shouted after the gift. 

Later on, upon arriving in Bagirmi, Dalou-Birni attracted followers through his skills as a hunter. However, a local ruler of the Bidili (Bideri?), which included locals already in the region such as the Birkete, was forced to pay a tribute to the Bulala sultan of Fitri, Saboun (is this tradition remembering Wadai's Saboun, who invaded Bagirmi in the early 1800s?). Since the tradition also turns the Bulala rulers into tributaries of Wadai, one must suspect we are dealing with anachronisms. After all, if one uses the conventional dating for Dalou-Birni and early Bagirmi, the 16th century, there was no Wadai. Indeed, the Bulala sultans would have been based in Kanem in the early 1500s. Unless one wishes to follow Carbou's theory, which would turn the Fitri-based kingdom which imposed tribute on Bagirmi into the Kuka kingdom, what exactly was going on in the area that became the center of Bagirmi's royal dynasty remains unclear. A connection to the Bulala sultans, however, may make more sense given their reference to Bagirmi in the context of a Bulala sultan in the 1500s by Ahmad b. Furtu. 

Regardless, Dalou-Birni's success at hunting and sharing of the meat continued to attract followers. Meanwhile, he also began preparations for ending the payment of tribute to Bagirmi. Dalou-Birni prepared the revolt by secretly preparing shields and spears to use against Saboun. When 30 horsemen were sent by the Bulala to collect the tribute (in strips of cloth and clothes), Dalou-Birni and 100 of his followers attacked and killed most of them. Unsurprisingly, Saboun later sent 300 horsemen to plunder the herds of the Arabs and Fulani in Bagirmi. Once again, Dalou-Birni defeated these forces and became king upon his return to Massenya. As king, he imposed tribute in horses to strengthen the army and gather the tribute in strips of cloth. It seems unlikely that he would not have engaged in any slave raiding, but supposedly he avoided it.

Unfortunately, the list of subsequent kings by Edwige omitted so many names that it would only go back as far as c. 1660 instead of the early 1500s. This meant that for Edwige, Dalou Birni must have lived in the 1600s whilst his successors only included Allah Hadji I, Laouan, Allah Hadji II, Gaourang I Kabir, Bourkou-Manda-Kabi, Abd-el-Kader, Mohamed Abssakin, Bourkou-Manda and Gaourang II. A few of these names are instantly recognizable, although others are less so (Allah Hadji). His informants may have telescoped many kings from the period before the 19th century. One sees this through Allah Hadji I's reign, who is presumably based on Abd Allah (r. 1568-1608 by Nachtigal's reckoning). However, this Allah-Hadji I of Edwige appears to be a composite figure combining a number of different Bagirmi kings and their exploits. Thus, Allah-Hadji I was said to have begun to attack the Massa, but also attacked the Saroua, Boua, Logone, and imposed vassal status on Logone, Kousseri and Goulfei. Through a successful siege of the town of Mahamat, the Kotoko king, these aforementioned Kotoko towns became vassals of Bagirmi.

The next named king, Laouan, easily recognizable as Loen or Loel, would have reigned in c. 1741-1751. Like Loel, this Laouan was killed and replaced by his younger brother. Although not named correctly, this brother was Muhammad al-Amin, whose reign Nachtigal placed from c. 1751-1785. Here is where traditions become interesting for Hadji. This mbang was living in exile in a place called Sounar. Presumably, Sounar is what Edwige's informants thought to be the city of Sennar to the distant east. However, tradition here has turned Muhammad al-Amin's life in the Eastern Sudan into one of becoming a local dyer in a village and marrying the chief's daughter. Details also diverge on the tale of his return. Since his "brother" Laouan was so oppressive, one of his musicians sought Allah-Hadji (Muhammad al-Amin), working together with him to return to Bagirmi and seize the throne. Needless to say, this version is quite distinct from Nachtigal's retelling, although it follows the same basic sequence. Indeed, Allah-Hadji uses Moito as a base and then defeats Laouan at Sado before becoming ruler of Bagirmi.

Additional problems can be found. Unlike Nachtigal, whose informants stressed the cruelty of Muhammad al-Amin and his numerous military expeditions, Allah-Hadji II was liked by his subjects and nothing else stood out from his reign. A similar problem emerges with the reign of Gaourang-Kabir, the son of Muhammad al-Amin. Absolutely no mention is made of the Wadai invasion launched by Saboun or any of the military ventures of these rulers. 

Clearly, Edwige's recounting of Bagirmi history before the 19th century is very flawed. But the specific area he collected information in may have played a role. Despite these aforementioned issues, his article nonetheless raises new questions about how the Bagirmi mbangs were remembered in different parts of the kingdom. Nachtigal, who was able to collect information from political elites tied to the court of the mbang, could access a more controlled royal genealogy in somewhat informal settings. Edwige, on the other hand, may have heard a less official version which, in spite of its omissions, still coherently overlapped with parts of the "official" version Nachtigal heard from elite informants. 

Corridors of Time

 

Although Chrono Trigger has never been our favorite JRPG, it's undoubtedly one of the best. The 1990s were a great time for the JRPG, and the soundtracks were occasionally brilliant. For instance, "Corridors of Time" from this game has been stuck in our mind for the last few days. Deceptively simple, it as a way of lingering in one's thoughts. Yasunori Mitsuda created a masterpiece here.

The Kanema and the Mai

 Another thing we have also been thinking about whilst revisiting the Diwan is the kanema Muhammad b. Abd Allah. According to Lange's chronology, this kanema killed a Sayfawa mai named Ghadji in c. 1454. Although Lange, in a footnote, referenced Barth raising the possibility of the kanema here being a reference to a Bulala sultan in Kanem, that seems less likely. Even Palmer, in Bornu Sahara and Sudan, believed the Kanem-ma was the Bulala sultan. After all, the author(s) of the Diwan had already recognized a Bulala ruler as king in the entry on Dawud b. Ibrahim. Later sections for references to the Bulala sultans of the 1500s sometimes name them as such. Consequently, we wonder if kanema was actually an old Sayfawa court title which disappeared by the time the dynasty ended. 

Fortunately, a possible clue, though weak, can be found in Hagenbucher's article on the Bulala in Fitri. According to Hagenbucher, one of the titles given to the son of a sister of a sultan (the equivalent of the tata mairambe in Borno) was kanama. Indeed, one kanama was tied to the lineage of the Bulala sultan (the Lafiawa) whilst another kanama was the head of the Wadawa and also the son of a sultan's sister. Given the strong influence of the Sayfawa court on what the Bulala sultans organized in Kanem and Fitri, we wonder if the kanema who killed Ghadji with his sword was actually a dignitary of the Sayfawa court. Perhaps he was the son of a sister of Ghadji or one of his predecessors. 

Indeed, the kanema being a Sayfawa dignitary participating in the conflicts between the descendants of Dawud and Idris in this period fits with the context of this era until Ali b. Dunama's rise to the throne. We just need to find out more about the kanama among the Bulala and the chances of it being yet another Sayfawa-derived office the Bulala sultans added to their own courts. 

Kaday b. Lafia and Assakélé

Whilst perusing Dierk Lange's study of the Diwan and taking another look at H.R. Palmer's Sudanese Memoirs, we wanted to revisit the Bulala sultans in the first half of the 16th century. Since we believe Aisa Kili of Borno traditions may also be remembered in Kanem under a slightly different name, we previously proposed identifying Aisa Kili with the daughter of Kalo, a Bulala sultan remembered for resisting the Sayfawa in the 16th century. Unfortunately, Carbou's allusions to Kanembu songs of a historical nature that remember the Bulala sultans are not fully quoted. However, Carbou was confident about Kalo being the son of a woman named Lafia. We suspect Aisa Kili, or Assakélé, may have been the daughter of Kaday b. Lafia. Identified in the Diwan as Kaday b. L.fiya (Lange's translation), he was defeated by Muhammad b. Idris of Borno at Lada. If Ahmad b. Furtu's chronicle is reliable, this war took place early in the reign of Muhammad b. Idris (c. 1519-1538, using Lange's chronology). 

The other theory is that Aisa Kili was the daughter of Dunama b. Salma. A brother of Kaday b. Lafia, Dunama b. Salma was noted in Bornoan sources as the sultan defeated by Idris b. Ali, who reigned from c. 1497 to 1519 (Lange's chronology). Around that time, a brother of Dunama b. Salma also took the throne in Kanem, Adam b. Salma (thus, a brother of Kaday, too). Kalo, the name used for Assakélé's royal Bulala father, is likely a Kanembu alternative name for Kaday or his brother. After all, Dunama b. Salma, Adam b. Salma and Kaday b. Lafia were both identified by Ahmad b. Furtu as sons of Abd al-Jalil (Lange has speculated that Salma was interchangeable with the name Abd al-Jalil). If the two brothers shared the same mother, either one could be the Kalo remembered in Kanembu song. Alternatively, a later Bulala sultan, Abd al-Jalil b. Abd al-Jalil, could potentially also match with Kalo, although the timing makes it less likely.

As for the name Kalo, somewhat similar names appear in Bulala girgams or traditions included in Palmer's second volume of Sudanese Memoirs. For instance, a K'ala appears on the list of Bulala maiwa of Kanem. The information is difficult to use given the contradictions and problematic nature of it, but part of the list in the second volume includes the names Lefia, Dala, Umr, Chiroma, Medu, Kademi and Kâlah or Kâle. In Palmer's confusing reading, these Bulala sultans never ruled in Kanem after Lefia and Dala were made into tributaries of Ali Gaji Zeinami. Elsewhere in the second volume of this book, Palmer suggests the name Kade is a local form of Abd al-Karim. Perhaps Kalo is related to Kale, which may be another local variant for Dalla or Dalil, or even the name Nigale (Nikale)? Assuming that Assakélé and Aisi Kili are indeed the same person, Kalo was mostly one of the 3 siblings who reigned in the first half of the 1500s in Kanem. 

The Strange, Mysterious and Unexpected in the Annals of Kanem and Borno

Map of the northern half of Africa in Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan.

The following list is a compilation of various strange, miraculous, mysterious, or surprising anecdotes, traditions, and supernatural phenomena from the history of Kanem and Borno. The list is meant merely to function as a catalog for our own interests in various aspects of the history of this part of Africa. Undoubtedly, the list is also incomplete and surely is lacking several miracles attributed to various ascetic saints or stories about other supernatural phenomena. Nonetheless, as a beginning list, it can be of use for our later projects. Numerous other episodes, such as the execution of the people who retrieved the corpse of a murdered mai from a river (for seeing the deceased king’s nudity) or the return of a prince, Medicon, from enslavement in North Africa during the reign of Ali b. Umar are also fascinating episodes we should add to the list. Or perhaps the curse of the mother of 4 thieves against the progeny of Abd Allah (r. 1315-1335) or the attempt to kidnap Ali b. Umar ordered by the Pasha of Tripoli.

1.      Ngamaram: An evil creature believed to resemble a ram, with long hair and only 4 feet tall.[1] According to Ali Eisami, it was a water demon.[2]

2.      Sau Giants hunting elephants: According to “A Legend of the Saus,” a Sau giant killed two elephants and slung them on a stick. The Sau then called the elephants “small beef.”[3] Stories about the Sao as giants who preceded the Sayfawa kingdom in Borno can be found elsewhere. The story of the henna and ruse used by the Kanuri against the Sao (led by Dala Gomami) is another example of the Sao “giants” in Borno oral tradition.

3.      Goigoi: a tiny, fairy-like creature which can speak and walk. Although it lives in the bush, it comes to towns in order to seize children. The children taken by him who are brought back become mad.[4]

4.      Meiram Kurugu: a very tall monster or demon heard at night but rarely seen. It walks through towns whilst howling. It may be like the kúrīram demon described by Ali Eisami. According to Eisami, this entity was enormous, had the complexion of a Fulani, lived in the hollow of trees and slaps people. It was active after sunset, before sunrise, and at midnight.[5]

5.      Wet snakeskin to understand the speech of animals: One of the seemingly bizarre anecdotes in the “Mahram of the N’Galma Duku” in H.R. Palmer’s Bornu Sahara Sudan alludes to a gown made of a snake’s skin. When the faki Abd ul Lahi Dili ibn Bikuru correctly recognized the gown of Salma ibn Bikuru was made of the snakeskin, he also reported that the wearer of it gains the ability to understand animals. Later, after the Kanem ruler put it in water, he was able to understand two black birds.[6]

6.      Ali b. Umar stretching his hand toward al-Azhar: from an account of Gazargamo in Palmer’s Bornu Sahara and Sudan, the Sayfawa mai stretched his hand toward al-Azhar to retrieve a book. The episode may metaphorically represent the Sayfawa ruler’s numerous pilgrimages and piety.[7]

7.      The Opening of the Mune: According to Ahmad b. Furtu’s chronicle of Idris Alooma’s Kanem campaigns, the Mune flew away when Dunama ibn Dabale (Dunama Dibalemi) opened it.[8] The question of the Mune has been a controversial one as some read it as an example of a pre-Islamic talisman or relic. Others, however, point to the Islamic nature of the Mune or its similarities with the Ark of the Covenant.

8.      Al-Marwazi and the gigantic trees (and people!) in Kanem: Although the wild stories reported by al-Marwazi, related by Hamza b. Hasan al-Isfahani in the 10^th century, cannot be taken literally, the idea of giants in Kanem brings to mind the Sao legends.[9] Surely, the idea of the trees in Kanem being so huge that 30,000 horsemen could sit under them is more in the realm of fantasy. But the reference to the bodies of the people being in proportion to their trees is reminiscent of Kanuri traditions of the Sao giants.

9.      Royal sugarcane agriculture in 13^th century Kanem: “They used to tend the sugar-cane, but it yielded little, and only the sultan concerns himself with it; the same applies to vines and wheat.”[10] The reference to a royal garden 40 miles from Jimi (Njimi), presumably close to the Bahr el-Ghazal, is a surprise. This may be one of the earliest attestations of sugarcane cultivation in this part of Africa. Although it was unsuccessful on a large-scale, one wonders if the royal garden was worked by slave labor.

10 . “Pots of Fire” at Night: according to Abu Ishaq Ibrahim al-Kanemi, in a story later repeated by al-Umari, walkers in Kanem saw objects that looked like pots of fire at night.[11] As walkers approached the objects, they moved further away. This may be an allusion to some sort of unusual natural phenomenon. In addition, al-Umari reported that giant pumpkins existed in Kanem, so large that boats were made from them.

11. The miraculous Shahada in Spilled Blood: According to Muhammad Bello, unquestionably relying on oral traditions, a miraculous event occurred when Shaykh al-Jarmi was killed. Identified as a Tuareg by Bello, his origins may have been Arab. Nonetheless, when his execution was ordered by Borno’s Umar b. Idris (r. 1619-1639), his blood gushed out and spelled the Kalimah al-Shahada.[12]

12. Abu Gantur’s Rebellion Against Rabeh: According to various sources, Abu Gantur claimed control or power of jinn. However, he lost their support after accepting a bride from Rabeh. Mallam Abu Gantur’s movement won popular support and featured millenarian tendencies. Access to powers or control of the spirits apparently shaped his popularity or standing with supporters.[13]

13. Sacrifices for the River: One of the accusations of Muhammad Bello against Borno was the practice of sacrifices or offerings to the river. In some cases, this was even said to be human sacrifice as virgins were thrown into the river when it inundated Gambaru.[14]

14. Flying Blankets: In Borno tradition, Shaykh Waldede was said to have escaped the pursuing horsemen of Borno’s mai with a flying blanket.[15] Unlike al-Jarmi, Waldede survived the wrath of Umar b. Idris (r. 1619-1639).

15. Tuareg Bandits and Hashish: According to Nicholas Said, some of the Tuareg raiders and bandits enjoyed using hashish. One night, after he was kidnapped, the Tuareg were too drunk from hashish eating, so they forgot to confine their captives. About 7 or 8 of them escaped and killed 5 of the Tuareg. Unfortunately for Said, the escapees did not liberate the other slaves.[16]

16. Firing Rockets to Frighten Rebels: During the first British mission to Borno, the Shehu, Muhammad al-Amin al-Kanemi, requested the use of rockets from the British travelers. After they fired 2 rockets, the Manga rebels were awed into submission since such a thing was never seen before.[17]

17. Sandaram Pond or Reservoir in Gazargamo: According to tradition, the creation of this was the result of prayers of Shaykh Umar, whose piety and prayers led to the necessary rain.[18] Umar was one of the sons of the leader of the second Kalumbardo.

18. Several French Slaves and a Cannon Foundry: According to an informant from Afade, the ruler of Borno possessed many French slaves. Said Europeans were used to establish a cannon foundry for making cannons to use against “pagans” to the south.[19] Whether or not this was true is unknown, but the Sayfawa mai did have cannons.

19. The Sayfawa mai and Fire: According to Jukun traditions, one of the rulers of Borno was said to have prayed during battle, causing fire to attack the Jukun forces. However, the Jukun ruler was said to have prayed as well, leading to rainstorms. This neutralized the Sayfawa’s fire. Context suggests this mai was Ali b. Umar (r. 1639-1677).[20]

20. Sultan El Gatous: According to blacks in Tripoli in the 17^th century, Borno’s Ali b. Umar possessed the power to transform into a cat. According to Girard, “Ceux qui ont veu Mahi-Hagi-Hali en racontent une chose, que il j’ay creu ne devoir pas estre teüe, quî est qu’il se transforme souvent en chat.”[21] Since the cat was supposedly one of Muhammad’s favorite animals, this transformation was linked to the Sayfawa king’s piety.

21. Enslavement and Spying for Public Morality: According to his informants from Borno living in Saint Domingue (Haiti), Descourtilz wrote that Borno’s ruler had necklaces, jewelry, and bracelets placed in public places or roads. Then, if a child took one of these objects, the king’s courtiers, who were watching, grabbed the child and sold their family into slavery.[22] If true, this constituted illegal enslavement and punishment of Borno subjects.

22. An Old Woman, a Hyena and the Mai: According to Muhammad Yanbu, the theft of an old woman’s sheep by a hyena prompted Ali b. Umar to send men to seize the hyena. Although the woman’s sheep was lost, the ruler compensated her and had the hyena killed. The story is difficult to take literally, but it is an interesting anecdote.[23]

23. The town of Were-Hyenas: According to Ali Eisami, the capital district of Borno had a town whose residents possessed the ability to transform into hyenas. Koelle wrote of the town, “Kάbūtílõa, in which every individual possesses the faculty of transforming himself into a hyena. Any such person is called ngádza.”[24]

24. An Artificial Fishpond in Fachi: Landeroin reported that Ali b. Dunama (c. 1465-1497) allegedly ordered the construction of a large pond at Fachi. Using 1000 camels to carry the animal skins containing the water and fish, the pond was used to resupply a Bornoan army during a campaign against Aïr.[25]

25. A Bornoan Army Terrified of Ostriches: al-Tunisi, who did not go to Borno, repeated a story of Borno troops fleeing from a flock of ostriches that they believed, from afar, were the Fulani attackers.[26] The story suggests that the Bornoan troops were cowards when sent against the Fulani after Ahmad b. Ali already fled Birni Gazargamo.

26. Ceremony of Giving to the Albinos: According to Ali Eisami, a special ceremony existed in which the mai gave a present to albinos. Called šérifūrám, the giving of a present to such individuals reflected the belief in their supernatural powers.[27]

27. The Charm-Water of Shehu al-Kanemi: When called upon to defeat the Fulani, al-Kanemi employed charm-water against them. In one battle, al-Kanemi threw a calabash with charm-water against the Phula, who fled. The Bornoan troops then pursued them and killed many.[28]

28. A Solar Eclipse in Borno: When Ali Eisami was 11 (or possibly 13), he witnessed a solar eclipse. Everyone in his town gathered in the place for prayer until the Sun was visible again.[29]

29. Royal Orgies in the Last Days of Gazargamo: In his field notes, Louis Brenner recorded a story in which the ruler of Borno ordered the construction of a large hall. At night, men and women gathered there for a big orgy in which a man could not tell if he was sleeping with his sister or mother. Apparently, this orgy “went on until the semen ran out of the door.”[30] This tradition was presumably gathered from descendants of people who may have been far more hostile to the Sayfawa in the 1700s and early 1800s.

30. Umar b. Idris Consulting an Astrologer: An Arabic chronicle, translated into French, claimed the Borno mai was told by an astrologer that Tahir, sultan of the Fazzan, would come to him.[31] Events turned out as predicted, with Tahir fleeing from forces from Tripoli to Borno, where he was drowned in a sac in the river for blinding his nephews.

31. Ali b. al-Hajj Dunama’s Progeny: This mai (r. 1747-1792) was said to have 350 children. But, implausibly, 300 of them were males.[32]

32. Turning Pebbles into Gold: One of the miraculous stories included in a problematic rihla from Borno includes an example of the transmutation of pebbles into gold. A mai, identified as Ali b. Umar but incorrectly dated, was said to have been in need of gold whilst still in the Hijaz. After his ulama counseled him to have pebbles gathered, they spat on them for 3 days until they turned into gold.[33]

---

[1] Johannes Lukas, A Study of the Kanuri Language, 175.

[2] Sigismund Koelle, African Native Literature or Proverbs, tales, fables, & historical fragments in the Kanuri or Bornu language. To which are added a translation of the above and a Kanuri-English vocabulary, 373.

[3] P.A. Benton, Languages and Peoples of Bornu, Vol. II, 9.

[4] See Johannes Lukas, A Study of the Kanuri Language, 176.

[5] Sigismund Koelle, African Native Literature, 342. Eisami’s description of this ghost or demon is very similar to another long-haired forest demon said to live in the trees.

[6] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 19.

[7] Ibid., 35.

[8] H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs Vol I, 71.

[9] See al-Marwazi, in Nehemiah Levtzion and Anthony Hopkins (editors), Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History, 92.

[10] See Ibn Sa’id, Ibid., 188.

[11] Al-Umari, in Ibid., 260-261.

[12] “The Sarki slew him (al-Jarmi) and his blood gushed out and made a trace of Kalimah al-Shahada on the ground.” See Muhammad Bello, A History of Islam, Scholarship, and Revivalism in Western Sudan, Being an Annotated Translation with Introduction of Infaqul-Maisur fi Tarikh Bilad al-Tukur of Sultan Muhammad Bello bin Fodio, 70.

[13] Behique Dunama, “Abu Gantur's Rebellion in Borno,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/09/abu-ganturs-rebellion-in-borno.html.

[14] For more on sacrifices and offerings to rivers and some of the superstitions associated with them, see Behique Dunama, “Bornoan River Ceremony,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/12/bornoan-river-ceremony.html.

[15] Behique Dunama, “Umar b. Idris (r. 1619-1639) and the First Kalumbardo,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/09/umar-b-idris-r1619-1639-and-first.html.

[16] See Nicholas Said, The Autobiography of Nicholas Said; a Native of Bornou, Eastern Soudan, Central Africa, 42.

[17] Behique Dunama, “The Manga Uprising of 1824,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/09/the-manga-uprising-of-1824.html.

[18] Behique Dunama, “Birni Gazargamo: A Central Sudanic Metropolis,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/09/birni-gazargamo-bornoan-metropolis.html.

[19] Ulrich Seetzen, “Nouveaux renseignemens sur le Royaume ou Empire de Bornou, recueillis au Caire par M. De Seetzen,” Annales des Voyages, XIX (1812), 180.

[20] J.M. Fremantle (editor), Gazetteer of Muri Province, 36.

[21] Rémi Dewière, Du lac Tchad à la Mecque: Le sultanat du Borno et son monde (xvie - xviie siècle), 322. The appellation of Cat King became an insult when used by other blacks not from Borno.

[22] Michel Etienne Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste et ses observations faites sur les trois règnes de la nature, dans plusieurs ports de mere francais, en Espagne, au continent de l'Amerique Septentrionale, a Saint-Yago de Cuba, et a St.-Domingue, ou l'auteur ... donne les details les plus circonstancies sur l'expedition du general Leclerc, Tome III, 146-147.

[23] Behique Dunama, “A Hyena, an Old Woman and the Mai of Borno,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2026/08/a-hyena-old-woman-and-mai-of-borno.html.

[24] Sigismund Koelle, African Native Literature, 275.

[25] Moise Landeroin, “Notice historique” in Documents scientifiques de la Mision Tilho, 355.

[26] Muhammad ibn Umar al-Tunisi, Voyage au Ouadây par Mohammed ibn-Omar el-Tounsy, 259.

[27] Sigismund Koelle, African Native Literature, 401.

[28] Ibid., 224.

[29] Ibid., 207.

[30] Louis Brenner, “Sources of Constitutional Thought in Borno,” Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria 7, no. 1 (1973): 62.

[31] Anne-Charles Froment de Champlagarde, Alain Blondy (editor), Histoire abrégée de tripoly de barbarie, 1794 et Suite de l'histoire de la Régence de Tripoly de Barbarie. Règne d'Ali Caramanly 1793, 47. The Kanuri word for astrologer is kantágema.

[32] John Ledyard and Simon Lucas, Voyages de MM Ledyard et Lucas en Afrique, 196. Were some wives and concubines claiming other male infants to increase their chances of becoming the mother of a possible future king?

[33] Omer Abdel Raziq El-Nagar, “West Africa and the Muslim Pilgrimage,” 398.

Time After Time (Cassandra Wilson)

Although we were never huge fans of Cassandra Wilson, news of her recent passing rekindled our interest in her music. Several eons ago, as a budding fan of jazz, we did listen to a few of her albums. In spite of her very unique voice, we were not particularly drawn to her music. But we may have made a mistake by hastily moving on to other jazz vocalists.

Thoughts on the Tarikh Ibn al-Mukhtar and the Tarikh al-Fattash

Reading Nobili, Wright and Diakite's study and translation of the reconstituted Tarikh Ibn al-Mukhtar and Tarikh al-Fattash has been an enlightening experience. With the useful introductory essays elucidating the origins and function of the texts, particularly the more famous Tarikh al-Fattash  as a forgery tied to the promotion of a 19th century ruler, Ahmad Lobbo, The Chronicles of Two West African Kingdoms: The Tārīkh Ibn Al-Mukhtār of the Songhay Empire and the Tārīkh Al-Fattāsh of the Caliphate of Ḥamdallāhi is an essential read. Much of this builds on Nobili's earlier work as well as the scholarship on the Tarikh al-Fattash since the days of Delafosse and Houdas. Needless to say, a new English translation, which clearly distinguishes the 17th century chronicle (Tarikh Ibn al-Mukhtar) from the 19th century text which interpolates, fabricates, and deviates from its source material, has been necessary for quite some time. The careful footnotes in the English translation are especially useful for noting ambiguity on the meaning of Songhay titles or places, as well as difficult passages from the Arabic texts of the manuscripts used for the translation. 

Unsurprisingly, Houdas and Delafosse made a number of mistakes in their famous French translation of the text. Since we read the French translation in 2021, our recollection of the specifics of the text was a bit hazy. Nonetheless, a number of inconsistencies and the problematic presentation of the text by Houdas and Delafosse made use of the chronicle an arduous task. With the new English translation, readers now have access to a superior translation benefitting from the last century of scholarship on Songhay and related languages, cultures, and manuscripts. Although the overall sense of the chronicles was there in the outdated French translation, this version is much easier and safer to consult for the various reigns of the Askiya dynasty rulers. Unlike the Tarikh al-Fattash, which is politically motivated by its author's desire to elevate Ahmad Lobbo as the next caliph of Takrur, the 17th century chronicle was closer in time to the events it described. Its author was similarly able to access informants from the puppet Askiya court or scholars and texts with a rich body of references and stories of the Songhay kings.

The acknowledgement of unknown or debatable terms and titles used in the text demonstrate that a lot remains unclear, but we now have a superior version of two major chronicles. This facilitates checking the sources for the Tarikh Ibn al-Mukhtar in terms of who this 17th century writer consulted for his information on Songhay history. As the introductory essays argue, the original 17th century text clearly emphasized the role of scholars or the ulama, with the best of the askiyas being those who submitted to the guidance and recommendations of scholars and patronized them. In this regard, Askiya Muhammad and Askiya Dawud were clearly the best of the dynasty. With their respect and support for scholars and promotion of Islam, these two represented the ideal rulers among an unstable dynasty sadly lacking in "good" kings. Numerous examples are given of their generosity, veneration of scholars, humbling of themselves to listen to the advice of the learned, and their support for descendants of the Prophet or the freeing of slaves (particularly evident here in the case of Dawud). Yet, in spite of the frequent revolts or contested succession among the descendants of Askiya Muhammad, the shock of the Moroccan conquest, initial violence, and unjust expropriations triggered unrest among even the notables and scholars of Timbuktu. 

The comparison is perhaps forced, but we cannot help but think of indigenous Andean chroniclers after the Spanish conquest of Peru. After all, some of them, such as Guaman Poma de Ayala, acknowledged the flaws in pre-Hispanic Inca rule whilst also critiquing the colonial system. In the case of the Tarikh Ibn al-Mukhtar and Tarikh al-Sudan, the authors were also occupying a similar space in terms of being art of the local elites adjusting to the changed political order under an occupying force. Of course, the Songhay towns and cities like Timbuktu followed the same religion as their Moroccan conquerors, yet they too seemed eager to project a certain narrative of the pre-Arma governmental structure which the Songhay rulers, at their best, succeeded in promoting. One wonders if, like the Andean chroniclers, a similar motivation was also at work. Certainly, Guaman Poma de Ayala was interested in challenging the corruption and vices of the colonial system while highlighting some of the superior features of government and society under the Incas. Of course, the Inca Empire as a sprawling, vast empire only lasted for about a century, like the Songhay. Both imperial systems were able to extend their influence across an enormous part of their respective regions before intra-dynastic conflicts weakened them on the eve of foreign invasion. These similarities perhaps superficial, but the parallels are inescapable from our readings of chronicles on the Incas.