Ghana and Wagadu

 "A discussion of the traditions of Wagadu with some reference to ancient Ghāna, including of review of oral accounts, Arabic sources and archaeological evidence" by Abdoulaye Bathily effectively combines linguistic, textual, and oral sources. A speaker of the Soninke language who brings an internal perspective on the deeply ancient Soninke, Bathily dispels some of the worst (and racist) theories while pushing for a more balanced interpretation of the oral traditions, external Arabic sources, Timbuktu chronicles, and cultural evidence. Delafosse, Frobenius and their ilk are proven incorrect and fanciful, particularly the notion of ancient Judeo-Syriens colonizing West Africa in Antiquity before founding Ghana. Moreover, Bathily's knowledge of Soninke language and culture allows him to craft more plausible theories and interpretations of medieval Arabic sources such as al-Bakri while suggesting a more likely interpretation from the limited archaeological sources on Dhar Tichitt and Kumbi. Bathily's essay is truly exemplary and it is a shame scholarship on Wagadu has not advanced significantly since it was published. 

Bathily also applies common sense to parse the meaning of the the genealogies and oral traditions from the Soninke or the Timbuktu chroniclers who sought to link Soninke origins to the Middle East. Clearly, the Soninke were later influenced by Islamic conceptions and some "remixed" their genealogies, oral histories and legends to reflect this. If Islamization was already a process impacting the Soninke of Wagadu, or Ghana before the Almoravid movement (and Bathily is agnostic on the Almoravid conquest or its alleged role in hastening Islamization), then anyone attempting to interpret the references to the Middle East or Islam should know not to interpret it literally. Indeed, even al-Idrisi in the 12th century reported Alid ancestry for the kings of Wagadu, suggesting these should probably not be taken at face-value. In addition, Bathily's study suggests one should not interpret the legends of Wagadu's fall as necessarily meaning climate change, servile chiefs or lineages in revolt or a dramatic conflict between "traditional" religion and Islam. For instance, some of the traditions collected by Monteil suggest Sumanguru was a slave official of Wagadu who broke away. Yet other traditions do not mention that. His appendix, consisting of the Soninke original and translation of 2 oral traditions on Wagadu origin, demonstrates that any historical reconstruction of deep Wagadu history clearly require careful ethnographic and linguistic expertise. However, the current academic research may have stronger evidence today about the role climate change in influencing Ghana's decline. Nonetheless, it would not necessarily elucidate the decline of Ghana if indeed Ghana's capital city shifted. In fact, Bathily suggests that Kumbi may have only been one of the possibly many capitals of Ghana, if indeed different ruling clans or factions of the ruling clan switched political capitals. Such a theory would be consistent with post-Wagadu Soninke kingdoms and chiefdoms. It also suggests climate change might not have been so significant of a factor if indeed Ghana had a multiplicity of capitals, including some further south.

Where Bathily's essay especially shines is the analysis of the Arabic sources. Knowing that Kaya Magha as a title does not exist in Soninke, but could have been Kuya Manga (a nickname of a royal title for Wagadu), Bathily additionally explains that Ghana or Gana does not exist as a title among the Soninke. Perhaps, as suggested by Bathily, Ghana derived from the Berber word for bush, agan, since al-Bakri also identified the capital as al-ghaba. It is speculation on his part, but perhaps that Berber term was misapplied or misunderstood by al-Bakri and others to refer to the entire kingdom. Yet the identification of Wagadu as the Ghana of the medieval Arabic sources can be established from other words of Soninke origin appearing in al-Bakri. For instance, the name of a Ghana king, Tunkamenin, is actually derived from the title Tunka. Indeed, it is possible that that Tunkamenin's successor was his Tunka Lemmine, or younger relative chosen to help an elder king rule the kingdom. If indeed the kings of Wagadu were often elders or seniors of the ruling clan(s), then like later Soninke rulers, they might have chosen a younger relative to assist in administration. Perhaps this younger relative was often a nephew of the king, which confused al-Bakri into thinking the kingdom of Ghana practiced matrilineal succession. After all, according to Bathily, the Soninke were not matrilineal but practiced endogamy and stressed relations between maternal uncles and nephews. We also learn from Bathilily that a group who were probably Soninke but not identified as Ghana (the Zafun) were probably adherents of some type of snake cult or religious pratice. Even today, the Soninke possess a taboo against killing the biida snake, which suggests that the "traditional" religion of Wagadu was similar to that of the Ziafun and the Soninke today. All of this suggests the Ghana of the medieval Arabic sources was indeed a Soninke kingdom, probably Wagadu (derived from wago or wage, for the ruling clans who may have alternated in their control). Evidence from the ethnographic present, the history of later Soninke kingdoms, linguistics, and archaeology points to a Soninke identification for Ghana and it almost certainly being the Wagadu remembered in Soninke traditions.

Where things become even more speculative or questionable is the ultimate origin of the Soninke. Were they from the Sahel but eventually dispersed after Wagadu's fall? Bathily is sure they did not come from the Middle Niger. Soninke place names like Biru (Walata) and the archaeological evidence based on Munson's work does seem to point to a northern origin. But is Bathily correct about the possible role of slavery's growing importance during the increase in agricultural activity manifested during the Dhar Tichitt phase? What was the relationship with early trans-Saharan trade and Libyco-Berbers? To what extent was the Wagadu polity administered through slave officials? And what was the origin of occupational castes among the Soninke and related Mande groups? Many questions remain unanswered but Bathily's article points us in some fruitful directions with a robust use of the available sources.