One Sayfawa mai whose reign has not received adequate analysis is Dunama b. Ali (r. 1696-1715). A son of Ali b. Umar (c. 1639-1677), Dunama succeeded his brother, Idris, who perished in 1696. As Idris died en route to Mecca on the pilgrimage, it is unclear if Dunama b. Ali was perhaps already acting as a regent or if he came to the throne through other means.[1] Nonetheless, from the potentially destabilizing moment of succession, Dunama b. Ali was able to occupy the throne for approximately 19 years. Despite Muhammad Nur Alkali’s portrayal of him as inexperienced and unpopular, revisiting the extant sources on this mai presents a more nuanced picture.[2] Instead, Borno during the reign of Dunama b. Ali remained economically vibrant, influential across the region, and well-poised to respond to external threats or complications. This essay argues that the reign of Dunama b. Ali was not a period of political weakness, as suggested by Muhammad Nur Alkali, but rather one in which Borno maintained regional influence, economic vitality, and the institutional stability of the Sayfawa state. This tentative analysis shall endeavor to demonstrate this through a review of the various sources pertinent to Dunama b. Ali’s reign and conditions in the Central Bilad al-Sudan during the late 17th century to early 18th century. Dunama b. Ali’s dynamic reign will be seen as more successful and historically significant for the polity of Borno.
Muhammad Nur Alkali on Dunama b. Ali
First, how did Borno historian Muhammad Nur Alkali assess the reign of Dunama? According to Alkali, Dunama b. Ali (rendered as Dunoma ibn Ali) was an inexperienced ruler. The reference to him as Mai Leram Ngalugalaba implied that he was “the Mai who was care-free and incapable of keeping official secrets.”[3] It is not always easy to tell from where Alkali obtained his information. To quote further, “He appears to have been a very unpopular ruler as the hardship that befell the kingdom was attributed to his lack of encouragement and support for the ulama.”[4] This portrayal of Dunama b. Ali’s reign as especially unsuccessful seems to be based on the report in the Diwan of a famine that allegedly lasted 7 years.[5] Yet Alkali had described the reign of Idris b. Ali, Dunama’s brother, as one in which he withdrew to Gamboru (Gambaru). Furthermore, besides his death and the burial in Traghen, extraordinarily little can be said for the reign of Idris b. Ali.
Despite the analysis of Alkali, a second look at all the available sources suggests a more complicated narrative. Palmer, for instance, recalls traditions of Dunama b. Ali’s success in reducing banditry as “Dunama, the warrior, who suppressed robbery, of renowned fame, the marvel of marvels, who was buried in the district of Kowwa.”[6] John Lavers has likewise emphasized a more positive appraisal of his reign through his initiation of peace talks with Kwararafa by 1706.[7] That Borno exerted some degree of control over trans-Saharan routes to the Fazzan is implied by French sources, too. Since the king of Borno was able to command tribute for the passage of caravans to Borno from the Tripoli-Fazzan-Kawar route, the Sayfawa state system was still able to maintain secure trade routes.[8]
As for the impact of the lengthy famine, this undoubtedly fueled unrest and caused suffering in Borno. Yet later testimony from Ali Eisami suggests the resourcefulness of the people of Borno in times of duress. Indeed, according to Eisami, the people had access to tree-leaves, tree-fruits and edible herbs. Thus, “Bornu is pleasant for the poor: when there is a famine, it never kills many people; there are many fruit-trees and many eatable herbs; therefore a famine never kills many people.”[9] Obviously, an extended famine that lasted for up to 7 years would have incurred more suffering and hunger. It also may have contributed to population movements and conflict over resources between nomadic pastoralists and sedentary farmers. Unfortunately, without further data, it is difficult to assess the impact of famine during Dunama b. Ali’s reign or even when it took place.
Next, the question of support for the ulama. This is partly complicated by Shaykh Hajrami’s didactic fiqh verses, Shurb al-zulal. However, the sources from the reign of Dunama b. Ali suggest another relationship with the ulama of Borno. For example, Dunama b. Ali may have been the mai who welcomed the Koyam shaykhs, whose community at Kalumbardo was destroyed in 1677, to settle in Gaskeru. Controversy exists over whether this deed was done by Dunama b. Ali or his son, Hamdun.[10] Nevertheless, if Dunama b. Ali had been willing to relocate a Fulani community so the Koyam Shaykhs could renew their works in Borno, he was doing so out of both sincere support for Islam as well as political reasons. Similarly, Dunama b. Ali also ratified a mahram for descendants of a Fulani Islamic leader, Gabidama, whose community was exempted from taxation.[11] Lastly, he may have been pivotal in the early Islamization of Mandara if one accepts Barkindo’s chronology for the kings of Mandara.[12] These actions suggest Dunama b. Ali did support the ulama to at least some extent. His support for the Islamization of places like Mandara likewise illustrates a commitment to spreading the faith beyond the confines of Borno or the Kanuri peoples. Doing so necessarily involved the ulama, who were required as teachers of the faith in Mandara, among the Bolewa of Daniski, or in other communities.
In short, there were several problems with the portrait of Borno during the reign of Dunama b. Ali. Many are perhaps due to the problematic and sometimes unreliable source material for this era. Others are based on erroneous assumptions based on the Diwan or presumptions that Hajrami’s verses were a denunciation of corruption in Borno. In the case of Muhammad Nur Alkali, the largely negative portrayal of Dunama seems to pertain to the famine and traditions suggestive of an inexperienced or perhaps unpopular leader. In the absence of additional evidence speaking directly to the effects of famine or conflicts with the ulama, one should adopt a tentatively skeptical approach. At least in comparison with his brother, Dunama b. Ali’s reign can be seen to have achieved more for Borno’s goals in trans-Saharan commerce, establishing more peaceful relations with Kwararafa and supporting the spread of Islam beyond the confines of the state.
The Origins of Dunama b. Ali and His Family
As indicated by his name, Dunama was the son of Ali b. Umar. His maternal ancestry, however, linked him to the ruling line of Marte. Indeed, according to one gargam, Dunama’s mother, Askara, was the daughter of the Martema.[13] Marte, a town said to have been founded before Gazargamo, was established by Martema Muhammad Wayumi. Peopled by Magumi, the city was an early one inhabited by people claiming shared ancestry with the ruling dynasty of Kanem and Borno.[14] Consequently, Dunama b. Ali may have been entirely “Kanuri” in his ancestry. To what degree his maternal ancestry linking him to Marte shaped his own reign is unknown, but it is possible he was supported by a faction of Magumi descent from that region to ascend the throne.
Apparently, Dunama b. Ali also had a sister, Aisha (Ayesha) bint Ali. Although it is not known if she was also a full sister, she is one of the few elite women affiliated with Dunama b. Ali to appear in written sources. A mahram dated by Palmer to 1704 names his sister as the Sokotoma[15] to whom the Fulani beneficiaries were passed.[16] The mention of a magaram in the context of a mahram is quite intriguing and suggests elite women engaged in both religious and secular contexts of land tenure. In fact, when the mahram was ratified by Dunama b. Ali, the person who approached the king for the descendants of Gabidama was a princess named Gusa Larabaramma. This suggests the mairam were also involved in interceding on behalf of respected Islamic holymen.
Like his brother, Idris, he too may have undertaken the pilgrimage to Mecca. It is known that Idris Alooma brought his sister with him during his hajj.[17] It is possible that Dunama b. Ali had accompanied his father during one of his voyages to Mecca, too. The evidence is ambiguous as some sources present Dunama as one of the many Sayfawa maiwa who performed the hajj. For instance, a list in verse of the Sayfawa maiwa describes the mai, “His brother, Dunama, son of Ali, was surnamed “the unfortunate.” Dunama completed his pilgrimage to the House of God and visited the wonderful garden of the Prophet.”[18] Through the correspondence of the French consul in Cairo, notice of two sons of Dunama b. Ali’s voyage to Mecca was recorded in 1707.[19] It is possible one of these Sayfawa maiwa in Cairo was Hamdun b. Dunama (r. 1715-1729).
The question remains when Dunama b. Ali went on the hajj and to what extent the cited list of Sayfawa maiwa in verse is accurate. Many questions remain on the nature of Dunama b. Ali’s rise to the throne and how his connections to Marte may have influenced that outcome. This mai appears to have been of Magumi descent on both sides of his family and had at least one sister, Aisha, who participated in the state’s relationship with ulama.
Borno and Foreign Relations: Kwararafa, Mandara and Beyond
One area in which Dunama b. Ali’s reign was successful is the maintenance of order and security. This can be glimpsed in the available sources on Borno’s relations with Hausaland, Kwararafa, and Mandara. Relations with other states in the region need far more attention. For similar reasons, lamentably, not enough sources exist. But from reports of Borno that reached French consuls in Tripoli, one can glimpse aspects of a relatively successful system of foreign relations. Through these consular reports, a partial view of Borno and its reputation as a great power are discernible. In this case, the reports of French consul Claude Lemaire are especially significant. Quoted in Zeltner’s Tripoli, carrefour de l'Europe et des pays du Tchad, 1500-1795, Lemaire’s letters refer to events in Borno and Tripoli during the reigns of Idris b. Ali and Dunama b. Ali. They are especially useful for the enigmatic references to Kwararafa, a non-Muslim state which threatened Kano and Borno during this time. Other sources, like Pétis de la Croix’s report on Tripoli, provide much data on trans-Saharan trade during this period as well as what may be the earliest Kanuri wordlist.[20] Additional sources such as oral traditions from the vassal states of Borno like Muniyo or the Kano Chronicle provide insights into historical developments on the margins of Borno or in Hausaland. Though hardly an abundant body of sources, they provide a usable framework for contextualizing Borno’s relations with other states during this time.
Naturally, the largest threat to Borno appears to have been Kwararafa. Already documented for its attacks that reached Birni Gazargamo during the reign of Ali b. Umar, reports of further conflict reached Europeans in Tripoli.[21] Despite Lemaire reporting in 1686 that Borno could muster 300,000 troops, undoubtedly an exaggerated figure, Kwararafa remained an unsubdued foe.[22] Indeed, as late as 1707, Fr. Damiano reported, “Par toutes les informations que j’ay pris, il me parait que le Sultan de Gourourfa est le plus puissant des roys naigres puisqu’il a rédhuit celluy de Bornoux à luy demander la paix, après l’avoir vaincu en plusiers batailles.”[23] Evidence from Kano demonstrates the military successes of Kwararafa since this state was able to overrun the capital, defeating Dadi (r. 1670-1703).[24] The motivation for Kwararafa’s actions against Borno and Kano in this time are not known, but it has been speculated that an attempt by the pagan state to ensure its access to trans-Saharan trade and northern markets could have been a factor.[25]
By the reign of Dunama b. Ali, however, relations with Kwararafa appear to have changed. From wars or military conflict, Borno seems to have sought peaceful relations with its southern neighbor. By 1706, Lemaire was informed of peace between the two powers and that a Kwararafa ambassador was in Borno (presumably Birni Gazargamo).[26] Unfortunately, the sources are silent on this process, but it is perhaps around this moment when Borno sent a zannuwa to Wukari. In addition, 19th century sources suggest the Jukun became tributaries of Borno. According to Ali Eisami, the Dsuku (Jukun) were reported to have paid annual tribute of 1000 slaves to Borno.[27] Undoubtedly, this figure is an exaggeration, but it may speak to a shift towards profitable trade between Kwararafa and Borno during the 1700s. Achieving peace on this front was thus of great importance for Borno’s security on its southern frontiers.
Besides shifting toward peaceful relations with Kwararafa, Dunama b. Ali was likely the Sayfawa ruler who initiated the Islamization of Mandara. Mandara’s first Muslim ruler, Bukar Aji, who became king in c. 1715, was said to have received scholars from Borno. Indeed, Dunama b. Ali likewise sponsored the sending of scholars to the Bolewa to encourage Islamic conversion.[28] An Arabic chronicle from Mandara similarly emphasizes the role of Borno in Mandara’s Islamization. Its first Muslim king, Bukar Aji, was said to have been from Birni Gazargamo and had a Kanuri mother. Furthermore, “Pour l’aider dans sa grande tâche de conversion, il emmena avec lui plusiers marabouts Kanouri, dont Maloum Mar Makkama qui fut le fondateur de la famille des Moufallama ou Moufalla."[29] If one accepts Barkindo’s date for 1715, it would seem that Dunama b. Ali was instrumental in the coming to power of Mandara’s first Islamic ruler.
With Kanuri mallams and immigrants already settled in parts of Mandara, this ensured Mandara would, for a time at least, remain culturally tied to Borno. Indeed, according to Barkindo, some Bornoan communities had been settled in Mandara for at least 2 generations by the reign of Bukar Aji. Despite later maiwa encountering difficulties with Mandara, traditions suggest Bukar Aji and his successor regularly sent gifts or tribute to Borno.[30] Consequently, Dunama b. Ali and Hamdun b. Dunama’s actions here can be conceived of as a success in extending Borno’s influence to a deeper level in Mandara whilst ensuring Bornoan communities there would retain their connections to the Sayfawa state.
Beyond Kwararafa and Mandara, Bornoan influence extended as far east as Darfur and west into Zazzau and other lands such as Nupeland. In Zazzau, the eminent position of Limaman Kona was established by the early 1700s.[31] In distant Darfur, Bornoan pilgrims and scholars were settling in Darfur during the reigns of Sulayman Solong and Ahmad Bukr. Of the Keira sultans of Darfur, Nachtigal specifically alluded to Ahmad Bukr for his role in inviting people from Borno, Bagirmi and the Nile regions to settle in the kingdom.[32] It is likely that the pilgrims who traversed the eastern Sudanic roads from Borno to Sinnar included mystics or Sufis from Borno and the Fazzan. Krump’s observations of them in a caravan, particularly their manner of jumping and singing, suggest a form of Islamic mysticism in which Borno at this time was clearly part of.[33] The presence of traders and mystics along this route suggests Borno was an active participant in the exchange of both goods as well as ideas of religion and spirituality across the Sudanic belt and the Sahara. Since Dunama b. Ali’s reign coincided with these developments, one cannot say this mai neglected the ulama or failed to uphold the power (and allure) of Borno across much of the Central Bilad al-Sudan. No small part of this authority of the Sayfawa was symbolic, generated by the long-lasting dynasty’s reputation for piety, support for Islamic scholarship, and frequent pilgrimages.[34]
Sufis from Borno may have also traveled to Morocco where, a Sidi ‘Abd al- ‘Aziz b. Mas’ud al-Dabbagh wrote of receiving lessons from a shaykh named Abd Allah al-Barnawi. The Bornoan shaykh was said to have died in Borno in 1714/15, but ambiguity remains on the historicity of this figure.[35] Assuming this figure is not a mystical vision of the Kalumbardo leader who perished in the 1670s, there was a prominent Sufi teacher active in Morocco and Borno during the reign of Dunama b. Ali.
In summation, a cursory examination of Borno’s foreign relations during the reign of Dunama b. Ali reveals a powerful state which held enormous sway and influence. From wars to peace with Kwararafa, Borno found peace on this part of its southern frontier. Through the Islamization of Mandara’s ruling dynasty, Borno extended its influence through Bornoan migration and the conversion to Islam of Mandara’s elite. Other states like Zaria were within Borno’s sphere of influence, too. To the east, Bornoans were active in Darfur and even on the early east-west pilgrim traffic and trade from the Nile to Lake Chad. Dunama b. Ali’s reign appears to have been mostly successful in the assertion of Sayfawa authority.
Domestic Affairs
Naturally, one must consider domestic or internal affairs when assessing the reign of a king. In this case, our sources emphasize the famine of 7 years. Yet famine was not the only event which entered the annals. Sources suggest a state of general security in the kingdom with trans-Saharan trade routes reliably under Bornoan control. Likewise, the domestic conditions regarding state-ulama relations or the state’s support for Islam have also raised questions. Yet closer inspection demonstrates the state’s overall success in managing internal affairs and supporting the religious establishment in this period.
First, the question of famine. As previously mentioned, later accounts suggest periods of famine were not necessarily an insurmountable challenge. The people of Borno had access to plants, herbs, and fruits from the woods or forested regions which became a major source of sustenance in times of famine. Of course, if famine conditions persisted for 7 years, much hardship would have developed. Unsurprisingly, migration from areas without food could have sparked conflict over scarce resources as pastoralist nomads migrated south. It may be that in this context, Dunama b. Ali’s suppression of robbery was in part an attempt by the government to maintain order during the extended period of famine. Moreover, there is evidence to suggest that, in theory, the state controlled a bayt al-mal which, ideally, would support the poor during moments of duress. Ethnographic research in Kanem has revealed the existence of this institution during the period of the alifate of Mao. According to Robert Bouille, this caisse publique not only provided support for mallams and the maintenance of mosques but also fed the poor.[36] Not enough is known about this institution in Borno, but it may have provided some support for at least the urban poor in Gazargamo and surrounding regions. Further evidence is necessary before one can speak of any widespread state distribution of food or grain, but the Sayfawa administration probably included a bayt al-mal. It may be through this institution that Ahmad b. Ali (r. 1791-1808) supported the scholars and worried about the plight of the poor.[37]
Through the galadima posted at Nguru, Borno also appears to have been largely successful on its western frontier with regards to vassal provinces and neighbors. A galadima at Nguru named Dunama Aisatami overlapped with Dunama b. Ali’s reign. In his time as galadima, a praise song in his honor attributes the Islamization of the “pagans” of Garmangal to him. Furthermore, this galadima was the son of a princess of Hadija, or Mangu, another indication of effective creation of alliances by the galadimas responsible for Borno’s west.[38] A relatively successful galadima in western Borno who also oversaw the spread of Islam is consistent with Dunama b. Ali’s policies in Mandara and among the Bolewa of Daniski.
Furthermore, internal developments regarding Islam were far more nuanced than a simple “lack of support” for the ulama. The Koyam shaykhs of Gaskeru, for instance, were given that land with other benefits from Dunama b. Ali or his son, Hamdun. By supporting the return of this community, Dunama b. Ali was not only sponsoring the return of a Sufi ascetic community but strengthening Borno’s northern frontier. As the leaders of a theocratic mini state themselves, the Koyam built successful communities whilst defending Borno from Tuareg raiders or bandits. Their reputation for piety and asceticism attested to the lingering popularity of Sufi circles in Borno, including residents in Birni Gazargamo.
Dunama b. Ali’s Borno was also a center of Islamic scholarship. Shaykh Hajrami, who was active during this period, may have been an imam of one of Gazargamo’s Friday mosques. Several prominent Borno ulama are said to have studied in the circle of Shaykh Hajrami, such as Shaykh Tahir, Shaykh Umar Mama, and Shaykh al-Yamani. Hajrami was remembered for his lessons on the Mukhtasar of Sidi Khalil.[39] Another renowned scholar, Muhammad al-Kashnawi, studied in Borno during the early 1700s. In Borno, he studied with Muhammad K.R.’K. in Kaghu and Muhammad Bindu, learning calculation, math, logic, and the esoteric sciences. The learning of al-Kashnawi strongly implies an interest in esoteric sciences and mathematics among the ulama of Borno.[40] Indeed, this interest in topics like geomancy or astrology appears to have sparked the disapproval of Shaykh Hajrami and Muhammad al-Wali.[41] Borno’s continued function as a pole of attraction for Islamic scholars from areas as far as Bagirmi or Katsina in the late 1600s and early 1700s demonstrate a lively environment which was certainly supported by the state. As imam of one of the capital’s main mosques, Shaykh Hajrami, to take one example, would have been familiar with Dunama b. Ali and the Sayfawa administration.
Moving on to the elephant in the room, Shaykh Hajrami’s Shurb al-zulal. Interpreted by some scholars as a condemnation of corruption in Borno, the reality is certainly more complex. As previously mentioned, Shaykh Hajrami was active during the reign of Dunama b. Ali and possibly an imam of one of the main mosques of the capital. For Abubakar Mustapha, Hajrami’s poem was mainly an advanced lesson on fiqh for teaching the sources of halal and haram.[42] This view stresses the didactic purposes of the text rather than any attempt on social or political commentary. Nur Alkali, on the other hand, acknowledged the didactic purpose of the text while simultaneously leaving room for political commentary. Thus, Hajrami’s condemnation of the bribery of judges and gifts to governors, or ngaji and kabelo, could be read as a direct critique of Sayfawa administration. Basically, forms of taxation not in accordance with Islamic law and the corruption of judges or provincial government officials were at least implied.[43]
Bobboyi also adopted a similar perspective, with the Shurb al-zulal being insufficient itself to prove Hajrami was writing in response to real conditions in Borno. Nevertheless, the ulama were unlikely to have been writing a theoretical work completely removed from the local conditions or political arrangement of Borno. Shaykh Hajrami was also remembered in Borno tradition as an advisor who wrote an additional work on bidding good and forbidding evil, implying that he saw his works as didactic ones intended to teach proper actions in alignment with sharia and Islamic morality.[44]
A close analysis of the text is revelatory. In the translation of Bivar and Hiskett, which proposed a 1707 date for the composition, multiple intriguing questions manifest. Hajrami writes, “The root of legality is earning by husbandry and trade and industry, with piety and honesty in dealing and knowledge in seeking, and courteous behavior.”[45] This is hardly controversial, yet the work also condemns the eating of non-halal meat or food acquired through illegal or haram means. The condemnation of corruption by judges or the giving of gifts to governors refer to real-world practices, too. And to make his point even more forcefully, Hajrami writes, “And likewise your taking of dinars which have been seized unjustly, and dirhams taken forcibly.”[46] This importance attached to the illegal taxation and forcible seizure of goods may refer to conditions in Borno during the famine. If Hajrami wrote this after the famine, he may have witnessed or heard of many people in Borno suffering illegal taxation or expropriation of their surplus. After all, it is hard to imagine the chima gana or chima kura easily accepting to survive on herbs or plants and nuts from forests. It is possible that they sought to overtax and exploit the labor of the peasantry whenever possible, during the famine. This, undoubtedly, would have caused complaints by the rural population and discontent, which eventually reached Gazargamo. Consequently, Hajrami may have written Shurb al-zulal in response to those specific conditions of unrest and conflict engendered by the lengthy famine which struck the region.
On the other hand, the system of chima or “fief” administration always contained the seeds of corruption and exploitation. After all, the peasants in the chimas could be conscripted to provide communal labor, or surwa.[47] With the holders of the chima residing in the capital, their representatives appointed to oversee their “fiefs” could also seek ways to exploit or overtax the peasantry. The buying and selling of local positions through bribes or gifts to the representatives of the chima gana also includes many opportunities for corruption or illegal measures taken against the population.
In short, the system of Sayfawa administration as known for the last several centuries could easily lead to corruption or abuses of authority. To what extent was this the case during the reign of Dunama b. Ali remains an unanswerable question. If Hajrami was writing after or during the famine, that unquestionably shaped his view of the Sayfawa administration. Yet his own presence in Gazargamo and ties with ulama affiliated with the Sayfawa clearly establish him as an insider rather than a charismatic figure condemning the state from the exterior. Shurb al-zulal should be contextualized in this moment of duress and strain on the political economy of Borno during an extended famine. To speculate further on its condemnation of the Sayfawa administration is hasty without additional evidence.
Overall, Borno’s internal affairs during the reign of Dunama b. Ali were not an utter disaster. Instead of viewing his reign as one of unpopularity or lack of support for the ulama, a more nuanced perspective emerges. There were successes in terms of providing security, reducing banditry, and protecting (and taxing) trade routes for trans-Saharan trade. Furthermore, the relations with the ulama and the nurturing of Islam (including more ascetic forms) at this time point to a state inclined toward Islamic scholarship, governance, and legitimacy. The question of Hajrami’s Shurb al-zulal may be a critique of state practices during the lengthy famine period. It could also be intended to support the Islamic legal education of students in Borno
Conclusion
In conclusion, Dunama b. Ali’s reign marked one not marred by inexperience or failure. Borno was still a major power in the Central Bilad al-Sudan by 1715. Furthermore, its role in fomenting the spread of Islam and Islamic scholarship cannot be underestimated. Despite Muhammad Nur Alkali’s portrayal of him as an ineffective leader who was unpopular and failed to support the ulama, reconsidering the available evidence contradicts an overly negative assessment. Reappraising Dunama b. Ali requires one to consider all evidence, both oral traditions and written sources from Borno, North Africa, and Europe. When one does so, it is incredibly arduous to portray his reign as negatively as Alkali did. Besides the famine and ecological changes which the government could not control, Borno retained its position as a hegemonic power in this part of the world. It was only after 1715 where the failures of the Sayfawa maiwa to respond to the changing conditions in the Central Sudan threatened the dynasty’s survival. But it is difficult to imagine blaming Dunama b. Ali for these events. What emerges from the sources is the mai who dynamically created and responded to the problems and challenges that faced the state. This was a period in which the gains of the last few generations of Borno rulers were consolidated.
[1] The question of how Dunama b. Ali became mai is not clear. His brother died during his pilgrimage and was buried in Traghen, in the Fazzan. The report of Pétis de la Croix suggests that Idris b. Ali’s son returned to Borno when his father died. But, since this son did not succeed Idris, one must wonder if it was due to age or perhaps Dunama b. Ali was already poised to take the throne whilst his brother was expected to be away for several months. In addition, there was historical precedent for regents to seize the throne or rebel when the mai was on hajj for an extended period. A rebellion in 1667 against Ali b. Umar took place during this ruler’s pilgrimage. See Rémi Dewière, Du Lac Tchad à la Mecque. Le sultanat du Borno et son monde (xvie-xviie siècle) for more on this fascinating period in Borno’s history.
[2] See Muhammad Nur Alkali, Kanem-Borno Under the Sayfawa: A Study of the Origin, Growth, and Collapse of a Dynasty (891– 1846). For different interpretations of this mai, see H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan.
[3] Ibid., 298-299.
[4] Ibid.
[5] See Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des sultans du (Kānem-)Bornū: Chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808), 81.
[6] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 252.
[7] John Lavers, “Kanem and Borno to 1808,” 203 in Obaro Ikime (ed.), Groundwork of Nigerian History . Whilst this may be interpreted as a sign of weakness by some, beginning cordial relations with Kwararafa was perhaps the more sensible approach. Since southward expansionism in that direction would have entailed lengthy and difficult campaigns and Borno’s rulers at this period wished to consolidate their gains and protect trade routes, Kwararafa as an ally or peaceful neighbor implied more secure trade routes.
[8] Dierk Lange, “Un document de la fin du XVIIe siècle sur le commerce transsaharien” in 2000 ans d’histoire africaine. Le sol, la parole et l'écrit. Mélanges en hommage à Raymond Mauny. Tome II, 678.
[9] S.W. Koelle, African Native Literature, Or Proverbs, Tales, Fables, & Historical Fragments in the Kanuri Or Bornu Language: To which are Added a Translation of the Above and a Kanuri-English Vocabulary, 208.
[10] Maikorema Zakari, Contribution à l'histoire des populations de Sud-Est nigérien: Le cas du Mangari (XVIe-XIXe s.), 56. On the relocation of a previous Fulani community at Gaskeru, see Landeroin, “Notice historique” in Documents scientifiques de la Mission Tilho.
[11] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 36.
[12] Bawuro M. Barkindo, The Sultanate of Mandara to 1902: History of the Evolution, Development and Collapse of a Central Sudanese Kingdom, 132.
[13] H.R. Palmer, Gazetteer of Bornu Province, 97.
[14] H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs, Vol. 3, 28.
[15] To our knowledge, this title has not yet been analyzed or elucidated. That an elite woman occupied the position is significant, perhaps suggestive of an important post available to mairam women in the Sayfawa Period.
[16] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 37.
[17] For references to a sister of Idris Alooma’s sister accompanying him on his hajj, See Hadrien, Collet. “Royal Pilgrims from Takrūr According to ʿAbd Al-Qādir al-Jazīrī (12th–16th Century).” Islamic Africa 10, no. 1–2 (2019): 181–203. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26670347.
[18] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 53.
[19] “Consul de Maillet ad p. Ioannem Verzeau, S.I.” in Rerum aethiopicarum scriptores occidentales inedita a saeculo XVI ad XIX curante C. Beccari, S.I. vol. 14, 384. These Sayfawa maina brothers apparently told the French that the tomb of their grandfather was a celebrated and visited place. In addition, homes in Cairo, Medina and Mecca with boutiques to support pilgrims from Borno were also still operating. This implies that the maintenance of pilgrimage networks and Sayfawa funding for it were regularly active during the reign of Dunama b. Ali.
[20] See Dierk Lange, “Un vocabulaire kanuri de la fin du XVIIe siècle.” Cahiers d'études africaines, vol. 12, n°46, 1972. pp. 277-290. Among the terms included here are a number of ethnonyms referring to the Hausa, Katsina, Mandara, Ngizim, and Kwararafa (Kona) or other peoples with whom Bornoans were quite familiar.
[21] For an tentative look at the c. 1667 conflict between Borno and Kwararafa, see Behique Dunama, “Attacking Birni Gazargamo (c.1667),” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/07/attacking-birni-gazargamo-c1667.html.
[22] J.C. Zeltner, Tripoli, carrefour de l'Europe et des pays du Tchad, 1500-1795, 214.
[23] Ibid., 223.
[24] Palmer, H. R. “The Kano Chronicle.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 38 (1908), 88.
[25] Sa’ad Abubakar, “The Kwararafa Factor in the History of Kano” in Bawuro M. Barkindo (ed.), Kano and Some of Her Neighbours, 176.
[26] Richard Gray, “Christian Traces and a Franciscan Mission in the Central Sudan, 1700-1711.” The Journal of African History 8, no. 3 (1967), 385.
[27] S.W. Koelle, Polyglotta Africana or Comparative Vocabulary of Nearly Three Hundred Words and Phrases in more than One Hundred Distinct African Languages, 21.
[28] Barkindo, The Sultanate of Mandara to 1902, 132.
[29] Eldridge Mohammadou, Le Royaume du Wandala ou Mandara au XIXe siècle, 26.
[30] Barkindo, The Sultanate of Mandara to 1902, 145.
[31] Yusufu Bala Usman, “A Reconsideration of the History of Relations of Borno and Hausaland Before 1804” in Yusufu Bala Usman & Muhammad Nur Alkali (eds.), Studies in the History of Pre-Colonial Borno, 200.
[32] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan Vol. 4, 280. Nachtigal’s chronology dates this sultan’s reign 1682-1722, but O’Fahey has suggested c. 1700-1720 in The Darfur Sultanate: A History.
[33] Theodor Krump, J. Spaulding (ed), The Sudanese Travels of Theodoro Krump.
[34] See Rémi Dewière, Du lac Tchad à la Mecque: Le sultanat du Borno et son monde (xvie - xviie siècle) for a detailed study of the Borno in the Early Modern World. Included in his analysis is the significance of hajj for the Sayfawa, which connected them not only with the wider Muslim world but brought great prestige for the dynasty within the Central Sudan.
[35] Hamidu Bobboyi, The 'Ulama of Borno : A Study of the Relations between Scholars and State under the Sayfawa, 1470-1808, 152.
[36] Robert Bouillé, Les coutumes familiales au Kanem, 196.
[37] Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des sultans du (Kānem-)Bornū: Chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808, 82.
[38] J.R. Patterson, Kanuri Songs, 21-22.
[39] Hamidu Bobboyi, The 'Ulama of Borno : A Study of the Relations between Scholars and State under the Sayfawa, 1470-1808, 20, 51.
[40] Louis Brenner, “Three Fulbe Scholars from Borno.” The Maghreb Review 10 no. 4-6 (1985), 107-109.
[41] Ibid., 110.
[42] Abubakar Mustapha, “The Contribution of Sayfawa Ulama to the Study and Administration of Jurisprudence,” paper presented in a conference on the Impact of Ulama' in Central Bilad al-Sudan (6-8 May 1991), 18.
[43] Muhammad Nur Alkali, Kanem-Borno Under the Sayfawa: A Study of the Origin, Growth, and Collapse of a Dynasty (891– 1846), 306-307.
[44] Hamidu Bobboyi, The 'Ulama of Borno : A Study of the Relations between Scholars and State under the Sayfawa, 1470-1808, 73-74, 94.
[45] A.D.H. Bivar and M. Hiskett, “The Arabic Literature of Nigeria to 1804: A Provisional Account.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 25, no. 1/3 (1962), 125.
[46] Ibid., 124.
[47] Hauwa Mahdi, “A Tentative Reconsideration of the Political Economy of Metropolitan Borno in the 18th and Early 19th Centuries.” Departmental Seminar, Saturday 29th Nov. 1980, Ahmadu Bello University Department of History, 6.
