Muhammad Kisoki and Borno

            The altercation between Borno and Kano during the reign of the latter’s Muhammad Kisoki is an intriguing example of conflict between the two states. Although there are some chronological ambiguities that require attention, Yusufu Bala Usman has connected Kisoki’s raid on Nguru with the Kano campaign of Borno during the time of Idris Alooma. According to Ahmad b. Furtu, a highly biased but contemporary source, Kano had “betrayed” Borno through fortifying towns or sites on their border with Borno and launching attacks. In response, Borno raised an army which destroyed the fortifications or walls and then failed to take Kano itself.[1] Importantly, the opposing side’s perspective can be glimpsed through the Kano Chronicle. Thus, one does not have to rely solely or mainly on Ahmad b. Furtu’s panegyrical text for his patron, unlike the case of most of the other peoples Borno went to war against during the lengthy reign of Idris Alooma. Therefore, this brief article shall examine Borno-Kano relations during the reign of Muhammad Kisoki, focusing on the raids launched from Kano against Borno and the response. This post argues that Muhammad Kisoki’s eastern raids likely correspond to the campaigns described by Ahmad b. Furtu and were autonomous Kano initiatives rather than part of a Kebbi-led regional conflict.

By examining this episode more closely, however, one sees yet again the influence of Maidaki Hauwa (and her brother, Guli) in a confrontation with Borno. Maidaki Hauwa had previously been involved with suppressing a revolt by the Dagachi in Kano, someone descended from the Sayfawa line and very influential. After preventing his rebellion, her son, Abdullahi, returned from a campaign and then faced an invasion from Borno. Undoubtedly linked to the Dagachi’s actions, Kano’s king, accompanied by mallams, had to submit to the mai. Then, once the mai returned to Borno, Abdullahi tricked or deceived the Dagachi and gave his office to a slave.[2] Although taking place several years before the Borno-Kano conflict during Idris Alooma’s reign (1564-1596, according to Lange’s chronology), it is very likely that Kisoki’s influential grandmother and her brother, whose influence at court was extremely powerful, shaped Kano state policy with regard to the frontier with Borno. By taking another look at this critical juncture, one can see just how realpolitik shaped relations between a regional power like Borno and the smaller Hausa states which, depending on one’s view, paid tribute or sent regular “gifts” to the mai.

But can we confidently date Muhammad Kisoki’s attacks on Borno with the reign of Idris Alooma? The two only overlapped, using Lange’s chronology and the dates in the Kano Chronicle, c. 1564-1565. Dierk Lange has suggested that the conflict with Kano occurred early in Idris b. Ali’s reign, perhaps in c. 1564, but other sources suggest the mai went on a pilgrimage to Mecca at this time.[3] Since our dates for Kisoki and Idris Alooma are approximations and other king lists of Kano give Kisoki’s predecessor a slightly longer list, one could possibly make the case for a longer period of overlapping reigns.[4] The other problem with Kisoki’s Borno conflict occurring during the reign of Idris Alooma is the praise song mentioning his grandmother, Hauwa. She could have been alive in the 1560s as a very aged woman, but some may prefer to date this period of conflict to an earlier decade in Kisoki’s lengthy reign.

The other issue with establishing a clearer chronology is the, quite frankly, mess made by previous generations of scholars interested in this part of the world. For instance, M.G. Smith, without a single source to back his speculative reasoning, suggested that Kisoki’s raiding of Borno territory may have been done in conjunction with the Kanta of Kebbi. Without any firm evidence and relying upon later sources and traditions of the power and stature of the Kanta in this part of West Africa, Smith has argued that Kisoki may have been the Kanta’s representative in central Hausaland. Consequently, Kisoki’s raid may be associated with Kebbi’s larger conflict with Borno. Building this possible theory on flimsy foundations, Smith then tentatively dates Kisoki’s attack on Nguru to 1544.[5]

Although Smith is merely suggesting possible regional scenarios to contextualize the wars and raiding between the major states in the Central Sudan, this is hardly supported by the source materials. While Muhammad Bello in the 1800s wrote of Kebbi conquering other Hausa states like Kano in the 1500s, it is very difficult to detect any of this in the Kano Chronicle or the Bornoan records. The Chronicle actually portrays Kisoki as the ruler of all of Hausaland. Indeed, according to this same source, “He waged war on Birnin Unguru because of Agaidam.”[6] This last word brings to mind Geidam in modern Nigeria, to the east of Nguru. This area may have been a source of contention as Borno was facing an extended famine during Abd Allah b. Dunama’s reign (c. 1557-1564).[7] This could have been influenced by the wars between Borno and Kebbi, as well as the distractions Borno faced from the Bulala to the east in Kanem and local revolts by the Sao in Borno and other groups. Seeing an advantageous position to strike, Kisoki (or perhaps his grandmother’s brother, who was extremely influential in the royal court) may have envisioned Kano extending further east. Certainly, booty in horses and textiles were desirable since Kisoki ordered no captives taken from Nguru.

Furthermore, utilizing all the various sources on the Kanta of Kebbi and his negative relations with Borno suggests a large-scale confrontation in which Borno attempted to besiege Surame took place in c. 1561. Traditions referring to this do not reference Kano at all. In fact, it was on Katsina territory the Bornoan forces engaged in combat with the Kanta.[8] This is highly suggestive of Kano’s actions against Borno likely being autonomous responses of the state to Borno and perceived weaknesses on its western borderlands with Kano.

For these aforementioned reasons, one is inclined to agree with Yusufu Bala Usman. Usman, in a largely insightful article on the history of relations between Borno and the Hausa states, correctly identified Kisoki’s raids with the ones described by Ahmad b. Furtu. Moreover, as Furtu writes, these raids were a “betrayal” by the people of Kano. As for the Kano Chronicle, Kano attacked Nguru because “it is the will of God.”[9] Usman’s reasoning here is not entirely clear, but the raids from Kano and the reference to the building of walls or fortifications around various towns in the Kano kingdom  are consistent with the actions of Kisoki. After all, by improving defenses on his eastern frontier, forces from Kano could more safely engage in raids or attacks on western Borno or its vassal provinces, then retreat to secure sites if pursued or followed. Over time, this could have led to a gradual increase in Kano’s influence and possible territorial gains to the east. One suspects the “will of God” as a justification of war was designed to show Kisoki as waging just war against various subject peoples of Borno who were not necessarily Muslims.

Agreeing with Usman also allows one to gain some insight into how both sides viewed their actions. One already knows the Borno perspective, even if Ahmad b. Furtu was not an eyewitness to the Kano campaign. He nonetheless wrote an explanation for the campaign based on Kano and its fortified towns like Kirza, Kalmasan, Majiya, Ukluya, Dulu, Awazaki, Ajiyajiya, Sa’iyya, Galaki and Kay. To Furtu, they not only fortified many settlements, but “resorted to abominable cunning and vile deeds.”[10] The conflict ended with the “many” expeditions launched against Kano, including Majagani. These expeditions led to the destruction of fortifications while the residents fled. Unfortunately, most of these expeditions are not described in detail and after the destruction of Majiya’s fortifications, the Bornoan forces were allegedly able to dismantle the walls and fortresses placed around other towns with little or no resistance. It is very unlikely that the ruler of Kano would have sat idly by, even if the musketry of Borno proved very effective against Majiya’s defenders. Overall, Furtu’s account seems to suggest Kano began this process of fortifying towns and launching raids before the reign of Idris Alooma, especially since the labor and resources necessary to build walls around several towns or cities could hardly have been accomplished in a short amount of time.

The Kano Chronicle, likely written in the late 1800s, lacks this level of detail but understandably highlights the moment of Kisoki’s victory as Borno failed to take Kano city. As previously mentioned, Muhammad Kisoki ordered the raiding of Nguru, a town which was the capital of the powerful galadimas of Borno by the 1600s. Murray Last has read the account of this as symbolic warfare, playing with the idea of the Kanuri word for the Hausa, afuno, and arse-clothes or nudity. After all, Kisoki did not take captives but focused on horses and clothes.[11] However, this symbolic meaning may not be relevant if Kisoki was endeavoring to present himself as a legitimate Muslim ruler not willing to take Muslim captives. Indeed, even Ahmad b. Furtu portrayed his patron similarly. Next, the Chronicle explains how the ruler of Borno then sought to attack Birnin Kano the following year, but failed to take the town. This led to an extended praise song which even included Maidaki Hauwa as the “old lady with swaggering gait, old lady of royal blood, guarded by men-at-arms.”[12] By praising Kisoki as the “physic of Bornu and the Chiratawa,” one can also surmise that Kano’s war with Borno involved Shira. Despite this victory of sorts, or at least the failure of the attempted assault on Kano, Kisoki invited prominent shaykhs from Borno anyway.[13] One may surmise here that Borno was still perceived as a source of reputable Islamic scholars and religious figures, Kano’s rulers were entrenching their own state legitimacy through war and Islam.

Ultimately, both sides could claim some degree of victory. Kano was able to withstand a military attack on its capital from its powerful neighbor. Borno, on the other hand, secured its western frontier by destroying fortifications and weakening Kano’s ability to launch deeper raids into Borno. Doing so inevitably aided the economy through the increased security for traders and travelers. It likewise made it easier for Borno to focus on internal rebellious groups and the Bulala to the east for a number of Kanem expeditions. Kano, meanwhile, was able to protect its capital and, unlike Abdullahi, Kisoki did not have humble himself before the mai. This expresses a growth in the political stature of the sarki who could meet the Sayfawa as a peer. Lastly, an attempt at revisiting the various sources on this encounter does support Kisoki’s raiding activities to the east as likely to be the same as those mentioned by Ahmad b. Furtu. Furtu’s account is too brief and not backed by eyewitness testimony. But based on the scale of operations and the necessary shovels, hoes, and implements to destroy town walls at various sites and then to attack Kano’s capital, the Kano expeditions must have been large and time-consuming.

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[1] See Dierk Lange, A Sudanic chronicle: the Borno Expeditions of Idrīs Alauma (1564–1576 according to the account of Ahmad b. Furtū. Arabic text, English translation, commentary and geographical gazetteer for a detailed translation of Ahmad b. Furtu’s text.

[2] For an attempt at making sense of the Dagachi and his descendants in Kano and their impact on Kano-Borno relations, see Behique Dunama, “The Dagachi of Kano: Elite Exiles, Political Centralization, and Kano-Borno Relations,” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2026/03/the-dagachi-of-kano-elite-exiles.html.

[3] See Dierk Lange, A Sudanic Chronicle, 69.

[4] See Paul E. Lovejoy and John Hunwick, “Not Yet the Kano Chronicle,” Sudanic Africa 4 (1993) for different regnal years for Kano’s rulers. One manuscript assigns Abdullahi, Kisoki’s father, a reign of 12 years instead of the 10 in the Kano Chronicle.

[5] M.G. Smith, Government in Kano, 1350-1950, 140-141.

[6] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 38 (1908), 79.

[7] See Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des sultans du (Kānem- )Bornū: chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808), 80.

[8] For a discussion of the various sources on Kebbi and Borno in the 1500s, see Behique Dunama, “The Kanta of Kebbi and Borno.” https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2025/12/the-kanta-of-kebbi-and-borno.html.

[9] Yusuf Bala Usman, “A Reconsideration of the History of Relations Between Borno and Hausaland Before 1804” in Yusufu Bala Usman & Muhammad Nur Alkali (editors), Studies in the History of Pre-Colonial Borno, 183-184.

[10] Dierk Lange, A Sudanic Chronicle, 66-67.

[11] Murray Last, “From Sultanate to Caliphate: Kano, 1450–1800 A.D.”  in Bawuro M. Barkindo (ed.), Studies in Kano History, 72.

[12] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 79.

[13] This may have predated the Kano campaign of Borno.

Revisiting Gambaru

 

Migeod 1924

One of the most illustrious sites associated with the Sayfawa dynasty of Borno is Gambaru. Located only a few kilometers from the royal capital, Birni Gazargamo, Gambaru was said to have been a favorite retreat of the Sayfawa rulers. The site is also remembered traditionally as the construction of a magira named Aisa Kili N'girmaramma. According to H.R. Palmer, this queen-mother ordered the construction of Gambaru for Idris Alooma (r. 1564-1596). Others, referring to Idris Alooma's mother as Amsa, attribute the site to Amsa. Despite the contradictory traditions on the mother of this famous mai, Gambaru was apparently in use until c. 1808 or 1809, when the attacking forces of the jihad pillaged Gazargamo and other sites in the region. In an attempt to reconstruct the history of Gambaru, we shall share our own thoughts on the site based on studies by historians, archaeologists, and travelers. Understanding Gambaru's origins and its function as a palace site will elucidate how the Sayfawa maiwa utilized brick for elite architecture. It may also reveal a Bornoan example of how a small royal center could coexist with a much larger birni 5 kilometers away that was the real economic and political core of the state. 

Migeod (1924)

Naturally, one must begin with the origins. Since Gambaru was referenced multiple times by Ahmad b. Furtu, including an allusion to a mosque there, the site was already established by the reign of Idris Alooma (Lange 131). Traditions collected by Landeroin extend the origins of Gambaru as a Sayfawa center further back in time, to the 15th century. Per tradition, the area of Gambaru was where a Sao hunter, Gouma Kandira (also called Dala Gomami) lived. When the Sayfawa arrived in the region, he granted them permission to settle nearby. Over time, the Sayfawa (or their followers from Kanem) used their abundant merchandise to acquire additional lands from the local Sao. Over time, Gouma Kandira was tricked into buying too many goods on credit that he could not repay. This led to Gouma leaving the region and the Sayfawa making Gambaru their capital. However, they found the region was too densely wooded, too close to the river (causing frequent flooding) and the site was not favorable for horses (Landeroin 356). Interesting, this Sao chief, Gouma Kandira, may be identified with the Sao hunter who settled in Machena, Bolo Kandira (also known as Guma Kerbina). Although C.J. Lethem recorded a version of events which attributed Gouma Kerbina's departure from Borno to his father, the traditions of Gouma Kandira/Bolo Kandira (or Dala Gomami) were known as far west as Machina. By their own traditions, the ruling dynasty of Machina were said to be descendants of this man. 

Graham Connah (1981)

A different version of this tradition was reported by Palmer. In Sudanese Memoirs, Palmer wrote of the "So" Dala N'Gumami, clearly the same Sao leader Dala Gomami. However, instead of Gambaru, Palmer wrote that Dala lived at the town of Gaji Dibun. The followers of the Sayfawa were already using land nearby for pastureland, amazing the gigantic Sao leader due to their small size and horses (Palmer 66). This Sao hunter subsequently led the Sayfawa to the area of Gazargamo. The familiar tale of the trick of the henna was then used to defeat the Sao and kill nearly all, except for Dala N'Gumami. This Sao leader was said to have been a friend of the Sayfawa (67-68). Despite the absence of Gambaru in Palmer's version of this event, it should be remembered that Gambaru was located quite near to the site of Gazargamo. The lack of the toponym in Palmer's version may have been due to different informants attributing the Sao hunter's town to the general vicinity of Gazargamo and Gambaru, along the Komadugu Yobe. Undoubtedly, further evidence is necessary, but a Sau-Gafata connection for these communities may be assumed since they were still living near Gazargamo in places like Damasak at the time of Idris Alooma's reign.

Thurstan Shaw (1978)

Since oral traditions associate Gambaru with the Sao leader who led or welcomed the Sayfawa to the area of Gazargamo, the area was inhabited by Sao peoples long before Gambaru became a royal retreat for the rulers of Borno. Traditions are still imprecise for the exact process in which Gambaru became Sayfawa royal center. For example, Lange heard traditions in the region that reported the site was constructed by Aisa for Ali Gaji or Dunama Dibalemi. Furthermore, one of these kings did not like Gambaru because it lacked adequate space for horse racing (Lange 133). This is clearly an instance of modern tradition recalling the names of two of the most prominent Sayfawa monarchs and anachronistically turning Aisa into the mother or magira of them. Migeod, writing in the 1920s, also recorded that the mai rejected Gambaru as a capital, thereby leading to it becoming the magira's town (226). Palmer, in Bornu Sahara and Sudan, wrote of Aisa Kili N'Girmaramma having great difficulty in protecting the life of Idris Alooma from his cousin, Dunama Fannami and Abdallah. As regent for her son, after Abdallah's death, she was said to have built the palace and mosque at Gambaru to so Idris would not be corrupted by the manners of Gazargamo (Palmer 232). 

Seidensticker's Plan

Muhammad Nur Alkali similarly attributed the construction of Gambaru to the queen Amsa, mother of Idris Alooma, based on a praise song for her (Alkali 145). Likewise, Bivar and Shinnie, in "Old Kanuri Capitals," also reported the tradition of Amsa (or Aisa) as the builder of Gambaru (Bivar & Shinnie 3). Even a problematic praise song in J.R. Patterson's Kanuri Songs, for a magira named Aisa, referred to her as owner of Gambaru. Overall, most traditions concur on the identity (Amsa or Aisa) of the magira who built Gazargamo, although some attribute the son for whom it was built to Ali Gaji. The sense of the mai rejecting Gambaru as a capital may be an interpolation of the other traditions in which the Sayfawa rejected Gambaru (or its environs) earlier in the 15th century. Lamentably, the method in which the magira sponsored the brick buildings or walls of Gambaru is ambiguous. Traditions of craftsmen imported from Tripoli to complete the project may be unreliable. After all, the Sayfawa had sponsored brick buildings since the 12th century in Kanem. It is possible that workers were local artisans using skills that the Sayfawa had long sponsored for elite structures. Possible evidence of this can be found in the existence of a mai jalabvube in Gazargamo, the head of brickmakers (Seidensticker 245). In terms of the construction of the brick walls, Migeod did note that the bricks showed evidence that not all the bricklayers were equally skilled (Migeod 227). Nonetheless, a magira like Aisa Kili N'girmaramma possessed ample resources and had the structures built. Gambaru is the only known site with fired-brick ruins believed to have been built by a woman.

Palmer (1936)

Due to the consensus on the builder of Gambaru, what can we infer on the site's history from the 16th century to the early 19th century? Lange noted the reference to horses in oral traditions on the site, which brought to mind J.R. Patterson's district report on Borsari from the colonial period. If the mulima, a slave official in charge of the royal horse stables, was based at Gambaru, oral tradition may be alluding to this official. According to Patterson, the mulima collected the taxes from the villages or towns of Sage, Gilbossu, and Jaba. The mulima was based at Gambaru in the past. If Nachtigal was correct to identify the post of mulima as one held by slaves, this official was also at Gambaru and received the right to collect taxes or tribute from villages in the area. Of course, in the days before the abandonment of Gazargamo, the metropolitan district was densely populated and full of villages and towns. This means that in the past, the mulima may have held tax rights over a large population. Provisioning members of the royal family staying at Gambaru may have also entailed some fiefs or administrative rights over villages in the region. Sadly, it is unclear if the fiefs held by the magira were also included among those tied to Gambaru.

Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs

Indeed, a possible hint of Gambaru's past connections to the larger region can be seen in Denham's brief description of the site. Denham, presumably drawing on oral tradition, was told the nearby river was once very actively used by boats moving from Gambaru to Kabshary. The surrounding area was also once extensively cultivated (Denham, Clapperton, Oudney 156). This account, though brief, was based on traditions only a little over a decade after the site was abandoned, so it has a degree of reliability. The active river traffic, well-cultivated surroundings, and proximity to Gazargamo meant an economically dynamic regional economy. In fact, farms along the Komadugu Yobe were sometimes irrigated, according to Patterson. This facilitated the growth of cotton and food crops. Lastly, given that horses were of major importance for the military capacity of the state, one can be also be sure that the Sayfawa rulers who occasionally stayed at Gambaru kept a close eye on the mulima. In truth, the name of Aisa Kili N'girmaramma may also be a reference to horses or horse racing (Lange 133). This is highly suggestive of a link between horses, the magira, and Gambaru. Being in an economically prosperous regional economy that was densely settled meant Gambaru could draw on these ample resources.

Sassoon's photo of Gambaru ruins 

Unfortunately, little remains of the site of Gambaru besides the brick walls. Luckily, Musa Hambolu, who partly excavated Gambaru in the 1990s, focused on a few areas that shed additional light. One of them, a Yobe-type archaeological mound was a 2x2 excavation north of the palace. Another spot excavated was 4x4 in the southeast quadrant of one of the round hut foundations within the palace (Hambolu 221). In terms of the actual palace, Hambolu described it as oblong-shaped and featuring 10 compartments or sections. Overall, it measured 24 meters long from the southwest to southeast, 12 meters from southeast to northeast, 27 meters from northeast to northwest and 10.5 meters from its northwest to southwest axis, a total of 243 square meters. In addition, 5 possible hut foundations were detected, 4 of which were located within one of the 10 compartments (Hambolu 223). While less impressive when compared to the palace complex at Gazargamo (100,000 square meters), Gambaru's buildings with circular brick foundations provide possible clues to the use of space between the walled areas, or compartments. Hambolu's excavation of a hut foundation in the southeast quadrant revealed a structure with a diameter 4.4 and 5 meters for its inner and outer dimensions. The wall was 60 centimeters thick but Hambolu did not excavate the entire structure (Hambolu 224). A possible purpose of the site where 4 of these structures were found could have been for the use of the harem or women of the mai. Perhaps one of the circular structures was similar to what can be seen at Machina today, apparently used for giving audiences in front of it. 

Another picture by Sassoon

Besides Hambolu, other descriptions of the site are based on the ruins of the walls still standing. The earliest, based on a description by a Borno native to a European who never saw Gambaru, dated to the 1810s. This brief account merely alluded to the remains of "castles" and houses erected by "Christians" in the past. The association of the site with Christians is certainly perplexing, but Gronenborn has suggested this may be due to a past presence of European slaves or captives in the region. In this light, it is intriguing to note that the original article, published in The Quarterly Review, referred to copper coins used by the Christians being dug up at Gambaro. The use of the word "Christian" in Borno to refer to "pagans" or kirdi should not be forgotten. The association with "Christians" may very well refer to a non-Muslim group in the area or perhaps forcibly resettled nearby. Alternatively, the presence of European slaves and renegades in precolonial Borno, allegedly highly esteemed by the Sayfawa, could also have been present at Gambaru in the 16th and 17th centuries. 

Sassoon picture of standing wall

After The Quarterly Review, travelers who visited the site described Gambaru. Denham was the next to write of his visit to Gambaru's ruins. Noting the mosque walls enclosing a space of 20 square yards, he also observed the house of the sultan with gates opening toward the river. The private mosque attached to the sultan's house was also still observable, as well as other buildings of brick. Barth, who came next several years later, was only able to distinguish 1 wall and a building he believed was part of a mosque (Lange 131). Unmentioned by Lange are the allusions to artificial basins or lakes near Gambaru. Denham, for instance, wrote that Gambaru was located northwest of Lake Muggaby (Denham, Clapperton, Oudney 155). Barth observed what he thought were artificial basins or lakes in the area near Gambaru, too (Barth 345). Consequently, the capital district may have used canals or irrigation ditches that fed artificial lakes or basins of water for agricultural or other purposes. Gambaru, located near a major river, may have benefited from this as water was rerouted to the agricultural settlements whose farmers paid taxes or tribute.

Photo of Gambaru in Bivar & Shinnie's "Old Kanuri Capitals"

Moving into the 20th century, more detailed descriptions of the site emerged. The valuable insights and observations by 20th century visitors and archaeologists are weakened by the plundering of the site for bricks. Nevertheless, some walls still stood to an impressive height in the 1920s. When Migeod visited, he described the palace as 250 yards by 150 yards, with walls of burnt brick. The brick walls were supposedly used to divide the space into multiple yards or sections used for walking, horses, or gardens (Migeod 226). The Gambaru walls impressively still stood up to 8 feet in some sections. However, he did not see evidence of a great palatial house structure, writing, "A great palace in the form of a house did not exist." But, he did view the foundation of a round structure or hut of a large diameter in the northwestern corner of the site (Migeod 227). Even by the 1960s, Bivar and Shinnie viewed walls that still stood up to 3 meters (Bivar & Shinnie 4). Some sections may have been partly restored during the colonial era, but probably not in any way that substantially altered the layout. Even by the 1980s, when Wilhelm Seidensticker produced the only plan of Gambaru, some of the brick walls survived. Seidensticker's plan and study indicates the site's palace was really 10 interior courtyard divided by brick walls. These walls, 1 meter wide with the width of 7-8 stretchers, were differently fired since they were much darker in color (Seidensticker 65). 

Another image of Gambaru's remaining walls in Bivar & Shinnie

As evidenced by the contradictory reports of Gambaru, much of the site's history and architecture remain enigmatic. Even the question of a palatial house or brick house is ambiguous. While Denham, who saw the site a little over a decade after its abandonment, believed there was a large sultan's house and private mosque, later visitors were less confident. Migeod, in the 20th century, believed the brick walls were mainly used to separate the 10 or so compartments or sections, which each had their particular uses or purposes. Gambaru's possible "Sao" origins and link to the Dala Gumami or Gouma Kandira of Borno oral tradition is additionally ambiguous. Thankfully, traditions concur on the magira who ordered the construction of Gambaru. Likely the mother of Idris Alooma, this makes Gambaru one of the few (if not the only) Sayfawa fired-brick site which can be linked to a woman ruler. The site's location and proximity to Birni Gazargamo, the Sayfawa capital established by Ali Gaji, made it a part of a populous and prosperous region that engaged in irrigated agriculture, trade on the Komadugu and overland, and possibly the use of canals or ditches to create artificial lakes or ponds. Gambaru's connection with the mulima and occasional use by the Sayfawa rulers likely made it a popular site for the mai to escape the crowds at Gazargamo. Access to the mulima may have also facilitated the organizing of the horses for military expeditions. In short, the site was well-positioned and functioned as another manifestation of Sayfawa elite architecture in the history of Kanem-Borno. As a smaller royal site near Gazargamo, one cannot help but wonder which, if any, fired-brick ruins in Kanem served a similar purpose. If the antiquity of the birni can be traced to medieval Kanem, then it is difficult to imagine that Tié was the royal capital of Njimi. Was it not, perhaps, akin to Gambaru as a royal center visited by the rulers but not the large town or city sometimes implied in medieval Arabic sources? 

Bibliography

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Barth, Heinrich. Travels and discoveries in North and Central Africa: Including accounts of Tripoli, the Sahara, the remarkable kingdom of Bornu, and the countries around Lake Chad. London: Ward, Lock, and Co., 1890.

Bivar, A. D. H., and P. L. Shinnie. “Old Kanuri Capitals.” The Journal of African History 3, no. 1 (1962): 1–10. http://www.jstor.org/stable/179796.

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Palmer, H.R. The Bornu Sahara and Sudan. London: J. Murray, 1936.

__________. Sudanese Memoirs: Being Mainly Translations of a Number of Arabic Manuscripts Relating to the Central and Western Sudan. 1st ed., new impression. London: Cass, 1967.

Patterson, J.R. Kanuri Praise Songs. Lagos: Government Printer, 1926.

Seidensticker, Wilhelm. "A Note on the Site of Gambaru, Borno State," Zaria Archaeology Papers 5 (1983): 65-67.

__________. "Borno and the East: Notes and Hypotheses on the Technology of Burnt Bricks" in  Lionel Bender and Thilo C. Schadeberg (editors), Nilo-Saharan Proceedings: Proceedings of the First Nilo-Saharan Linguistics Conference, Leiden, the Netherlands, September 8-10 1980.

Shaw, Thurstan. Nigeria: It's Archaeology and Early History. London: Thames and Hudson, 1978.

Tilho, Jean (editor). Documents Scientifiques De La Mission Tilho. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1910.

Speculating on Aisa Kili bint Dunama

A favorite of the seraglio of the ruler of Borno in the 1820s based on a sketch in Denham, Clapperton and Oudney. The woman bears an uncanny resemblance to the magira photographed in Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan.

One of the great female rulers of Borno, Aisa Kili N’girmaramma, remains a mystery. The exact chronology of her regency, the conditions that led to her occupying the throne, and how she was able to lead military expeditions and protect a young Idris Alooma are not clear. However, they are aspects of a pivotal period in Borno’s consolidation as a major regional power. Said to have been the mother of Idris Alooma in some traditions while others others assert she was a Sayfawa ruler related to Dunama, her parentage has been tentatively identified with Dunama b. Salma of the Bulala rulers in Kanem. Using references based on Kanembu oral traditions recorded by Henri Carbou, it is possible to more confidently identify Aisa Kili as a daughter of the Bulala ruler remembered as Kalo, probably the very same Dunama b. Salma who was defeated by Idris Alooma’s grandfather, Idris b. Ali (reigned c. 1497-1519). In fact, her seizure by Borno forces may have contributed to the conflict between Idris b. Ali and the Bulala sultans that reignited during the reign of Muhammad b. Idris (c. 1519-1538). Once in Borno, however, the Bulala princess was married to Ali, the father of Idris Alooma. In spite of Ali’s death in c. 1539, Aisa Kili was able to reign in her own right and protect the interests of her adopted homeland.

Lamentably, it remains quite difficult to historicize and contextualize some of the traditions reported by Carbou. Take the Bulala king, Kalo, for instance. His mother was said to have been named Lafia.[1] The name Lafia appears as a mai named Lefia in H.R. Palmer’s Sudanese Memoirs. But, in Palmer’s sources, Lafia was the father of Jil, who was the father of Anas, who was the father of Salih.[2] Another Bulala sultan, who fought a losing war against Muhammad b. Idris, son of Idris b. Ali (r. 1497-1519), was named in the Diwan as Kaday b. Lafia.[3] Further identification of Kalo may be corroborated in Kanuri traditions of Aissa Kili bint Dunama, said to have been a daughter of the Bulala sultan Dunama b. Salma (r. c.1500-1530).[4] Assuming Idris Alooma’s mother was the daughter of Dunama b. Salma and not the other sons of Salma, who was the father of a Bulala princess remembered in Kanem as Assakele, then it is likely that Dunama b. Salma was in fact Kalo. However, traditions reported in Palmer’s Sudanese Memoirs are contradictory about Idris Alooma’s mother. According to Palmer, Aisa Kili succeeded Ali Gaji and ruled for 7 years. Ali Gaji was said to have married a daughter of the Bulala ruler, Umr. Moreover, Aisa Kili was allegedly a sister of Idris Alooma, and had lived among the Bulala.[5] Idris Alooma’s mother, named Amsa, was said to have been a daughter of Jil ibn Bikoru of the Bulala.[6] According to Lange, Dunama b. Salmama was one of the Bulala kings defeated by the Sayfawa mai, Idris b. Ali (r. c.1497-1519).[7] If so, this agrees with the chronology given by Dewiere (c.1500-1530). As for Aisa Kili, a girgam translated by Palmer listed her as a child of Dunama, and a “princess of the blood.”[8] This same girgam lists the parents of Idris Alooma as Ali and Hamsa, with no indication of Aisa Kili being the mother of Idris. As for contemporary written sources, Ahmad b. Furtu wrote that Idris Alooma was related to the Bulala by marriage or parentage.[9] The only other source asserting a Bulala origin for Idris Alooma’s mother is Muhammad Nur Alkali, who cited tradition that Idris’s mother was the sister of the Bulala sultan, Abdullahi.[10] Consequently, one is left uncertain about the Aisa Kili who was  held by tradition to be the mother of Idris Alooma.

Ruins of Gambaru in Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan.

Later traditions heard by Lange in the areas of Gambaru, Birni Gazargamo and other sites, add little more clarity. At the site of Mar, about 32 km southwest of Gambaru and where Aisa Kili was said to have died, Lange was told a well in the village had been constructed by the orders of Aisa Kili. In the village of Logomani, for instance, he was informed that it was founded by Aisa Kili, who was remembered in tradition as a male.[11] Intriguingly, her name has been translated as referring to her white horse, and tradition remembers her as leading military expeditions.[12] Lange also found that residents of the area of Gazargamo remembered Aisa Kili but not Idris Alooma.[13] Since Idris Alooma did indeed spend time at Gambaru and traditions remember a mother named Aisa Kili who built the site’s palace for her son, it does seem rather likely that Aisa Kili and Amsa are one and the same. 

Lange, in his earlier study and translation of the Diwan, suggested Aisa Kili was perhaps the mother of Idris Alooma’s grandfather, Idris b. Ali. This interpretation is based on the idea that Aisha may have been an important figure at the time who ensured the succession of Idris b. Ali (r. 1497-1519).[14] A defense of Lange’s interpretation can be found in the second volume of Palmer’s Sudanese Memoirs, where Ali Gaji Zeinami was said to have married Amsa, a daughter of the Bulala sultan, Umr.[15] Nonetheless, Nur Alkali makes a stronger case for placing Aisa Kili’s reign to the period of Abdullahi (r. 1557-1564). For instance, the maira Aisa Keli Ngermaram's reign was remembered to have included periods of famine or drought, which correlates with the Diwan on Abd Allah’s reign.[16] Likewise, the girgam published by Palmer places the reign of Aisa right before Idris Alooma’s. But unlike Muhammad Nur Alkali’s assertions, the girgam describes Aisa Kili as a daughter of Dunama, not a sister. To make matters even more baffling, Palmer’s Bornu Sahara and Sudan seems to imply she was a daughter of a Sayfawa monarch as well as a Bulala princess.[17]

Another question one must consider is the possibility that Aisa Kili was the magira but not necessarily the biological mother of Idris Alooma. The confusion found in the oral traditions might have arose due to the memory of Idris as Amsami in remembrance of his biological mother, but later fused her with traditions of the magira, Aisa Kili, who was indeed a major figure who held the throne for perhaps as many as 7 years. This might explain some of the inconsistencies in traditions about Idris Alooma’s mother as well as some of the contradictions in the traditions about relationships between similarly named kings of the Sayfawa from the time of Ali Gaji in the 15th century to Idris Alooma in the second half of the 16th century. Kings with similar names, might have been confused with their predecessors or successors and tradition remembered Aisa as a powerful ruler in her own right, perhaps thereby making her either a successor of Ali Gaji, mother of Idris Alooma, sister of Idris Alooma and sister of Dunama and Abdallah. A praise song even turns her into a daughter of Dunama Dibalemi.[18] This remains plausible since the same traditions sometimes turn Dunama Dibalemi into the father of Ali Gaji. In other words, the most prominent rulers of the annals of the Sayfawa were remembered and sometimes anachronisms emerged as events were traced to their illustrious reigns. 

In summation, Aisi Kili likely was a Bulala princess who, through a series of events and circumstances, briefly held paramount authority in Borno. Based on the Kanembu songs referring to a Bulala princess named Assakele, who was seized by Borno forces, it is likely she was the daughter of Dunama b. Salma (or Kadai). Kanembu sung tradition seems to identify Dunama b. Salma as Kalo. This very same Kalo was also said to have led the heroic resistance against the forces of Borno, presumably the campaign of Idris b. Ali (r. 1497-1519). Idris b. Ali’s son, Muhammad, subsequently led a Kanem campaign that defeated the Bulala sultan, Kadai b. Lafia, a brother of Dunama b. Salma. At some point, probably during the campaigns of Idris b. Ali or Muhammad b. Idris, Assakele was seized by a tsarma of Borno. She later became the wife of Ali b. Idris, who reigned briefly in c.1538-1539 in Borno. If she was indeed the mother or queen-mother of Idris Alooma, who came to the throne in c.1564, she was able to establish  herself politically and even lead military expeditions, perhaps during the troubled period of famines and drought that preceded the coming to power of Idris Alooma. If tradition can be trusted, she even sponsored fired-brick palaces and mosques at Gambaru and may have played a key role in the cordial relations between the Bulala and Sayfawa royal houses. In fact, the Bulala sultan, Abd Allah ibn Jil, who performed the hajj with Idris Alooma in 1565, would have been a cousin of the mai.[19] While much remains unanswered about her exact connection with Idris Alooma, it appears likely she was indeed at least a magira whose leadership skills helped the Sayfawa stay afloat during the turbulent years of famine in the 1550s and early 1560s.

________________

[1] Henri Carbou, La region du Tchad et du Ouadai, tome 2, 47. 

[2] H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs 3, 29..

[3] Lange, Diwan, 79.

[4] Remi Dewiere, Du lac Tchad à la Mecque, 379.

[5] Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs 2, 42-43. 

[6] Ibid, 44. 

[7] Lange, Diwan, 79. 

[8] Palmer, “The Bornu Girgam,”79. 

[9] Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs 1, 19.

[10] Muhammad Nur Alkali, Kanem-Borno Under the Sayfawa, 200. 

[11] Lange, A Sudanic Chronicle, 132. 

[12] Muhammad Nur Alkali, Kanem-Borno Under the Sayfawa, 148.

[13] Lange, A Sudanic Chronicle, 133.

[14] Lange, Diwan, 80.

[15] Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs 2, 39.

[16] Muhammad Nur Alkali, Kanem-Borno under the Sayfawa, 150. 

[17] Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 232-233.

[18] Lange, A Sudanic Chronicle, 132.

[19] Collet Hadrien, “Royal Pilgrims from Takrur According to ʿAbd al-Qādir al-Jazīrī (12th–16th Century),” 193.

Borno's Musketeers

 

Whilst perusing John Hunwick's Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Sa'dī's Ta'rīkh Al-Sūdān Down to 1613 and Other Contemporary Documents we came across some intriguing allusions to Borno. In a translated source written by an unnamed Spaniard in 1591, some information pertinent to Borno reached the writer. According to his unclear sources, the ruler of Borno possessed 500 musketeers. The story about the conflict with the Turks is somewhat garbled and if relevant, might have been a reference to past disagreement over a fortress in the Fazzan. Intriguingly, the source does match other sources that speak of a Turkish presence in Borno (Anania, Ahmad b. Furtu) in the last few decades of the 16th century. 

A Sudanic Chronicle

Lange's A Sudanic Chronicle: The Borno Expeditions of Idrīs Alauma (1564–1576) is an indispensable work. A scholarly, modern translation of one of the chronicles of imam Ahmad b. Furtu, it is one of the earliest extant West African chronicles, written in 1576. It is also one of the most detailed primary sources from Borno on the Sayfawa dynasty and the reign of Idris b. Ali. Indeed, when paired with the 1578 chronicle on the Kanem campaigns of Idris b. Ali against the Bulala on the opposite shore of Lake Chad, Ahmad b. Furtu is probably our most important written source on Kanem-Borno from the precolonial era. Unfortunately, the chronicler only covers the first twelve years of his ruler's reign, but he provides an intimate look at some of the social, political, demographic, military, diplomatic, religious and economic dynamics in 16th century Borno. Moreover, Lange's scholarly translation is more accurate and usable than the 19th century Redhouse translations or the Palmer ones with their egregious errors. For that reason alone, plus the detailed footnotes by an academic who specializes in the region, Lange's translation is required reading. 

What stands out more clearly in this translation than that of Redhouse is the literary allusions, Quranic references, and the role of military tactics. For instance, the expertise in which Idris, the brother of Vizier Kursu organizes the musketeers, shieldsmen, and cavalry to effectively defeat Ngizim towns was far more explicit here. The greater precision and contextual knowledge of the translator vividly brings to life some of the combat, military strategies, and long-term goals of Idris Alooma to wear down, defeat, displace, destroy, and starve rebels, external enemies, and nomadic foes (like the Tuareg of Air). Snippets of the population movements and displacements, such as the construction of ribats to end "pagan" incursions, are additional evidence of large-scale movements across Borno which reveal the long-term strategy of the Sayfawa to consolidate their power. Furthermore, Ahmad b. Furtu's individuality and background as the chief imam of Birni Gazargamo are more readily discernible here, perhaps due to useful footnotes of Lange.

Unfortunately, Lange never followed this with a similar scholarly translation of the second chronicle of Ahmad b. Furtu. It's a shame since the two chronicles, both panegyric in tone and clearly meant to flatter the sultan, nonetheless constitute hugely significant sources on events in Kanem and Borno during the late 16th century. The Kanem campaigns described by Ahmad b. Furtu are essential for highlighting the larger regional ambitions, influence, and extent of Sayfawa power across the Central Sudan. It also would have been interesting to read a similar gazetteer of towns and settlements in Kanem as well as Lange's commentary to shed light on the Quranic, literary, or linguistic peculiarities of the text. 

The Book of the Kanem Wars

The other chronicle by Ahmad Ibn Furtu covers the Kanem campaigns launched by Sultan Idris Alooma against the Bulala leaders of the region. The conflict was, according to this chronicle that covers 7 expeditions launched against Kanem, sparked by the Bulala refusal to cede 3 districts to Borno and a disrespectful letter sent from them to Idris Alooma. What proceeds from here is a hard to follow account in Redhouse's dated translation of various expeditions launched by Idris against the Bulala, who usually choose to flee and avoid pitched battles. So, Idris and his forces subdue the Tubu, ensure the loyalty of other Tubu and Arabs, raid and pillage, and forcibly relocate various peoples of Kanem into Borno. Finally, a claimant to the throne of Kanem who is aligned with Idris manages to secure the throne with the aid of Idris, who only keeps a few provines of Kanem for Borno while returning most of the area to the new ruler, Muhammad. 

Through occasional asides, Ahmad Ibn Furtu alludes to the genealogy of the Borno rulers and their ancient history in Kanem, as well as the various conflicts both internal and with the Bulala that precipitated their shift to Borno. Intriguingly, Ahmad Ibn Furtu seems to draw from both oral traditions for the early history of Borno (as well as a chronicle one a recent forebear of Idris) as well as written sources, hinting at the possibility of a number of lost chronicles of the Saifawa dynasty. Perhaps the Girgam really was just an abbreviated form of a much longer chornicle(s) that covers their lineage from their alleged Himyarite origins to the 19th century. Indeed, when covering the early history of the Saifawa kings from their ancient Kanem period, there is clearly something akin to legend and lost grandeur in Ahmad Ibn Furtu's claim that Kanem once extended as far east as Dongola and the Nile. Of course, his patron, Idris, has surpassed his ancestors as a military genius guided by devout Islamic principles, according to Ibn Furtu.

Unfortunately, we found this chronicle to be less informative and more tedious of a read than Ibn Furtu's coverage of the Borno wars. Too many encounters with the Bulala here end with the flight of the Bulala king to the deserts, and it is not entirely clear what happened in certain passages. Some of this must be due to the translation and the bewildering number of towns and place names which are not explained by the translator. Nonetheless, there is a wealth of information on military organization, tactics, and Borno's possibly "quasi-feudal" relationship with its tributary subjects and allied nomadic groups (Tubu and Arabs, for instance). A number of titled dignitaries also appear, suggesting something of the political and military administrative apparatus of Borno in the late 16th century. Allusions to merchants and the purchase of horses point to relations with North Africa and the wider world, which presumably received some of the captives from the various expeditions to Kanem. On slavery, supposedly one of the other reasons Borno was superior to the Bulala of Kanem was due to their respecting Islamic laws prohibiting the enslavement of Muslims. The Bulala, on the other hand, kept Muslim and non-Muslim captives as slaves, violating Islamic law. Perhaps Borno's Saifawa dynasty remembered events from the late 14th century when even members of the royal family became slaves sold to Egypt or Syria. Or, again, it was just another example of Ibn Furtu exaggerating the Islamic credentials of Borno and its dynasty against the pagan or insufficiently Muslim polities surrounding them. 

But once we have perused the more recent translation of Lange and reviewed more of the literature on Ibn Furtu, we shall return to his work and the nature of historical writing in "Sudanic" Africa. It has always struck us as rather odd that so many are familiar with the Timbuktu Chronicles and the importance of those primary sources for the study of Songhay or even the earlier Ghana and Mali "empires" yet few seem to acknowledge or reference Ibn Furtu's 2 chronicles which predate the Timbuktu tarikhs. Why is that? Perhaps the more limited nature of Ibn Furtu's writing, which focus on military campaigns? Or simply Timbuktu being better known as an exotic and mysterious location than Borno?