Dunama Dibalemi and Kaday b. Dunama

 

Although much stronger evidence is required, possible hints as to Dunama Dibalemi (r. 1210-1248) before his ascent to the throne may be found in a mahram. Translated in Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan, this "Mahram of the N'Galma Duku" was first issued during the reign of Dunama Dibalemi's father, Salmama (r. 1182-1210). Included within the mahram is a list of witnesses (p. 20. This very list contained a yerima named Dunama ibn Tsilim. Tsilim is actually another variant for Salma, or Salmama, referring to this ruler's dark skin. However, this charter of privilege for the descendants of Abd ul Lahi Dili ibn Bikuru likely dates to the 18th or 19th century. It was allegedly renewed several times by later Sayfawa maiwa, the last one named as the Ali ibn Dunama (r. 1747-1792). Consequently, it is dangerous to make too many assumptions about this document without seeing an original Arabic text and other possible copies, if any survived. Nonetheless, if the list of witnesses to the original act is accurate, it suggests Dunama Dibalemi may have first served as a yerima. Since this position in later centuries always went to a free-born son of a princess and encompassed responsibilities for northern territory or defense, Dunama was likely well-equipped to handle trans-Saharan and northern affairs by the time he became king.

Unfortunately, another problem exists: if Dunama Dibalemi's father was named Salma ibn Bikuru in the mahram, would his name later be given as Tsilim? According to later sources, Salma's name was sometimes rendered Tsilim, leading us to suspect the list of witnesses to the original act may have been based on oral traditions or a later copy used the variant Tsilim instead of Salma. Nachtigal's list, for instance, uses the name Tsilim. Salma is also referred to as Tsilim multiple times in Palmer's Sudanese Memoirs and Bornu Sahara and Sudan. If the mahram really was a 19th century or 18th century copy, perhaps the list of witnesses was adapted to fit their later rendering of Salma (or Salmama) as Tsilim. Alternatively, Salma (or Salmama) may not have originally been linked to the word for a dark-skinned person. Lange, in his study of the Diwan, suggests another etymology linking the name to the Arabic word for peace. 

One also worries about the other son of Tsilim listed among the witnesses: Mabarlad ibn Tsilim. Since the position of tegoma appears to have disappeared, we cannot figure out what his responsibilities were. However, it is interesting to note that Mabarlad's name slightly resembles the son of Salma named earlier in the mahram: Mabradu. Is this a possible example of names garbled in later copies of the mahram or a possible error in Palmer's translation? Again, we would love to see copies of the original or any variant manuscripts to check the name. If we are indeed speaking of the same person as a witness, which is not impossible since the benefactor, a learned imam, had taught the Mabradu, then this could be further evidence that Dunama ibn Tsilim was indeed the yerima. Of course, the mystery is why the chiroma, or heir, was named Nigale ibn Sa'ad. If the chiroma was usually a son or brother of the mai, one would expect another ibn Tsilim or perhaps ibn Bukur.

Despite these aforementioned problems, the Diwan does suggest the list of witnesses for the mahram included people significant during the reigns of Dunama Dibalemi and his sons. Thus, Kaday b. Dunama, who reigned likely in the years 1248-1277, was said to be the son of M.t.la, or Matala, in the Diwan. His maternal grandfather was named Yun.s of the M.gh.r.ma tribe (p. 72). Well, this tribe, which Lange saw as the Magumi, were said to have also been the tribe of Dabali, the mother of Dunama Dibalemi. Furthermore, in the list of witnesses, a talba was present whose name was Yunus. The talba was a chief magistrate and important official in the Sayfawa court. Furthermore, he was of the same tribe or clan as Dunama Dibalemi's mother. Dabali, whose father was Batku, may have been the daughter of the Batku who was a brother of Abd Allah Bakaru, who likely reigned from c.1166-1182. If so, then Dunama Dibalemi's father was related to his mother. Then, in the next generation, Kaday b. Dunama's parents may have been related. Since Kaday b. Dunama's mother was the daughter of a talba in the court of Dunama Dibalemi's father, it was likely easier for her to ensure his succession in c.1248. Unfortunately, we know little about Matala, though Muhammad Nur Alkali believed she was essential in preparing him for leadership (p. 74). 

Unfortunately for Kaday b. Dunama, a rival son of Dunama Dibalemi likely contested his authority and succeeded in establishing his own descent group. The Diwan does not give the full tale, but Kaday was assassinated by someone named Dunama, likely a dignitary or person in government. Afterwards, the throne went to Bir b. Dunama, a son of Dunama Dibalemi with Zaynab. According to the Lange translation, Bir b. Dunama died at Njimi in c.1296 (p. 73). His successor was a son, Ibrahim, whose mother was a "Kunkuna." He was violently murdered and thrown into a river or stream by a yerima. Then a son of Kaday was able to ascend to the throne. Named Abd Allah b. Kaday, he actually ordered the execution of the people near Diskama who saw the naked corpse of his cousin. Descendants of Abd Allah b. Kaday held the throne until c. 1342, when Idris b. Ibrahim became mai. Several of his predecessors had short reigns and died in conflicts with the Sao (p. 75). Thus, from c.1248 to c. 1342, power was contested between two descent groups originating among Dunama Dibalemi's 2 sons. The last direct descendant of Kaday b. Dunama to reign was Muhammad b. Abd Allah, who only reigned for a year after dying in a war against the Sao.

Although our own speculative reading of the "Mahram of N'Galma Duku" offers possible clues to the origins of Dunama Dibalemi's rise to political power and how his son Kaday was favored for succession, further evidence is required. It nonetheless suggests that a consolidation of the Magumi royal clan took place during this period (late 12th century and early 13th century). Furthermore, the function of yerima held by Dunama Dibalemi before coming to the throne would have prepared him well for governing the northern lands of Kanem. This would have meant contact with traders from the north through secure routes as well as moments of tension or collaboration with Tubu and (Tuareg?) Berbers. The central role of Kawar in Kanem's trans-Saharan trade and ensuring security may have been part of his remit. Furthermore, by ensuring his successor was also a Magumi through his mother and possibly a talba in the court of his father who was a relative, Dunama may have believed he was ensuring power remained in a close-knit descent group. Sadly, it did not last very long as dynastic conflict arose among the descendants of his two sons for nearly a century. It has been suggested that Dunama may have placed his sons or many descendants in posts of authority around the empire, which may have initially worked when a strong, dynamic father could exert some influence. But once he left the scene, squabbles over the throne and wars with the Sao plagued Kaday's descendants. 

Kanem in Transition: The Conversion to Islam

J.C. Zeltner's map of Kanem in the 1570s (Pages d'histoire du Kanem: pays tchadien). 

Whilst perusing notes on the works of Palmer, Bobboyi, Lange, Patterson, Ahmad b. Furtu, Nachtigal and old mahram documents, the ascent of the Sayfawa dynasty under Hummay (r.1075-1086) attracted our attention. Although Lange has argued that the rise of Hummay as mai of Kanem marked a change in dynasties and not a conversion to Islam, we have argued for dynastic continuity based on oral traditions, medieval Arabic external sources, and local (Borno) traditions and texts. Putting aside the possibility of a dynastic change from the Banu Duku to the Banu Hummay, if we examine the mahram attributed to Hummay's reign, a praise song to Hummay, and traditions recorded in subsequent mahram and girgam texts, one can track the trajectory of Kanem's Islamization in the 11th century, especially through relations with Kawar.

Beginning with the mahram attributed to Hummay and translated in H.R. Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan, one finds intriguing clues about the gradual conversion of the ruling elite. According to the "Mahram of Umme Jilme," which was certainly written after the time of Hummay and likely incorporated oral traditions, Islam came to Borno through Muhammad b. Mani. Muhammad b. Mani apparently lived for 120 years and during his time in Kanem, spent time reading parts of the Koran during the reigns of Bulu, Arku, Hawa, and Umme (Hummay). Since the source has incorporated oral tradition, the lifespan of 120 years is perhaps an allusion to different generations of the same family. If so, the mahram likely records the gradual religious change among the rulers of Kanem from Bulu (r. 1007-1023) to 1086. Intriguingly, each successive mai of Kanem gave progressively larger amounts of camels as gifts for Muhammad b. Mani's efforts, culminating with the finest gift from Hummay (100 pieces of silver, 100 pieces of gold, 100 camels, and 100 slaves). Since the preceding kings gave smaller amounts of gifts to Muhammad b. Mani, we can assume that this is meant to indicate the full transition to orthodox Islam. Even more fascinating is the allusion to the "secret" reading with Muhammad b. Mani during the time of Hummay (Bornu Sahara and Sudan 14). Why was his reading with this prominent Islamic teacher done in secret?

Besides giving ample gifts to Muhammad b. Mani, Hummay also declared other tribes haram: Tura Tuzan, Gamayambara, Kayi Malakayi, Dihiluri, Diri Laima, and Ajama Bulumi (14). The last of them, Ajama Bulumi, brings to mind mai Bulu who reigned at the beginning of the 11th century. Another perhaps familiar name, Kayi Malakayi, may be an allusion to an influential family of Kay (Kayi) origin who were already Muslims. The Tura Tuzan (spelled Tura Tuzar on page 14) was explicitly described as "the pillar of my kingdom" (15). Consequently, the mahram emphasizes the exemptions made for the family of Tura Tuzar (or his clan?) and Muhammad b. Mani for their services to Hummay. Consequently, their goods were haram, and they were exempted from serving the men of the king on their lands and paying diya and tribute. While it is ambiguous, the implication here is that the Tura Tuzan and the aforementioned tribes or families also played a role in the Islamization of Kanem and serving the king. As compensation, they were freed from the tribute obligations, the quartering of troops, and from government interference. 

While this short mahram, of which 2 copies of the Arabic text have been found, raises more questions than answers, the central recipient, Muhammad b. Mani, was remembered in Kanem-Borno tradition for several centuries. Ahmad b. Furtu, the imam chronicling the campaigns of Idris Alooma (r. 1564-1596), claimed descent from the tribe of Muhammad b. Mani (A Sudanic Chronicle 34). Furthermore, Hamidu Bobboyi's research on this mahram found Muhammad Mani Aisami remembered in oral traditions as a progenitor of the Kangu Kanuri (Bobboyi 118). Further elaboration of this tradition can be seen in Palmer's third volume of Sudanese Memoirs. Muhammad Mani Aisami was said to have accompanied the Sayfawa to Njimi (31). In addition, the 4 sub-tribes of the Kangu included the Wandala, Adiribu, Zulamari, and Limanwa (32). Another tradition reported that the Kayi, Kangu, Farfari, and N'gumma lived together in the time of mai Hajj Fannami, in Mobber (29). Indeed, a lawan named Kadai of Gotofo in Mobber also claimed descent from the Kangu, who fed horses of the mai (30). Consequently, Kangu identity and tradition of descent from a major figure in the Islamization of Kanem(-Borno) do lend credence to the authenticity of the mahram.

Although these aforementioned traditions suggest deep ties between the Kangu and the Sayfawa dynasty through Muhammad b. Mani, who taught the Sayfawa (in Islamic terms), the prominent role played by the Tura Tuzan is suggestive. Beginning with mai Bulu, the Diwan demonstrates maternal ancestry connecting Kanem's rulers with Kawar. His successor, Arku, was also said to be the son of a woman from Kawar, though Tamaghar instead of Banu Kay (Diwan 67). If reliable, one can see by the late 10th century a marriage alliance between the ruler of Kanem, Ayuma and Kawar that was continued by his son and grandson. In fact, Hawa, whose description in the Diwan is also problematic, was the son of a Tamaghar woman and invested by the (Fatimid?) caliph. His mother, whose name is rendered by Lange as Ark.kay.waw.n, which bears a slight resemblance to Arku's name. One can detect even stronger evidence of ties to Kawar in the Diwan reporting Arku settling colonies of slaves in Dirku, Seguedine, and Zaylan (southern Fazzan). A mosque was even specified in the case of Seguedine (Diwan 67). If this tradition is authentic, one can detect an Islamic affinity or at least strong interest from Arku, who otherwise would likely not have sent slaves to a mosque. When one recalls the mahram of Hummay, a similar pattern can be found of gradually increasing Islamic influence from the reign of Bulu onwards.

"The Song of the Babuma to the Sultan Umme Jilme" in Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan.

Arku appears to have been a pivotal figure in this era of transition. Another source, a text written in 1751, copied in the 19th century and published in Kano, was translated to English by Palmer in Bornu Sahara and Sudan. According to Palmer's translation, Arku gave the kingdom to his son due to sickness, but continued to rule nonetheless. If this tradition is reliable, then the lengthy reign of 44 years assigned to Arku might have included a sizable part of it as a co-reign with his son, Hawa. However, the source translated by Palmer skips Hawa, referring to Abd al-Djalil (r.1071-1075) as his son. Hummay, the next mai in most accounts, is remembered for ruling an implausible 50 years but not formally taking the title of king (97). Due to the problematic nature of this source, one must use it with extreme caution. Nonetheless, the tradition of Arku abdicating the throne yet still retaining much power might explain the short reigns of Hawa and Abd al-Djalil in the Diwan. This source also refers to the Tura Al Babawa and the exchange of horses during the reign of Katuri, the grandfather of Bulu by the reckoning of the Diwan. However, the Diwan assigned an implausible 250 years-long reign to Katuri, suggesting a perhaps mythical person or clan ancestor (Diwan 66). If, however, we assume the historicity of Bulu and therefore his father, Ayuma, perhaps Katuri did reign in the 900s when the trade in horses was increasing. While purely speculative and relying on problematic sources and translations, it is plausible and would indicate burgeoning cultural, economic, and religious interactions with Kawar. 

The growing scale of interactions with Kawar, and by extension, North Africa and the Middle East, undoubtedly favored the Islamization of Kanem's ruling class. Additional evidence of the significance of Tura peoples in this phase of Kanem's history can be seen in the various mahram texts exempting Tura beneficiaries. For instance, the third volume of Sudanese Memoirs contains several Tura mahrams. According to one, supposedly written in 1806, the Tura people were aware of their diverse roots in Mecca, Medina, Istanbul, Egypt, Tripolitania, Benghazi, Sennar, Zeila, Agades, and Dirku, where they spent 220 years. However, the same tradition reports their time of 350 years in Borno (Palmer 12). If the dating here is somewhat accurate, the Tura had come to Borno in the mid-15th century. That pushes back their time in Dirku to the 1200s. This is only roughly reliable, but does accord with the contemporary sources from the 13th century that placed Kanem under the suzerainty of Borno by the time of Dunama Dibalemi. Palmer, whose text here may be ambiguously reporting oral traditions rather than the mahram itself, continues to list the descent of various Tura sub-groups back to their allegedly sharifian origin. In Dirku, the chiefs were Zulama, Dirkuma, and Amarma, with the first referring to the Fazzan. Given the long-standing trade relations between Kawar and the Fazzan, it is no surprise to see this place in the genealogical chain. However, the Arwalinwa Tura descend from Khuza'a ibn Balani. The tradition attributes the origin of other Tura to various chiefs, slaves of a pagan king named Gau Dala Shaliwa, and the Beni Hasan. Interestingly, the Tura Beni Ishak were said to be the people of this pagan king, Gau Dala Shaliwa, and also to be associated with Gazbi in Kawar (al-Qasaba of medieval Kawar). Their chiefs, named Guzuma, Fugu, Arwalingwamma, and Magadam, were likely people with deep roots in Gazbi (Palmer 12). The Guzuma Tura leader at Lalori, in Borno, also collected taxes from members of his group (Bobboyi 128). Naturally, to make sense of the traditions of origin recorded here requires careful examination of the original texts of the mahrams and corroboration with other sources. But what emerges clearly from here is the sense that the Tura in Borno retained strong memories of their places of origin in Kawar, even after centuries of life in Borno. The name Khuza'a ibn Balani also bears a superficial resemblance to the Tura Tuzan mentioned in the mahram of Hummay. Is it possible that the Tura of Borno were also descendants of the Tura family viewed by Hummay as a pillar of his kingdom?

As for the other mahram Palmer attributed to the reign of Hummay in Bornu Sahara and Sudan, it is far too ambiguous. The ruling king is named as Karkarma, son of Tigiram (16). While Tigiram sounds like a possible match with the name of Hummay's mother in the Diwan (T.k.r.m.), this problematic text with insertions from the time of Idris Alooma make it quite difficult to interpret. If it truly is from the era of Hummay, then the recipients of the mahram were Muallim Bikur and the following imams of the Saiyids: Daltuta, Dafaruna, Kiywaza, and Afanuna. In exchange for their prayers, willingness to marry the daughter of the mai, and mediation of the disputes of women, they are exempt from the tribute obligations, taxation, and other burdens of regular subjects. Unlike the other mahram, this one, in the possession of the Masbarma family, includes the marriage alliance with the mai through his daughter. If authentic, the mahram demonstrates the high status of Muslim recipients and the extent to which Hummay sought to incorporate Islam in the kingdom. Essentially, the head imam of the mosque was granted exemptions from taxes, probably received a large grant of land, and was incorporated into the ruling class through marriage.

Besides mahrams and chronicles or the Diwan, variant girgams may provide additional evidence of the transition to Islam. One girgam in the possession of Kashim Biri, was translated by Palmer in Volume III of Sudanese Memoirs. According to this girgam, Hummay did not perform the pilgrimage or die in Egypt, but his father Jil did. Instead, Hummay died at "Arikwa of many mosques" (36). According to his notes, Palmer traced Arikwa to the Kawar region (40). Yet to make things even more confusing, another girgam translated by Palmer referred to the place of death of Hummay as Rukanna in Kanem. If it seems unlikely for Kanem to have any place with many mosques by c.1086, perhaps Palmer was closer to the truth with Kawar as a possible site for Hummay's death. If so, this illustrates just how central ties to Kawar were for the consolidation of Islam among the ruling dynasty of Kanem. As Kawar already had Muslim communities by the 9th century, and remained a major point on Kanem's trade routes to the north, it was inevitable that Kawar contributed to the Sayfawa dynasty's conversion. 

Consequently, Hummay was indeed raised in an Islamized environment. His 4 predecessors were increasingly tied to Islam and, if the Diwan is to be trusted, probably converted to Islam by the time of Hawa (r. 1067-1071). Hummay may have been able to emerge as the most powerful ruler to fully establish Islam in the royal court due to the brief reigns of his predecessors. If our theory of Hawa and Abd al-Djalil having short reigns due to the longevity of Arku's life, there may have been conflict over dynastic succession which threatened the full embrace of Islam among the royal court. Hummay, whose praise song by the Babuma was included in Bornu Sahara and Sudan, emerges as a strong leader with access to horses. His defeat of the Dalla of Mobber forced the latter to flee in a papyrus boat (on Lake Chad?). And the seizure of captives demonstrated military prowess. Undoubtedly, the praise song must be used very cautiously given its anachronisms and its genre conventions. Still, Hummay was clearly the mai associated with Njimi, building a mosque in its dendal and strengthening Kanem through the redistribution of captive labor. Such a ruler was capable of implementing a fuller embrace of Islam than his predecessors. Kawar also played a pivotal role in this process as the region was increasingly incorporated into the orbit of Kanem. 

Bibliography

Bobboyi, Hamidu. 1992. The ’Ulama of Borno : A Study of the Relations between Scholars and State under the Sayfawa, 1470-1808. Dissertation.

Ibn Furṭū, Aḥmad (Dierk Lange, trans). A Sudanic Chronicle: The Borno Expeditions of Idrīs Alauma (1564-1576) According to the Account of Aḥmad B. Furṭū : Arabic Text, English Translation, Commentary and Geographical Gazetteer. Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1987.

Lange, Dierk. Le Dīwān Des Sultans Du (Kānem-)Bornū: Chronologie Et Histoire D'un Royaume Africain (de La Fin Du Xe Siècle Jusqu'à 1808). Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1977.

Palmer, H. R. (Herbert Richmond). The Bornu Sahara and Sudan. Nigeria. J. Murray, 1936.

------. Sudanese Memoirs: Being Mainly Translations of a Number of Arabic Manuscripts Relating to the Central and Western Sudan. 1st ed., new impression. London: Cass, 1967.

Vikør, Knut S.The Oasis of Salt: The History of Kawar, a Saharan Centre of Salt Production. Bergen, Norway: Centre for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies, 1999.

Fasama the Magira of Kanem

A photograph of a magira of Borno from Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan. 

The magira was an important position in Borno and Kanem probably since its inception as a state. Sometimes translated as Queen Mother, the title was occupied by a senior woman who was not necessarily the mother of the reigning mai. According to Studies in the History of Pre-Colonial Borno, the magira held the most number of fiefs in the royal family (106). To what extent this was true in Kanem is unclear, but it is probable that she controlled vast resources and exerted much influence. Indeed, the frequency with which mothers of the mai are listed in the Diwan and their ethnic origins may be a clue to both the significance of marriage alliances as well as the power some of these women likely held as magira or gumsu (first wife) of the mai.

Given the great power and influence these women appear to have held, a second look at Fasami (Barth's spelling in Travels and discoveries in North and Central Africa) is worthwhile. In terms of women remembered in the early annals of the Sayfawa dynasty, it is possible that Fasami, or Fasama in Palmer's orthography (Bornu Sahara and Sudan), was an important figure in at least 2, perhaps 3 reigns: Dunama b. Hummay (r. 1086-1140), Bir b. Dunama (r. 1140-1166) and possibly the reign of Abd Allah Bakuru (or Bakaru, Lange uses both spellings), c. 1166-1182. According to Lange, whose chronology we usually follow since it has remained unsurpassed, argued that there were two women named F. Sama, each one the daughter of a man named S.karam (Lange 70). However, we find that less likely than the alternative: a single woman named F. Sama, or Fasama/Fasami who was the mother of Biri (Lange prefers Bir) b. Dunama and grandmother of Abd Allah Bakuru. In fact, H.R. Palmer recognized this in his reproduction and study of the Diwan in Bornu Sahara and Sudan (91). This view is more likely given the repetition of the same names, unless a mistake was made by the copyists. However, Palmer also interpreted the name of Fasama's father as a title, which is an assumption without sufficient evidence. For proof, Palmer speculates that Sakarama is an old rendering of Zigina, pronounced in modern times as Chikama (167). Of course, it is also possible that the father of Fasama was simply being named, and not remembered with a title. 

In addition to mentioning a woman named Fasama with the same name in connection with two reigns, the Diwan refers to Fasama as the gumsu during the reign of Biri b. Dunama. This may be the cause of the confusion regarding the possible existence of two different women named Fasama in the 12th century who happen to have a father with the same name. Lange reasonably interprets this as a sign of a woman named Fasama who was the first wife of Biri b. Dunama (Lange 70). However, according to the same source, Biri b. Dunama had been imprisoned for a year by his mother, also named Fasama, for violating Islamic law after executing a thief (Lange 69). It is more likely that the annalists of the Diwan referred to her as gumsu in reference to her being a chief wife of the father of Biri b. Dunama. 

Indeed, the visit of Abd Allah Bakuru and his brother, Bitku, to Fasama as children seems more appropriate if she was his grandmother. After all, visiting the chief wife of Biri probably would not have required traveling away from the royal court at Njimi, since the visit was alleged to have taken place at a place called Khayr.k.r.s.mu. If the gumsu had major responsibilities like taking care of the princesses and helping to manage the royal family, one would expect her to be based at Njimi. The prince Abd Allah Bakuru would hardly have needed to travel elsewhere to see her.

If we are correct about Fasama being the mother of Biri b. Dunama and grandmother of Abd Allah Bakuru, this provides an example of a powerful woman in the early annals of the Sayfawa dynasty. Since Dunama b. Hummay was said to have drowned in the Red Sea due to Egyptian treachery, one may suspect that the transition of power in Kanem may have been a difficult one. It is possible Biri b. Dunama came to the throne at a young age and his mother, Fasama, may have been a regent or someone who helped him administer the kingdom. This could explain the story in the Diwan of a (young) Biri executing a thief, an unjust and extreme measure. However, this story contrasts with Ahmad b. Furtu's description of Biri b. Dunama as a learned and pious ruler. According to Ahmad b. Furtu's account of Idris b. Ali's Kanem campaigns in the 1570s, "On the Friday Sultan Hajj Idris also came to Gamtilo, which is the town where the learned and God-fearing Sultan Biri ibn Dunama died" (Palmer 28). The memory of Biri ibn Dunama as an ancestor of Idris b. Ali who was pious and learned led to the party reciting from the Koran and praying at Gamtilo. If this memory of Biri b. Dunama from the 1570s suggests a pious and devout Muslim ruler, the story in the Diwan might be recording a youthful mistake. Thus, Biri b. Dunama's punishment by his mother, Fasama, was likely due to her role in helping her young child rule the country and protect his legitimate claim to the throne. 

Remi Dewiere's Du lac Tchad a la Mecque includes a number of useful maps depicting areas in Kanem visited by the forces of Idris b. Ali of Borno in the 1570s. The mai stopped at Gamtilo, where Biri b. Dunama died, to pray and seek merit. In addition, Fifisa, the probable town where Abd Allah Bakuru died, can be seen. His father died at Gamtilo, which was also southeast of Njimi. This region was also part of the dense network of fired brick ruins in central Kanem, as well as the mosque of Armi considered important enough to be visited by Ahmad b. Furtu during the 1570s. Construction of enclosures or structures with fired brick began in this area as early as the 1100s.

Of course, our theory lacks corroborating evidence. No Egyptian sources, for instance, have surfaced which could corroborate the death of Dunama b. Hummay in Egypt. Nonetheless, it is possible he did die abroad, possibly in or near Egypt due to fears and concerns in Fatimid Egypt about the black soldiers. Evidence from the 17th century suggests a fear on the part of the Pasha of Tripoli in 1655 to let Ali b. Umar into the city, where many of his subjects were enslaved since he would have to liberate them (Dewiere). Is it possible that a large percentage of the black soldiers of Fatimid Egypt came from Kanem or nearby regions? This might explain the fear of the Egyptians of Dunama b. Hummay, who was said to have settled hundreds of slaves in Egypt. He may have been viewed as someone who would pressure Fatimid Egypt to consider freeing other slaves from his domains. This train of thought, naturally, is very speculative, but even if Dunama b. Hummay did not perform the pilgrimage and die in the Red Sea, it is possible that the succession after his death was an arduous one in which Biri b. Dunama may have been young when he acceded to the throne. In fact, it may also have been a moment for the Kay (Kai, or Koyam) to reassert their link to the Sayfawa since the mother of Hummay was said to have been a Kay (Lange 68). 

Besides her possible importance as a figure who helped consolidate the rule of Biri b. Dunama b. Hummay, Fasama was also still an important figure during the childhood of Abd Allah Bakuru, the son of Biri. According to the Diwan, the young maina and his brother both received 100 camels from Fasama (Lange 70). This was even the origin of his name, according to the Diwan. While the brief anecdote only hints at her influence at this point, the fact that she could easily give away 200 camels suggests ownership or access to many resources. Furthermore, external Arabic sources from the 12th century assert that wealth in Kanem, particularly Manan, was in camels and goats (Hopkins & Levtzion 114). Besides al-Idrisi, an earlier account by al-Muhallabi from the 10th century refers to the wealth of the rulers of Kanem being in livestock, such as sheep, cattle, camels and horses (Hopkins & Levtzion 171). It is likely that camel herds were one of the major sources of wealth for their use in transportation, milk, hair, and meat, so Fasama's vast numbers of camels suggest the magira at this time controlled resources and may have received large fiefs at this time. By the 17th century at least, the magira of Borno held tremendous amounts of captives and influence, enough for Ali b. Umar to inherit thousands (Palmer 34). Additional support for the far-flung domains and wealth of the magira can be found in Kanuri praise songs, too.

Unfortunately, it is unclear if Fasama lived into the reign of her grandson. But, even if she had died before he took the throne in c.1162, the close ties between Kawar and Kanem during the reign of Abd Allah Bakuru may provide evidence of her possible Kawar roots. According to the mahrams attributed to his reign and published in Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan, the ruler of Kanem was a protector of the Kawar leaders. He also mediated in their conflict with the Tuareg of Ayar (for more, see here). This relationship with Kawar definitely predated the late 12th century, and the Banu Kay or Kay may have already been established in Dirku before the time of mai Bulu (reigned c.1007-1023). In fact, the Diwan also tells us that Arku settled 300 slaves at Dirku (Lange 67). Additional evidence of trade and perhaps cultural influence can be detected in descriptions of pre-Islamic Kanem kings dressed in woolen clothes, like the people of Kawar (Hopkins & Levtzion 171). It is probable that close ties between the rulers of Kanem and Kawar, which included Kay at both sites, might have linked Abd Allah Bakuru to the people of Dirku by ancestry and economic interests. Certainly, by the time of Dunama Dibalemi, a grandson  of this mai, Kawar was one of the domains of Kanem (Hopkins & Levtzion 188). Indeed, Dunama Dibalemi may have been a descendant of Fasama on both his maternal and paternal lines. His mother, Dabali, was the daughter of Batku of a tribe interpreted by Lange as Maghumi (Lange 71). If true, this means she was a descendant of Fasama through the brother of Abd Allah Bakuru, and perhaps this helped lay the foundations for the Maghumi royal clan. 

In summation, there are clues from the Diwan that suggest one woman may have played a particularly important role in the early consolidation of the Sayfawa. Assuming she was a wife of Dunama b. Hummay, mother of Biri b. Dunama and grandmother of Abd Allah Bakuru, she likely played an important role in the early reign of her son and may have contributed to the establishment of the family line that led to the Maghumi ("free born"). She likely held "fiefs" and tremendous resources in both people and livestock. Her origins among the Kay may have also contributed to the connections with Kawar, a region some of the earlier kings were already tied to through their mothers. Fasama, however, may have also had ties to the Kay of Kawar and through her adherence to Islamic law and protection of her son, may have contributed to the growing Islamization of Kanem's elites with those of Kawar, Muslims before Kanem. Moreover, although the evidence is still limited, Fasama may have also contributed to the lineage that led to the formation of the Maghumi, or at least its consolidation that led to Dunama Dibalemi. 

Bibliography

Barth, Heinrich. Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa: Being a Journal of an Expedition Undertaken Under the Auspices of H.B.M.'s Government in the Years 1849-1855. New York: D. Appleton, 1857.

Dewière, Rémi. Du Lac Tchad À La Mecque: Le Sultanat Du Borno Et Son Monde (XVIe - XVIIe Siècle). Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2017.

Hopkins, J. F. P., and Nehemia Levtzion (editors). Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History. 1st Markus Weiner Publishers ed. Princeton [N.J.]: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2000.

Lange, Dierk. Le Dīwān Des Sultans Du (Kānem-)Bornū: Chronologie Et Histoire D'un Royaume Africain (de La Fin Du Xe Siècle Jusqu'à 1808). Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1977.

Palmer, H. R. The Bornu Sahara and Sudan. London: J. Murray, 1936.

___________. Sudanese Memoirs: Being Mainly Translations of a Number of Arabic Manuscripts Relating to the Central and Western Sudan. 1st ed., new impression. London: Cass, 1967.

Redhouse, J. W. “Translation from the Original Arabic of a History or Journal of the Events Which Occurred during Seven Expeditions in the Land of Kānim, against the Tribes of Bulala, &c., by the Sultan of Burnu, Idris the Pilgrim, Son of ’Ali; Preceded by Some Details of the Sultan’s Ancestors.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland 19 (1862): 43–123. http://www.jstor.org/stable/25228715.

Usman, Yusufu Bala, and Nur Alkali ((editors). Studies in the History of Pre-colonial Borno. Zaria, Nigeria: Northern Nigerian Pub. Co., 1983.

Revisiting the Diwan

We have finally read Augustin Holl's important study of the Diwan of Kanem-Borno. Based on the French translation by Lange, Holl offers a very different type of analysis of the document. Instead of interpreting the Diwan as an abbreviated chronicle constituting a political archive that one can gleam for historical data and a clear chronology, Holl prefers to view it as an oral epic of sorts. As a work originally in Arabic but probably based on Kanuri oral literature, values, and performance, it should probably be read in light of other kingslists and oral traditions. Moreover, we here at this blog can agree wholeheartedly with Holl when he points out the the often specious reasoning or problematic assumptions made by several scholars of Kanem-Borno. Their mistakes and misinterpretations have spawned a discourse which further obscures the history of a fascinating African civilization. As Holl writes, "The Diwan deserves better than this selective use, geared to support what each scholar thinks to be the genuine pathway to statehood."

Beginning with an English translation of Lange's French rendering of the Diwan, one supposes the major value of Holl's book can be found in this initial section. For those unable to read French or the original Arabic texts, The Diwan Revisited is indispensable. The rest of the text explores the Diwan from the perspective of oral epic. Thus, Holl breaks down the analysis into rhythm, repetition, sequences and patterns of patronyms, toponyms, kinship or affinity, sense of time, and performance. Later chapters endeavor to use insights from paleoclimatology, symbolism of numbers, external Arabic sources from the medieval era, anthropology, linguistics, and archaeology to make sense of the Diwan. There are definite traces of oral history in the Diwan, even assuming it was initially written or commenced at the end of the 16th century. Moreover, as a work of oral literature or borrowing heavily from it, Holl is probably correct to see the text as work reorganized and updated according to social, ideological, and political circumstances. Indeed, the very circumstances in which Heinrich Barth was provided with two copies of it, and the violent end to the man who had the two copies produced, suggest how important kingslists and genealogies were for political legitimacy. Other kingslists, including a lost one Heinrich Barth recorded a few names from, illustrates how genealogies and Kanuri oral epics were diverse and could differ in significant ways when it came to the history of Kanem-Borno.

One can also appreciate the detailed sequential chronology of the Sayfawa dynasty in Holl's analysis. A Golden Age, Classic Period, First Intermediate Period, and New Kingdom Era actually makes some sense in terms of how the Diwan depicts the history of the Sayfawa. Other scholars have also suggested the Sayfawa state in Borno was more centralized than what had been the arrangement in Kanem, so Holl's analysis is closely following some of the previous narratives. While we are not entirely convinced of 9 descent groups (Banu Duku, Banu Hummay, Banu Salmama, Banu Kaday, Banu Idris, Banu Dawud, and sub-groups of Idrisawa, Umarawa, and Dunamawa), there clearly were cases of rival lineages in the ruling dynasty which led to competing factions and civil wars that nearly destroyed the kingdom with the eventual rise of the Bulala. Perhaps it would be simple-minded to think a single family really could have ruled in Kanem-Borno for around 1000 years, but the ancient roots of the Sayfawa seem to be clear, as indicated by Lange's analysis. Further, other lines of evidence not considered in Holl do suggest some deeper antiquity of the Sayfawa dynasty in pre-Islamic Kanem, which we explored in our post on Lange. 

Unfortunately, The Diwan Revisited suffers from excessive typos and spelling errors that occasionally obfuscate sentences or passages. The study doesn't engage with all the external medieval Arabic sources or some of the other kingslists and chronicles from the Central Sudan region. For instance, what insights might Hausa and Tuareg traditions, genealogies, and chronicles have revealed for Kanem-Borno? Recent scholarship on the Agadez Chronicles and other traditions might have strengthened Holl's theory of the Diwan as fundamentally an oral epic, or at least one heavily modified before shown to Barth. Of course, the existence of at least two works attributed to Muhammad Yanbu in the Late Sayfawa Period suggest that local scholars were writing down historical works. Perhaps Shitima Makaremma was not lying to Heinrich Barth at all, and there is good reason to view the Diwan as the primary chronicle or kingslist associated with the Sayfawa themselves?

The Diwan

Mai Ibrahim and courtiers as depicted in Denham, Clapperton, and Oudney's Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa, in the Years 1822, 1823, and 1824.

Although his study of the document contains many speculations built on flimsy foundations, Dierk Lange's critical translation and interpretation of the Dīwān des sultans du (Kānem- )Bornū: chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808) is required reading for all interested in the history of Kanem-Borno. Using both copies of the Diwan given to Heinrich Barth, Lange translated the text and used a variety of internal and external sources to corroborate the historical accuracy of it. Indeed, specific external sources with approximate or nearly precise dates can support the chronology of Kanem-Borno by looking at the relatively accurate length of reigns of various mais. Undoubtedly, Lange's chronology is probably the most accurate we possess for the history of Kanem-Borno. 

By beginning with the end of the Sayfawa dynasty in 1846, and working backwards in time, one can arrive at a generally accurate timeline for the heads of state back to the medieval era. While less precise for the time of Hummay or the previous so-called Duguwa dynasty, the rough chronology gives us an idea of who was in power in early Kanem during moments of trans-Saharan interaction with polities in Tunisia, the Fezzan, Egypt, and beyond. Lange also suggests some probable theories on the nature of the original lost "Chronicle of Borno" that was likely the basis for the Diwan and how it pushes back the origins of Kanem to the 6th or 7th century. Thus, the fictive reign lengths of hundreds of years attributed to a few early Kanem kings (Duku, Katur) really represent multiple generations of rulers (11 or 12) before Ayuma (r.987-1007), perhaps pushing the origins of Kanem back to the 500s (Lange 141).

Unfortunately, Lange confidently asserts some questionable theories about the origins of Kanem and the question of dynastic continuity throughout the history of the civilization. Despite the Diwan, Ahmad b. Furtu, Ibn Sa'id (drawing on Ibn Fatima), and Kanuri oral traditions, Lange insists on seeing the Sayfawa as newcomers not lineally descended from the Duguwa rulers of early Kanem. To Lange, the Sayfawa, beginning with Hummay, were actually Berber in origin. Drawing on al-Yaqubi, al-Idrisi, Muhammad Bello, the romance of Sayf (with its allegedly anti-black or at least racialized character) Leo Africanus, the Diwan alluding to red-skinned early mais, and some linguistic assumptions, Lange comfortably claims, "Hummay était en toute vraisemblance un Tarki (sing. du nom arab Tawarik) issu d'un milieu islamisé et même, en partie, arabisé" (111). According to Lange, Hummay's very name could be connected to the Tuareg name Hammai, while his mother and grandfather could have names of Arabic origin modified by Berber speakers (98). 

While one could could not deny the possibility of ancient Saharan contacts between Berbers and the ancestors the Kanembu and Kanuri, the Diwan clearly states Hummay's mother was a Kay (Koyam) and his father was the previous king of Kanem, Abd al-Djalil. Consequently, we here at the blog differ in our interpretation of a passage in the Halle manuscript of the Diwan (97). To us, the passage is emphasizing a distinction between the descendants of Hummay and Duku because of the former's deeper attachment to Islam. While earlier mais appear to have been Muslims (Abd al-Djalil, Hawa), perhaps it was only with Hummay and his descendants that Islam was more deeply established as an official religion of Kanem (or its ruling elite). For example, we know al-Bakri, writing in the mid-11th century, saw Kanem as a land of "pagan" Sudan. However, if the Diwan is reliable for 11th century kings, Hawa (r. 1067-1071) was already a Muslim. Hawa, if male, was the son of Arku, whose mother was a Tomaghera from Kawar, a region with a deep history of Islamic traders (including Berber merchants). Is it not likely that the ascension of Hummay may have represented a strengthening of a Muslim faction among the ruling dynasty, perhaps one more deeply attached to Islam than Hawa and Abd al-Djalil? Furthermore, the possibly Arabic names of Hummay's mother and maternal grandfather (Takrama and Ghumar) could simply reflect the transmission of Islam through Berbers (and Arabs). Based on the sources we currently have, there's simply no evidence for Hummay being Tuareg or some other sort of Berber. However, Lange could be correct that Hummay came from a background already Islamized, as indicated by the Diwan mentioning 2 previous Muslim rulers of Kanem.

As for the alleged descent from Sayf, and the allegedly anti-black character of the romance of Sayf making it unlikely for "black Africans" to claim descent from him, we are not convinced (102). Obviously, a plethora of fictitious Yemeni or Arab genealogies exist across Muslim Africa. Moreover, the rulers of Kanem were known to have adopted the Sayfian nisba by the 13th century, centuries before the romance was written down in Egypt. We simply do not know if the ruling elite of Kanem were aware of the "racial" implications the legendary Sayf was associated with, and other factors could be relevant to the clearly fictitious political myth of origins. If, on the other hand, Lange's interpretation of Hummay as a Berber whose successors claimed descent from Sayf because of the "racial" character of the legendary Sayf defeating non-Muslim "black Africans" were true, one would have to wonder why they also claimed descent from the earlier, pagan dynasty. After all, Ibn Sa'id reported that the "pagan" ancestors of Dunama Dibalemi (r.1210-1248) were based in Manan, the ancient capital of Kanem mentioned by al-Muhallabi in the late 10th century (96). This would suggest Dunama Dibalemi was a descendant of the same kings who ruled from Manan and, later on, shifted the capital to Njimi. 

The main complication to the narrative of dynastic continuity from early Kanem to 1846 is al-Umari, who wrote of the Sayfawa seizing power after al-Hadi al-Uthmani established Islam in Kanem (99). In fact, this Hadi al-Uthmani who supposedly first established Islam, is not mentioned in the Diwan and supposedly claimed descent from the 3rd Rashidun caliph. Borno traditions and mahrams remember another person who introduced Islam (Muhammad b. Mani), and a close reading of al-Umari in Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History never refers to Hadi al-Uthmani explicitly as a king. Instead, al-Umari wrote, "The first man to establish Islam there was Hadi al-Uthmani who claimed descent from Uthman b. 'Affan. It passed after him to the Yazanis, the descendants of Dhu Yazan" (Corpus 261). One wonders if the man al-Umari names as the first to establish Islam was an Islamic scholar affiliated with Hawa or Abd al-Djalil. The reference to the Yazanis or descendants of Sayf could be a reference to the Sayfawa introducing and cementing Islam throughout their domains as the primary patrons of the religion. After all, one of the sources of legitimacy of the dynasty was their support for Islam, Muslim scholars, and the faith. Hence, an alternative reading of al-Umari suggests the Sayfawa (or, really, the Duguwa but more explicitly Islamized) became the dominant patrons of the religion. 

Another sign of likely dynastic continuity from the Duguwa to the Sayfawa can be found in pre-Islamic forms of political legitimacy that continued throughout the history of Kanem-Borno. If the Sayfawa who took power in the late 11th century were Berbers from a family Islamized for quite some time, how does one explain their preservation of older, non-Muslim customs and traditions? Intermarriage with previous ruling elite? We find it more likely that they were indeed the same dynasty and they never completely dropped non-Muslim traditions of kingship. Thus, the belief in the power of the ruler to influence health and agriculture, the veneration and isolation of the mai, and widespread acceptance of the myth that the king doesn't require food, for instance, continued long after the medieval era. For example, Kanuri informants of Descourtilz in Saint-Domingue reported that the king of Borno never leaves his palace and any subject who dares to stare at him is punished by death (Descourtilz 146). Ibn Battuta in the 14th century, like al-Umari, described Borno's ruler as never appearing before the people and never addressing them unless from behind a curtain (although al-Umari mentioned 2 festivals in which the king did appear). 

In addition, W.G. Browne, who traveled to Darfur in the 1790s, mentioned a rainy season ritual in which the king of Borno, like the sultan of Darfur, was expected to dig holes into the ground with his hands, suggesting kingship in pre-Islamic Kanem was believed to have an effect on the harvest (probably explaining why al-Muhallabi thought the subjects of Kanem's "pagan" kings believed their mai provided food and health). This suggests a degree of continuity in kingship rituals, practices, and style from the time of al-Muhallabi (late 900s) to the late 18th century. In short, the mai was, usually, distant from his subjects, associated with extreme power, and believed to have some influence on agriculture (supernatural power associated with kingship in deep antiquity?) and these characteristics remained relevant long after mai Hummay ascended to the throne. If Hummay really was of external origin and/or Berber, he and his descendants must have quickly assimilated into the local ruling class and what became the Magumi (royal clan, magumi meaning free-born, according to Koelle). 

While more could be said on the questionable conclusions and guesswork of Lange with regards to Leo Africanus and Muhammad Bello on the origins of the Sayfawa dynasty, or even the speculative association of the Duguwa dynasty with blacksmiths, our hope is not to focus solely on the negative. The Diwan received a much better translation here than in Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan. Fortunately, Lange is more careful and measured in his conclusions as well as providing a more accurate chronology than that of Urvoy or Palmer. For a superior translation with a plethora of useful comments and references, this French study of the Diwan is important for helping us to establish the basic timeline of an African civilization and how it developed over time. Though we are skeptical of the idea of two separate dynasties, this is essential reading for the history of Kanem-Borno.