Speculating on Massenya and Bricks in Bagirmi

Heinrich Barth's plan of Massenya, the Bagirmi capital.

Although the kingdom of Bagirmi also used fired brick, this part of Chad does not appear to have received as much analysis as sites in Kanem and Borno. This is unfortunate since details about the arrangement of the royal center in Massenya and the use of fired-brick for walls as well as the porio may provide clues for understanding earlier sites in Kanem. Moreover, understanding the arrangement of the space and its larger cosmological significance in Bagirmi could very well reveal something about the nature of space, royal palace layouts, and cosmology in Kanem and Borno. In our own very limited and exploratory manner, we will attempt a brief overview of Massenya's history and the use of fired brick in its elite constructions. The tentative analysis here is merely one of raising questions and exploring the deeper political and social connotations of brick constructions in this part of the "Central Sudan."

A view of Massenya based on Barth.

A quick commentary on the sources is in order. Researching the history of Bagirmi, particularly its history before the 19th century, is an arduous task. Heinrich Barth, Muhammad Bello, Escayrac de Lauture,  Nachtigal, al-Tunisi, and Denham wrote about the region in the 19th century. Before them, one finds occasional references to Bagirmi from other sources, both European and African. Unfortunately, most of the pre-1800 sources are very vague or imprecise, often only referring to Bagirmi's geography or mentioning its role in provisioning captives for the trans-Saharan trade. That Bagirmi was at least used as a name for the region by the 15th century can be seen in the map of Fra Mauro. Furthermore, references from the Diwan and the chronicle of Ahmad b. Furtu (as well as Anania's writings) refer to Bagirmi. Fortunately, the travelers, colonial "scholars" and administrators, and anthropologists and historians of the 20th century have contributed greatly to a fuller picture of Bagirmi's history. Nonetheless, the loss of a Barma equivalent of the Kanuri girgam, and the absence of written chronicles has impeded the development of a more complete history. This has forced Lebeuf, Reyna, Pâques, Gaden, Lavers, Lanier, Devallée, and others to compare lists of kings, look to oral tradition recorded at different times, explore Barma cosmology, and, in some cases, write about Fulani Muslim scholars based at Bidderi or other parts of the kingdom.

Pâques, Le roi chasseur

As for the  possible deeper antiquity of a kingdom of Bagirmi before the 15th or 16th century, as once proposed by Lange, the evidence is too ambiguous to say. The general chronology of Bagirmi's kings, with dates based on Nachtigal's interviews with Bagirmi elites, appears to be the most accurate, and that places the dynasty's origins back to the 16th century. We are inclined to favor such a date, with the period before the rise of the dynasty of Bagirmi as one of Bulala domination over a heterogeneous population (which included Fulani and other groups). In fact, the Bagirmi tradition on the foundation of Massenya's royal palace suggests the kingdom had already been in existence for at least a generation and Fulani Muslim clerics were highly esteemed. Therefore, a 16th century origin for Bagirmi as a singular kingdom is likely. Since Nachtigal relied on informants from Bagirmi and his list omitted names remembered by other informants (as reported by Escayrac de Lauture), there is a possibility that the dynasty's origins began earlier than Nachtigal's chronology suggests. For instance, Nachtigal was told that it was Lubatko who ordered a hedge of thorns placed around Massenya (Nachtigal 401). This mbang was said to have reigned from 1536-1548. Only under Abdallah (1568-1608) was the royal dwelling walled, with a plan by 4 Fulani Muslims named Dede, Shille, Aji Amede, and Majangala (Nachtigal 403). 

Besson's plan of old Massenya's palace complex.

Yet Escayrac de Lauture, writing decades earlier on Bagirmi's history, reported that a large number of brothers of Birni Besse ruled Bagirmi before Malo, the son of Birni Besse, ascended to the throne (Escayrac de Lauture). If Malo, who was said to have become mbang 28 years after his father, was preceded by a number of uncles (only one of whom is mentioned by Nachtigal, Lubatko), then Nachtigal's list omitted several kings. It also raises questions about the nature of succession in early Bagirmi. If it was practiced collaterally until the rise of Malo, and 5 kings ruled in between Birni Besse and Malo, the kingdom may have begun a little earlier than 1522, assuming that some brothers may have been significantly younger than Birni Besse. Of course, Escayrac de Lauture had access to fewer sources than Nachtigal, so all of his information on the kings of Bagirmi must be used cautiously. This nonetheless illustrates how difficult it can be to construct a coherent chronology without additional sources to corroborate or date events more firmly.

Vestiges of a wall in Old Massenya (from Lebeuf).

What of the city of Massenya? The sources disagree on some key details, but are largely compatible. Pâques attributes the foundation of Massenya to Dala Birni (Pâques 17). This is interesting since Nachtigal named Dalo Birni as a brother of Birni Besse. Most sources (Lavers, for example) concur on this point with Nachtigal. Mbang Bolo was said to have built Massenya and the royal palace by Lanier, but this may be a reference to Malo or perhaps another name of Abdallah (Lanier 460). In terms of Massenya itself, Nachtigal believed that Malo had a hedge placed around Massenya. Then, his brother and successor, Abdallah, built a wall around the royal palace. But only in the 17th century, during the reign of Burkomanda I (1635-1665), was a brick wall built to surround the gur, or palace (Reyna 62). Nachtigal, Reyna, and Devallée all associate Burkomanda with the first brick walls around Massenya's palace. 

Plan of Old Massenya in Lebeuf.

This early date, assuming the regnal years of Nachtigal are accurate, point to the 17th century for the first fired brick walls in the town. Indeed, when Heinrich Barth visited Bagirmi in the 1850s, he saw the brick wall of the palace was in a state of decay and probably more than 100 years old (Barth 518). This would suggest the wall was built by the 1750s at the last, and an earlier date in the 17th century is not impossible.  Later on, the town walls of Massenya were rebuilt during the reign of Wanya (1722-1736). Another 18th century mbang, Loel (or Loen, 1741-1751), was said to have added an additional room in the palace complex for his 500 horses and began to employ 1000 slaves as a royal bodyguard force in the royal square (Nachtigal 407-408). Lastly, the mbang named Haji (1751-1785) was remembered in some sources for promoting the use of fired brick at Bousso (Pâques 200). Haji was also known for promoting Islam in Bagirmi, which including the use of bricks for mosques. This did not stop him from endeavoring to limit the use of brick for elite structures outside the capital (Seignobos 276).

Ruin of part of the fired brick wall for the palace (Lebeuf). 

Unfortunately, Massenya had been sacked and pillaged on a number of occasions in the 19th century. Consequently, Barth's description of the fired brick wall around the gur or his brief mention of brick buildings outside Massenya are based on a visit to the site after at least 2 periods of pillaging or invasions. The first, when Sabun of Wadai invaded Bagirmi and took Massenya, involving destroying part of the town and palace walls (El-Tounsy 158, 162). An attack from Borno, led by al-Kanemi, was likewise said to have resulted in much destruction. Lanier attributes the destruction of the palace to this Bornoan invasion as Massenya was once again pillaged (Lanier 462). Despite these attacks, the city of Massenya was still described as a very large town by a variety of sources. Aboubakar, a Bagirmi native living in Brazil during the 19th century, described the capital "une tres grande ville" (Comte de Castelnau 31). Seetzen, writing from Cairo and basing his writing on interviewing a native of Afade, reported that Bagirmi "c'est une ville considerable" (Seetzen 166). Even buildings of two or 3 storeys were said to exist in Massenya when Escayrac de Lauture collected information on the kingdom (Escayrac de Lauture 91). Whilst Escayrac de Lauture's information is perhaps an exaggeration, one senses that Massenya was a large town. Even when, by the second half of the 19th century, when Massenya was known for having a large circumference but small number of houses and people for its size, it covered a large space (Nachtigal 423). It is very likely that the royal capital was more densely populated in the past before the kingdom's capital was sacked and Bagirmi became a tributary of Wadai.

Ruins of the old houses in Massenya (Lebeuf)

We are fortunate to know something about the nature of the gur of Massenya. Its walls were 10 feet at the base, 15-20 feet high (Reyna 62). Reyna, who drew this observation from Barth, who wrote that the palace wall was 18 feet high, 10 feet thick and built of decaying baked bricks (Barth 516). The town's circumference, in Barth's reckoning, was about 7 miles but only half of the capital's space was actually inhabited. Barth similarly noticed the city had a dendal  and baked-brick ruins outside the city on the road to Abu-Gher (Barth 518). Pâques, who also visited the site, found evidence for the vestiges of 20 houses, a cemetery and a mosque in the palace complex. Unfortunately, many bricks from the site were later used for the road between N'Djamena to New Massenya, meaning we have less evidence available (Pâques 17-18). Lebeuf has also written about the fired brick mosque in the palace. Evidence for additional fired brick buildings 1 km west-northwest of the palace were also noted (Lebeuf 219). The palace's grand entry gate and porio were made of fired bricks. The latter structure was only accessible to the mbang and certain adims (Lebeuf 227). Unsurprisingly, the palace cemetery had a short brick wall around it (Lebeuf 229). As for the length of the palace wall, Lebeuf measured it as 245 m and 240 m on its north and south sides and 215 and 182 meters on its other sides (Lebeuf 217). In terms of the palace complex's buildings, the ngarman, or "minister of the royal household," was in charge of its oversight. But the galadima was also responsible for the construction and oversight of some palace buildings (Reyna 111, 115). 

Some of the fired bricks from Massenya (Seignobos).

Overall, Massenya's brick structures were either for elites or the walls of mosques. This is similar to the patterns observed in Kanem, Wadai and Borno for this construction material. The palace complex of Massenya not only employed brick for its outer wall, but used for other structures. Outside of Massenya, other elite structures or mosques used brick, too. While Seignobos believes the earlier use of fired bricks at sites along the Chari predated Bagirmi's territorial expansion, other sources contradict this. For instance, Boussou, where bricks were used for the circular homes of the local mbang, was supposedly a site where their use predated Bagirmi's conquest (Seignobos 265). Contra Seignobos, however, Pâques argued that the use of fired bricks at Bousso was associated with the Bagirmi king, Haji, who facilitated the Islamization of the region (Pâques 200). Intriguingly, the local ruler of Bousso was also one of the few dignitaries allowed to sit on a carpet, perhaps another sign of the association of bricks for elite structures (Barth 562). Similarly, Bagirmi's conquest of chiefdoms or small polities along the Chari may have begun earlier and promotion of brick for elite structures or mosques could have started in the 17th or early 18th century. While Seignobos raised a legitimate point about the differences in brick shapes in Massenya and sites along the Chari, the common use of the word yalul for brick may be another indication of a common origin (Seignobos 273). Moreover, despite the diversity of brick types at Massenya, the most archaic ones were similar to those of Bousso (Seignobos 272). This could possibly indicate the deeper shared diffusion of the technology of bricks among societies south of Lake Chad. 

Overall, the use of bricks for elite structures is consistent with symbolizing power. Seignobos also emphasizes the role of submission in the use of bricks as peripheral towns or villages had to supply the bricks or labor through a corvee (Seignobos 275). This close association of elite status and brick constructions is certainly consistent with what is known about similar sites in Kanem, Borno, and Wara in Wadai. Massenya's palace complex, with its brick outer wall and use of brick for other elite structures, clearly exemplified this trend. It was also likely used to buttress the ritual seclusion and spatial separation of the king from the rest of the city. In the case of Massenya and Birni Gazargamo, where the palace complex occupied a central position, the political message must have been clear: the world revolved around the king. In the case of Bagirmi, where the local cosmological significance of the king as a Sun-like figure loomed large, one can imagine how brick served to highlight this elevated position (as well as that of the royal family and upper-echelon of officials or dignitaries). Therefore, Massenya's gur was yet another example of brick and elite ideology (and Islamization) in the Central Sudan. It reinforced, however, more deeply rooted cosmological or spiritual ideas about kingship.

Bibliography

Barth, Heinrich. Travels and discoveries in North and Central Africa : being a journal of an expedition undertaken under the auspices of H.B.M.'s Government, in the years 1849-1855, Volume 2. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1857.

Comte de Castelnau, Francis. Renseignements sur l'Afrique centrale. Paris: Chez P. Bertrand, 1851. 

Devallée, J. "Le Baguirmi," Bulletin de la society de recherches congolaises 7, 1925.

El-Tounsy, Mohammed ibn-Omar. Voyage au Ouadây. Paris: B. Duprat, 1851. 

d'Escayrac de Lauture, Pierre-Henri Stanislas. Mémoire sur le Soudan, géographie naturelle et politique, histoire et ethnographie, moeurs et institutions de l'Empire des Fellatas, du Bornou, du Baguermi, du Waday, du Dar-Four, rédigé, d'après des renseignements entièrement nouveaux et accompagné d'une esquisse du Soudan oriental, par M. le Cte d'Escayrac de Lauture. Paris: Arthur Bertrand, 1855-56.

Lanier, H. "L'ancien royaume du Baguirmi," Bulletin du Comité de l'Afrique française 35, 1925.

Lavers, John. "An Introduction to the History of Bagirmi," Annals of Borno 1, 1983.

Lebeuf, AMD. "Boum Massénia, capitale de l'ancien royaume du Baguirmi," Journal des Africanistes 37-2, 1967.

Nachtigal, Gustav. Sahara and Sudan, Volume 3. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1971.

Pâques, Viviana. Le roi pêcheur et le roi chasseur. Strasbourg: Travaux de l'Institut d'anthropologie de Strasbourg, 1977.

Reyna, Stephen. Wars Without End: The Political Economy Of A Precolonial African State. Hanover: University Press of New England, 1990.

Seetzen, Ulrich Jasper, "Nouvelles recherches sur l’intérieur de l’Afrique," Annales des voyages, de la géographie et de l’histoire ou Collection des voyages nouveaux les plus estimés, 19, 1812, p. 164-184.

Seignobos, Christian. "Les briques cuites du Chari," 2000 ans d’histoire africaine. Le sol, la parole et l’écrit. Mélanges en hommage à Raymond Mauny. Tome I. Paris : Société française d'histoire d'outre-mer, 1981. 542 p. (Bibliothèque d'histoire d'outre-mer. Études, 5-6-1).

The Machina Palace

One of the disappointing aspects of the study of Sayfawa royal architecture is the absence of adequate photographs, plans, and sketches of the old palace complex at Machina, Nigeria. Long known to be the only fired-brick construction sponsored by the Sayfawa that is still in use (the others have been plundered for building material or ravaged by time and sackings), Machina's palace structure has undoubtedly been modernized or restored in the 20th century (and likely the 21st, too). But finding photographs of what the palace complex looked like has led us to Google and social media accounts by Nigerians from Yobe State or Machina itself. These images, however, do not provide a complete overview of the palace complex. Nor does Google Earth clearly display an outline of the palace complex. 

In spite of these aforementioned limitations, the photographs online do offer some clues as to how the brick structure might have looked in the past. In addition, it was also similar to other sites in Borno and possibly the larger "Central Sudan" region. For instance, the circular structure in which the Machinama (king of Machina) is seated while talking to guests may be how circular, brick structures were used in Birni Gazargamo, Gambaru, and other sites. These brick buildings with a courtyard for hosting visitors or relatives were part of a larger palatial complex of buildings with brick walls. Besides this feature, the old brick walls for a structure that appears to have been retained in front of newer concrete walls may have been the reception space for larger audiences. Alternatively, it may have once been part of the walls of the original house for the king, possibly lost when the ruling family favored concrete and other materials to modernize the palace.

In terms of historical sources and studies, Machina's palace was noted by colonial-era officials, travelers, and subsequent, post-colonial scholars. C.J. Lethem, whose 1919 report on the Marchena District report has been digitized, was told the palace was unique for having a main gate facing the east rather than the west. Supposedly, this was done so the palace's gate could face toward Birni Gazargamo. Moreover, Lethem believed the bricks at Machina's palace were smaller than those of Gazargamo and Gambaru. Yet despite its smaller size, the structure in the early 20th century had one hall, which was 20 feet high, plus 54 layers of brick in its walls. The structure was in need of repair, however, especially the roof and arches. Unfortunately, Lethem did not include a sketch or plan for the palace. To his credit, however, he recorded an early version of Machina history based on a chronicle lost when Zinder attacked the town in c. 1896 (or was it just a girgam?). This chronicle, rewritten based on memory, extended the history of the town 988 years. It similarly made the original rulers of the town Sao (So). 

But the chronicle sought to connect Machina with the origin of Sayfawa consolidation at Gazargamo in the 15th century. According to this tradition, the first mai to settle at Gazargamo sent troops to the west to capture a woman who could bear a son for him (no previous wife had sons). The woman the Bornoan forces seized was actually a Machina woman who was the wife of the Machina Sao hunter, Bolo. Unbeknownst to the ruler of Borno, this Machina woman was already pregnant with a son, born in Borno. She later bears the Sayfawa king another child, named Arigu like her previous son. Then, in a case of mistaken identity, her first son succeeded to the throne. After calamity, people in Borno realize her second son was the legitimate heir. With his half-brother on the throne, the son of the Machina chief returns to Machina. But missed by his dear half-brother in Gazargamo, he is visited by the Sayfawa mai. In order to make sure his brother lives in an appropriately royal setting, the Sayfawa mai "sent for a supply of the famous Birni bricks, or, according to another account, hade them made at Mijirik, near Gumsi "(Lethem 4). If taken at face value, this account would make Ali Gaji the step-father of Arigu, the first Machina leader to live in a brick palace. Since there are no sources to corroborate what is clearly a legend of origin, and we have no records of a Sayfawa mai named Arigu who ruled after Ali Gaji, this account is nonetheless interesting for not claiming direct descent from a Sayfawa mai. Even if its attempts to connect the Machina dynastic line to an earlier period in Borno history, the fact that they don't assert a Sayfawa origin may represent some historical truth. Indeed, according to Lethem, the chiefs of Machina were Walu, a group possibly tied to the Dagira peoples.

The next person to describe the palace of Machina was Migeod, whose Through Nigeria to Lake Chad was published in 1924. Migeod saw the palace, describing it as a brick house with a brick wall around it. He also thought the bricks were carried from Gazargamo a little over 100 years ago, when the Sayfawa capital was abandoned. Moreover, the Machina palace was in poor condition by the time Migeod saw it. Consequently, the Machinama was in the process of rebuilding it. Nonetheless, Migeod still observed large pillars and arches and a square-shaped reception hall with 4 arches (Migeod 278). Is it possible this is the most imposing of the brick structures seen today? It is quite clear that Migeod was wrong to suggest the brick palace was only built in the 1800s and with plundered bricks from Gazargamo. This is contradicted by Lethem's sources and may have been a reflection of the limited knowledge of fired-brick structures west of Lake Chad at the time. Interesting, Migeod's book included 2 photos of walls from the Gambaru palace structure, whose bricks do bear a resemblance to those of Machina. 

With the exception of John Lavers, whose research on Machina's palace is difficult to find, Wilhelm Seidensticker seems to the most recent scholar to investigate the site. In a short essay on brick technology in Borno ("Borno and the East: Notes and Hypotheses on the Technology of Burnt Bricks"), he referred to Machina's palace as a complex with several impressive brick buildings. Furthermore, Machina tradition attributes the bricks to Gazargamo. The people there even described the bricks differently, based on color. In another essay, entitled "Archaeometric investigations on burnt bricks from six archaeological sites in Nigeria and Niger," Seidensticker et al. wrote of preliminary chemical analysis of bricks from different parts of Borno. The Machina bricks, though said to have come from Gazargamo by oral tradition, were actually unlike the samples from every other site (Lergam, Gazargamo, Gambaru, Kukawa graves of al-Kanemi shehus, Garumele, Garukime). Although further analysis is necessary, the chemical analysis of the bricks from these sites may suggest that masons and bricklayers sponsored by the Sayfawa were sent to various locations. These artisans may have used local materials for their bricks. In fact, this theory is the most sensible since it is difficult to imagine large quantities of bricks being moved from across vast distances if local materials could be sourced and prepared to complete elite structures at Machina, Gambaru, Garumele, Lergam, Garukime, and other sites. Of course, actually dating the bricks and a more thorough chemical analysis are required to understand the chronology and when Machina's palace came into being. 

Ultimately, we can only hope for complete photographs of the site, dating of the bricks, and further study and comparison with Borno and Kanem fired-brick sites. The traditions of Machina suggest that the palace was built by a Sayfawa mai for a half-brother who ruled at Machina. This tradition may not stand up to scrutiny, but is interesting nonetheless for providing an example of Sayfawa elite agriculture "extended" to Machina. This brings to mind the Sayfawa sponsorship of a brick mosque for the Kalumbardo community, although possible Sayfawa descent for the second movement's founder has been suggested by Bobboyi. Further, the Machina palace structure, despite modernization, has elements comparable to other fired-brick structures in the Central Sudan. Further study of the largest brick building and the use of arches or pillars may help us understand how Gazargamo, Gambaru or Njimi structures looked. Since the bricks used at Gazargamo and Gambaru were larger, we should probably expect Machina's palace to have been much smaller than what the Sayfawa rulers used for their own elite residences.