One of the intriguing episodes in Borno history witnessed
by Denham in 1824 was an uprising of the Manga people. While the revolt has
been analyzed by historians such as Lovejoy, Maikorema Zakari, Louis Brenner,
and other scholars of Borno history, we believe it is important for many
reasons. First, as a peasant rebellion in the name of the Sayfawa dynasty, the
revolt forces one to reconsider the relationship between the ruling class of
the Sayfawa dynasty and the peasantry. Second, even if mainly opportunistic in
terms of the Sayfawa ruler, the revolt was led by a charismatic Muslim cleric.
This suggests Islamic leaders were, at least sometimes, a voice for the
oppressed and exploited peasantry. Thirdly, the revolt may have been connected
to the struggle over the salt-producing areas. Despite the lack of clarity on
the nature of pre-19th century salt production in the region, the Manga
migration into the area may have marked the beginning of commoner control over
a major economic resource. Thus, the revolt poses interesting questions on the
nature of slave and peasant production in precolonial Borno and how subaltern
classes negotiated the control over resources with the ruling class in a state
of transition.
According to Denham, the revolt was led by Fanaamy, a
charismatic Muslim cleric renowned for his ability to make charms. The same
source described him as a man with one side of his face hairless and another
side covered by a thick beard.[1]
The Manga revolt arose, with Fanaamy as the mover, after they slaughtered 120
Shuwa Arab allies of al-Kanemi. Since the Manga had not fully accepted the
authority of al-Kanemi as the effective head of government and the collection
of tribute from the province always provoked bloodshed, the Manga decided to
declare themselves as the subjects of the Sayfawa mai and attacked settlements
loyal to al-Kanemi. Although Denham suggests the Manga rebels were capable of
raising 12,000 archers, it is unclear exactly how many soldiers they had.[2]
They ultimately submitted to the Shehu after the latter sent 8000-9000 Kanembu
spearmen and 5000 Shuwa and Bornoan (Kanuri?) forces against the rebels.
Before putting down the revolt, however, the rebels were
able to partly burn and pillage towns like Kabshary. Rhamadan, placed at
Kabshary after its residents fled the Manga attack, used a ruse to defeat a
much larger force of about 800 Manga rebels. Through this ruse, his smaller
force, with only 12 Shuwa Arabs armed with guns, was able to slaughter 400 of
the rebels. By the third of June, Rhamadan and Dawud were able to capture 800
Manga captives, women and children, to present to the Shehu. But, al-Kanemi
being politically shrewd, freed the women and children on the grounds that they
were Muslims and innocent of causing the revolt. The booty taken from the Manga
captives also included horses and livestock. Later, by the fifth of June, the
Manga began to submit to the Shehu, except for Fanaamy, who sent a peace
offering that included thousands of slaves, cattle and 300 horses on the
following day. The malam, however, eventually came to submit to al-Kanemi due
to the intervention of the Shehu's personal reputation as a maker of charms and
his use of the British travelers in Borno to fire two rockets. The rockets,
which were seen by Fanaamy's son, awed the Manga who had never seen such a
thing.[3]
By the next day, Fanaamy came to submit to al-Kanemi with
1000 followers. To his great surprise, the leader of the rebellion was given
fine clothes and Egyptian turbans. According to Denham, al-Kanemi had no
intention of leading a brutal slaughter of the Manga. Due to their location on
the borderland, the Manga were known as warriors using poison arrows and
accustomed to combat with the Tuareg and Fulani.[4]
As such, it was in the interests of the state to conciliate the Manga and
restore peace to protect the border. Thus, al-Kanemi relied on his own
reputation as a renowned malam to write charms to dull and damage the spears
and arrows of the rebels. The renown of al-Kanemi for his charms was surely
known in Borno since he used them when defeating the Fulani jihadists who had
seized Birni Gazargamo, allegedly using a calabash filled with charm water.[5]
Additionally, Denham personally believed his rockets also had a major effect by
terrifying the Manga. Indeed, Fanaamy was said to have declared, "That to
withstand a sheikh of the Koran who performed such miracles was useless, and at
the same time, haram (sin)." Fanaamy's inability to
resist the superior power of al-Kanemi convinced the Manga to submit.[6]
If Denham's account for the conflict, which he personally
did not witness most of, can be considered reliable, it suggests that al-Kanemi
led a large force of Kanembu, Arab, and Kanuri soldiers against the Manga to
intimidate and frighten them. Then, after scoring a few victories and using his
reputation as a holy man with the ability to write powerful charms, he was able
to force most of the Manga leaders to submit to his authority. The account of
Denham, however, ignores the Manga chiefs who led their villages in rebellion
except to report on their submission. Moreover, since Denham believed the mai
of Borno, Ibrahim, to be a powerless puppet of al-Kanemi with only the illusion
of power through a subsidy from the Shehu, perhaps the lingering loyalty of parts
of the Borno population to the Sayfawa dynasty was more meaningful than he
realized. Last but certainly not least, the conflict over control of salines,
or sites for natron production in Mangari may have fueled the conflict, too.
Exploring each of these factors is necessary to understand the Manga Revolt
from as many angles as possible.
First, the lingering appeal to the authority of the
Sayfawa. Although largely powerless since 1808, the Sayfawa loyalists still
included 260-300 courtiers in the 1820s. So, even if Ibrahim reigned by the
sufferance of al-Kanemi, there were still many in Borno who chose to remain
loyal to the Sayfawa house.[7]
Indeed, despite his young age of around 22, Ibrahim may have been closely
watching the Manga rebellion from a supportive or at least neutral perspective.
After all, Ibrahim was present on the campaign.[8]
Furthermore, Ibrahim was eager to assert his authority after the death of
al-Kanemi in the next decade, when he tried to force Shehu Umar to come to his
court and pledge allegiance. Therefore, it is hard to imagine the sultan of
Borno being completely unaware of rebels in Mangari pledging their allegiance
to him. Of course, al-Kanemi likely kept a close watch on Ibrahim at this
critical time since a previous king, Dunama, had planned to defeat al-Kanemi
with the aid of Bagirmi in 1820.[9]
Further evidence of remaining Sayfawa loyalism may also be
seen in the history of Mangari, Muniyo and western Borno before the fall of the
Birni Gazargamo. According to Muhammad Nur Alkali, the galadima of
Nguru was closely tied to the Manga.[10]
A Kanuri praise song for galadima Dunama Aisatu, who lived in
the 18th century, refers to familial ties to the ruler of Muniyo.[11]
Since the position of galadima was held by descendants of the
Sayfawa ruler, Umar b. Idris, and its dynasty had close ties with the Manga and
the vassal state of Muniyo, it is possible that the Manga rebels of 1824 were
proclaiming their Sayfawa loyalties due to much deeper ties than one may initially
presume. While the region of the Manga rebels in 1824 was once occupied by the
Koyam for about 250 years, the Sayfawa court official, the zigibada,
of slave origin, had the administrative district encompassing Manga, Borsari,
Wulegi and supervision of the Koyam.[12]
This titled official survived the transition to the al-Kanemi dynasty, and was
possibly someone who would have paid close attention to events in Mangari at
the time of the revolt. If this official had survived in the Sayfawa court, he
may have been sympathetic to the Manga rather than al-Kanemi. While our
reasoning is speculative, it is known that al-Kanemi endeavored to place as
many areas of Borno under the control of his own following, the Kanembu and
Shuwa allies.[13] Is it
conceivable that forces opposed to al-Kanemi but also with strong ties to the
Sayfawa going back centuries, may have clandestinely supported the Manga?
Surely, the galadima and zigibada may have
wanted to protect their own interests in the region and preserve, to whatever
extent possible, zones of influence and “fiefs” (chima).[14]
Image: Map of Muniyo and the nearby region, in 1854 (from Zakari's Contribution à l 'histoire des populations du Sud-Est Nigérien: Cas du Mangari (XVIè-XIXè siècle).
Lovejoy, whose Salt of the Desert Sun adopts
a more economic perspective on the Manga Revolt, characterizes it as a peasant
uprising. According to Lovejoy, the Manga revolted in an assertion of their
rights to the salt districts of Goubei by championing Sayfawa restoration.[15]
Lovejoy's fascinating thesis raises the question of peasants (the Manga) using
control or access to a major resource (natron, and areas for natron production)
to defend their own economic rights. Since Manga as an appellation is often
equated with talaka status, the Manga uprising as a peasant
revolt over who would control the salines in Mangari is an attractive
hypothesis. Since the Manga peasants worked in the salines during the dry
season and used that natron to trade and access goods acquired via the Hausa
states, ensuring they could access the salines without too many obstacles was
imperative.[16]
Unfortunately, oral traditions and written sources are unclear about the fief
distribution which encompassed the salt-producing areas. If, as seems the case,
al-Kanemi assigned them to his allies in Kukawa rather than the traditional
elites (perhaps those aligned with the Sayfawa court and the zigibada),
the Manga uprising makes additional sense. While the nature of the tribute or
taxation the Manga refused to pay is left unclear in Denham's account of the
revolt, that the Shuwa were sent to collect it may serve as evidence that
al-Kanemi had reassigned fiefs in the region to Shuwa allies. When the Manga
began migrating in larger numbers to the region near the salines after the fall
of Birni Gazargamo, they may have come to enjoy greater autonomy until
al-Kanemi reassigned fiefs and demanded tribute payments.
Yet, a problem with Lovejoy's perspective on the revolt is
the lack of clear evidence for this in oral traditions. Although the natron
produced by Manga laborers must have been part of the tribute or taxes demanded
by Shuwa allies of al-Kanemi, oral traditions do not emphasize this factor.
Maikorema Zakari, whose study of Mangari is based on oral traditions, gives a
fuller perspective than Denham. According to Zakari, the Manga began to migrate
to the east in the early 1800s, fleeing the harsh rule of Kosso of Muniyo.
Their first locality in the east was Wogum, founded in 1801. Mainé-Soroa, one
of the Manga centers of the 1824 revolt, was founded sometime later by Digagi
Kaumi.[17]
Landeroin, on the other hand, was told that the Manga at the time obeyed lawans appointed
by the rulers of Borno and Muniyo. The ruler of Muniyo, Kosso, however, often
interceded directly with the Manga settlements, superseding the lawans and bulamas.
Returning to Mainé-Soroa, Landeroin was told the ancestor
of its chief was Adem Lafiami, whose son, Kagoumi, became dougaji in
the early 1800s when invested by mai Dunama of Borno.
Landeroin's informants told him Kagoumi was succeeded by his son, Nasser, who
founded Maine-Soroa. Nasser was said to have been appointed by al-Kanemi to the
post of bulama for the community.[18]
Zakari, on the other hand, was informed that Nasser and his allies of Mainé-Soroa
played a key role in the 1824 revolt led by Malam Fanaamy. Shehu al-Kanemi was
even said to have ordered the killing of Nasser with other leaders in Kukawa
after the revolt.[19]
Thus, despite making peace with the malam who led the revolt and was
incorporated into the regime, local chiefs were later removed from their
positions of authority and killed. But, oral traditions recorded by Landeroin
suggest the succession to the position of bulama and lawan remained
in the family.[20]
While the oral traditions give a somewhat fuller picture to
the revolt, much remains uncertain. Apparently, the origins of Mainé-Soroa can
be traced to a local chief appointed by one of the last Sayfawa rulers. Since
the Manga migrated eastward were already fleeing the oppressive taxation of
Kosso of Muniyo, they may have also come to resent changes in the
administration of the region ushered in by the al-Kanemi regime. While
respecting the local lineage in Mainé-Soroa through confirmation of their
positions, al-Kanemi's Shuwa allies probably tried to collect taxes from fiefs
in the region, which probably included salines. The leaders of Mainé-Soroa and
other settlements, however, may have administered the region with an eye to
preserve their independence and protect their communities from the encroaching
state and Tuareg bandits. According to Michael Horowitz, whose Manga informants
were questioned on various aspects of Manga inter-group relations with other
ethnic groups, the village chief bulama had limited authority.
While able to order the villagers to work on his land, he could not act
independently of the lawan. The latter, lamentably, could abuse
their authority more easily, especially when they could pay off the
representative from the central government. If the chief was truly tyrannical,
the residents of the area would unite to gather money and send a representative
to complain to the ruler at the capital. Other Manga interviewed by Horowitz
reported that if Manga leaders were too oppressive, people could leave the
village or request a new chief.[21]
Due to their recently established villages in the region, the local leaders may
have been more careful to preserve their following and grow their communities.
Consequently, this may have made the lawan less eager to
collect taxes on grain or salt for the Shehu and his representatives, after
being appointed by al-Kanemi to divide and rule the region.[22] This
would have led to conflict with new chima distributions in the
area when al-Kanemi took power, particularly if the newcomers were Shuwa Arabs
without any deep roots in the area and eager to maximize tax collection.
The Manga, in response, revolted with the aid of a
charismatic faqih renowned for his ability to write charms.
Said to have spent time in the south, Fanaamy may have been an outsider in the
community whose renown for writing charms and stature as a malam made him a
figure around which the communities could rally. If so, then this represents
both a peasant revolt legitimized by Islam and the legacy of the Sayfawa. This
is rather different from past revolts in Borno by communities refusing to pay
taxes or tribute (at least from the little that is known?). For instance, the
rebellions during the reign of Idris b. Ali in the 16th century lacked any
clear Islamic inspiration (assuming Islam had made little inroads among the two
Sao groups, the Ngizim, the Bade, and others) and were sometimes led by
decentralized groups. A clearer demonstration of the acceptance of Islam or at
least Islamic legitimacy for building peasant communities free of oppressive
taxation cannot be found other than in the case of the Manga uprising. However,
the growth of villages affiliated with the shaykhs of the Koyam may be another
example of this growing stature of Islamic holy men as figures for social
reform or at least more just government. According to tradition, their wise,
just rule attracted residents who would not wish to remain under the heel of
poorly administered chima.[23]
Although al-Kanemi succeeded in crushing the Manga revolt
with little bloodshed, the Manga rose again in 1846. By this time, mai Ibrahim
requested the aid of Waday to defeat Shehu Umar, the son of al-Kanemi.[24]
The forces of Waday were defeated and Ibrahim killed, but the Manga
insurrection of the same year threatened Shehu Umar. Once again, the Manga of Mainé-Soroa
led the attack on Shehu Umar in the hopes of profiting from the Waday invasion.[25]
Although the sources do not suggest Ibrahim of the Sayfawa was in communication
with the Manga rebels, it is possible they were partly motivated by the wish to
support the Sayfawa. This second rebellion also supports the idea that local
leaders within the eastern Manga communities continued to resist the divide and
conquer strategy implemented by al-Kanemi after the 1824 revolt. The major
difference with this uprising, though, is the conspicuous lack of a malam or
Islamic leader.
This review of the 1824 Manga rebellion raises questions on the nature of class, production, Islamic legitimacy and ideology for social reform, and relations between the Sayfawa dynasty and the peasantry. Undoubtedly, other push factors like oppressive rule in Muniyo and pull factors like the abandonment of Birni Gazargamo leading to an area with weak central authority afterwards were also factors causing the revolt. But the past Manga connections with the galadima holders in Nguru, who were resistant to al-Kanemi but linked to the Sayfawa, may have been part of a pro-Sayfawa stance of Manga communities. Further, the titled officer with ties to the Sayfawa court who once oversaw the region occupied by the Manga may have also sympathized with them as al-Kanemi's supporters seized control of fiefs or taxation privileges. Moreover, the prominent role played by a malam suggests Islam shaped the articulation of class and social conflict, whilst still affirming the elite political order of the Sayfawa period. If more traditions and written sources existed on the nature of other rebellions in precolonial Borno under the Sayfawa, particularly among areas where Islam was more widespread, comparisons with this revolt could be enlightening.[26] Was the spiritual power and sanctity of the mai a source of appeal to peasants eager to sever ties with abusive fief-holders? To what extent did peasants have access to the royal court in Birni Gazargamo when dealing with abusive and exploitative chima?
[1] Dixon Denham, Hugh Clapperton, Walter
Oudney, and Abraham V. Salamé. Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in
Northern and Central Africa: In the Years 1822, 1823, and 1824, Vol 1, 239.
This source is our most important for uncovering what transpired in 1824 during
the Manga Revolt. Despite being an outsider, it provides one of the few written
accounts of a rural revolt from precolonial Borno.
[2] Ibid., 204.
[3] Ibid., 204, 223, 228-231.
[4] Ibid., 232, 237.
[5] S.W. Koelle, African Native
Literature, or Proverbs, Tales, Fables, & Historical Fragments in the
Kanuri or Bornu Language: To Which Are Added a Translation of the Above and a
Kanuri-English Vocabulary, 230.
[6] Dixon Denham, Hugh Clapperton, Walter
Oudney, and Abraham V. Salamé. Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in
Northern and Central Africa: In the Years 1822, 1823, and 1824, Vol. 1,
239.
[7] Dixon Denham , Hugh Clapperton, Walter
Oudney, and Abraham V. Salamé. Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in
Northern and Central Africa: In the Years 1822, 1823, and 1824 Vol. 2, 107.
[8] Dixon Denham, Hugh Clapperton, Walter
Oudney, and Abraham V. Salamé. Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in
Northern and Central Africa: In the Years 1822, 1823, and 1824 Vol. 1, 222.
[9] Louis Brenner. The Shehus of Kukawa:
A History of the Al-Kanemi Dynasty of Bornu, 53, 64. Brenner, whose detailed
study of the al-Kanemi dynasty in the 19th century is essential,
unfortunately did not deeply explore the Manga Revolt of 1824.
[10] Muhamamd Nur Alkali, Kanem-Borno under
the Sayfawa. A Study of the Origin, Growth, and Collapse of a Dynasty
(891-1846), 263.
[11] J.R. Patterson. Kanuri Praise Songs,
22. According to the song, “(The Galadima) is a nephew of Zainaba
daughter of the ruler of Muniyo.”
[12] Gustav Nachtigal. Sahara and Sudan,
Vol. II, 253.
[13] Louis Brenner, The Shehus of Kukawa: A History of the
Al-Kanemi Dynasty of Bornu, 104.
[14]
For a discussion of Hauwa Mahdi’s analysis of precolonial political economy in
Borno and the question of the chima, see Behique Dunama, “Chima and the
Peasantry,” 1000 Years Around Lake Chad, https://sayfawaborno.blogspot.com/2025/12/chima-and-peasantry.html.
[15] Paul E. Lovejoy, Salt of the Desert Sun: A
History of Salt Production and Trade in the Central Sudan, 258, 270.
[16] Ibid., 284.
[17] Maïkorema Zakari, Contribution
à l'histoire des populations de sud-est Nigérien: Le cas du Mangari
(XVIe-XIXe S.), 11, 142.
[18] Landeroin, “Notice historique” in Mission
Tilho, Documents Scientifiques De La Mission Tilho, 412, 423-424.
[19] Maïkorema Zakari, Contribution à l'histoire des
populations de sud-est Nigérien: Le cas du Mangari (XVIe-XIXe S.), 145.
[20] Landeroin, “Notice historique,”
424.
[21] Michael M. Horowitz, Manga of Niger Vol. 3, 721-722,
740.
[22] Maïkorema Zakari, Contribution à l'histoire des
populations de sud-est Nigérien: Le cas du Mangari (XVIe-XIXe S.), 144.
[23] Landeroin, “Notice historique,”
398.
[24] Louis Brenner, The Shehus of Kukawa: A History of the
Al-Kanemi Dynasty of Bornu, 65, 72.
[25] Maïkorema Zakari, Contribution à l'histoire des
populations de sud-est Nigérien: Le cas du Mangari (XVIe-XIXe S.), 146.
[26] A movement led by a charismatic mallam who resisted the Sudanese warlord, Rabih, is well-known, but from a much later period, the 1890s. See Behique Dunama, “Mallam Abu Gantur's Uprising,” 1000 Years Around Lake Chad, https://sayfawaborno.blogspot.com/2025/09/mallam-abu-ganturs-uprising.html.
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