The Byzantine Republic

Anthony Kaldellis's The Byzantine Republic: People and Power in New Rome is a provocative yet perhaps inaccessible text. To properly understand what the author was doing with this one requires a certain degree of familiarity and comprehension of the historiography on Byzantium's political order and origins. Alas, as novices to the field, some of the references here and critiques of ideas or old narratives championed by past generations of historians and scholars sometimes flew over our heads. Nonetheless, we were already indoctrinated by some of these old, inaccurate characterizations of Byzantium's republican monarchy, sometimes seeing it in comparisons made with medieval Ethiopia. And the legacy of the old stereotypes and "established" facts about Byzantium as a case of "oriental despotism" or theocracy were ingrained in our high school and university history courses. 

Rescuing the history of Byzantium from these aforementioned problematic, outdated, or outright biased perspectives is a must. Some of them were built on the flimsiest foundation by older generations of scholars who had been in taught to view Byzantium as less of a continuation of the Roman tradition but as something of an aberration or deviation. Instead, Kaldellis proposes that we accept the Roman self-identification of the Byzantines, including the way they conceived of and organized the state on a republican model. By republic, or res publica and politeia, Kaldellis means the emperor always had to rule with the consent of the governed in such a manner that promoted the common good of society. While the emperor had replaced the Republic in Antiquity, this ideal of a "republic" based on rulers who must abide by this ideal or risk losing the throne, remained relevant for Byzantium for most of its history (though Kaldellis focuses on events before 1204). Thus, instead of despotic emperors who ruled through divine will, the actual reality was one in which the "people" regularly played a role in legitimizing or toppling various emperors. 

The various civil wars, however, never sought to transform the polity, merely to pass imperial authority into new hands. Society, representing various classes, played a role in this process through popular acclamations, riots, supporting rebels, voicing opposition to specific emperors or officials, songs and chants, or actively promoting others to the throne. Indeed, the most stark example of this can be seen in the sorry fate of Michael V, who triggered the populace of the City's fury after turning on Zoe. However, numerous similar episodes can be found throughout the history of Byzantium from the 5th century to 12th, indicating a long-lasting tradition of popular consent as a requirement for the throne. Yes, the emperors did develop an imperial ideology reflected in court literature and claims of God's favor, but any emperor who did not cultivate his popularity with his subjects, pursue the common good, and win their consent, was not likely to last very long. This model has the benefit of elucidating the frequent coups and revolts throughout Byzantium's history while also demonstrating how the Empire was indeed Roman in its foundation. The several "states of exception" in Byzantine history now make a little more sense, since we can see how the politeia could engage in illegal or extralegal measures to establish or confirm an emperor they saw as promoting the interests of the people.

But I wonder if someone who specializes in, say, the history of China, would reach somewhat similar conclusions about a civilization with very distinct political traditions. The emperor had to rule on behalf of his subjects and win their consent or face rebellion, coups, riots, or assassination. And the theocratic elements of imperial courts were not necessarily reflective of the political reality. After all, so many kingdoms, empires or rulers sought to legitimize or sanction their rule with religion and ritual yet faced resistance, revolts, coups, or dynastic changes. Nevertheless, a distinctively Roman trait is discernable in the pattern of Byzantium, suggesting that it was indeed a republican monarchy. The lens of continuity helps us better contextualize the history of the Byzantines, who are more appropriately viewed through the Roman political tradition rather than misleading Christian theocracy or "oriental despotisms" of the past. 

The New Roman Empire: A History of Byzantium

Reading Anthony Kaldellis's The New Roman Empire: A History of Byzantium took quite some time. Unlike Norwich's series, this vast work is a single volume. Unlike Norwich's work, however, it was written by a specialist whose work work benefits from the more recent scholarship on the history of Byzantium, Europe and the Mediterranean. Kaldellis's style is also very accessible and at times, rather hilarious. The sense of humor, sarcasm, and occasional references to contemporary events or phrases definitely made it easier to finish the massive tome. Nonetheless, the last few hundred pages were painful reading. The sad decline of Byzantium from the pillaging of Constantinople in the Fourth Crusade to the final fall of the capital in 1453 was one almost continual tale of territorial loss, destructive civil wars, dangerous alliances with Latins or Turks, and final reduction to impotence. 

While Byzantium undoubtedly made contributions to the world for its preservation of ancient texts, art and architecture, one of the true wonders of this state that lasted over 1000 years is its longevity. At multiple other times in its long history of over 1000 years, the Eastern Roman Empire suffered various setbacks, loss of territory, existential threats, and frequent rebellions, coups, and, to our modern eyes, pointless debates over Church doctrine. Yet, despite this, the empire endured and at various times, remained a major power in the Mediterranean. Indeed, even under the Komnenos, the Empire experienced a comeback of sorts that may have sown the seeds for its future destruction. Still, we sometimes wonder if the Empire was bound to experience a huge transformation or existential threat by the end of the "Middle Ages" due to the rise of peer polities and the growth of western Europe's power. 

But the Roman Empire's existence for so long shows us how a state with Roman institutions (which changed, sure, but still bearing a great degree of continuity with the ancient state) existed to the cusp of a new world. That remarkable endurance and strength of institutions does not appear to have ever seriously wavered until the changes in imperial rule ushered by the Komnenos and the later Palaiologos who ruled through their families, engaged in frequent conflicts over the throne within their extended family networks, and relied on paying their relations and officials with pronoia on land that was increasingly scarce as the "Byzantines" continued to lose territory. As so eloquently elucidated in Kaldellis's work, those without elite family connections to the ruling dynasty had fewer avenues to advance and the state lost land and the resources to support reconquest of former territories. The final 2 centuries of Byzantium are especially tragic, despite the cultural and literary accomplishments by some. 

Despite its length, anyone interested in Byzantium should read this. Kaldellis's perspective is intriguing, fresh, and deviates from past preoccupations or problematic frameworks. For instance, the greatness of Justinian is presented here in a more mixed manner, as the author points frequently to the problems of overextension and Justinian's brutality. The Crusades are presented unquestionably as colonial ventures, with the Latins doing to the Romans what they would go on to perfect in the Americas a few centuries later. The issue of iconoclasm is portrayed as something often exaggerated or overblown, at least based on the sources that have survived. And throughout it all, there's a deep sense of continuity for the 1000+ years of Byzantium's existence. The foundations of a state based on law, government responsibility its subjects, Christianity (not that the Church was always unified) and the role of the people (at least in Constantinople) in determining legitimacy were powerful factors that favored this type of longevity.

Kekaumenos's Consilia et Narrationes

Kekaumenos's Consilia et Narrationes is sadly missing some sections, but it remains a fascinating source. Examples of admonitory literature that shed light on social relations and politics in 11th century Byzantium are another opportunity to understand this period besides chronicles, histories, coinage, or imperial administrative records. Indeed, Kekaumenos, whose musings, anecdotes, and advice reflect the literary tastes and social views of a lettered but non-intellectual Byzantine man, also corroborate some of Michael Psellos's observations on the emperors of the 11th century. Furthermore, Kekaumenos's constant references to the prevalence of buying offices, accepting bribes, the unreliability and danger of friends and supporters, and military strategy point to the troubles of the Empire in the period leading to Manizkert. If judges, commanders of themes, and frontier governors were truly as corrupt as Kekaumeno's work addressed to his children suggest, then the Empire was indeed heading for trouble in the final years of the Macedonian dynasty. One cannot help but think that the failure of Basil II to sire a male heir made this negative outcome more likely, although the problems with Byzantine expansion on the frontiers may have been unstable if conditions in the Balkans and Armenia are reliable indicators. Perhaps there was too rapid of an expansion under Basil II that subsequent emperors were unable to effectively administer. Then, with the threats of the Pechenegs, Vlachs, Normans, and later the Turks, the Empire began to lose some of the gains achieved under the Macedonian line. Of course, unlike Michael Psellos, who was closer to the heart of imperial government in Constantinople, Kekaumenos was mainly writing about events in the provinces and frontiers and did not locate the problems of the Empire with the emperors. While it is true that subjects will follow the patterns of the emperor or ruler's behavior, Kekaumenos supported a political theory espousing the emperor as a God on earth who must be supported and  defended by those who accept the hierarchy. Naturally, this was not always true due to the frequency of revolts, palace intrigues and coups, but Kekaumenos could not go there in a work like this. 

Chronographia of Michael Psellos

Reading a certain science fiction novel partly inspired by the Byzantine Empire has motivated us to read more chronicles and histories by authors from that ancient civilization. This time, Michael Psellos, the pompous philosopher and intellectual, provided our reading material. Focusing on the reigns of 14 emperors of Byzantium during the 11th century, our arrogant intellectual provides interesting insights into the nature of Byzantine imperial politics during the pivotal century that witnessed the decline of the empire after its apogee under Basil II. According to Psellos, the successors to Basil II were, although not invariably, corrupting forces who squandered the riches of the imperial treasury through gifts, promotions and luxuries that were not put in good use to protect the Empire's borders and power. Though he occasionally found positive things to say about some emperors, such as Constantine IX, Michael (Zoe's boytoy), Isaac Comnenos, and even Michael VII, especially those who courted his favor or admired his philosophical and rhetorical accomplishment, the overall trend he portrays is one of decay. 

The failure of Basil II to sire a male heir and the problematic marriages and reign of Zoe and Theodora opened the door to more problems as the end of the Macedonian dynasty drew near. Instead of securing the eastern frontier from the Turks or protecting the west, emperors wasted time and resources on conflicts with their own generals, putting down rebellions, or promoting people to high positions who did not earn it on merit. Likewise, extravagant spending on churches, monasteries, lavish living, and the waste of the imperial treasury made the Empire weaker. The one emperor who seemed determine to eradicate the causes of the decadence of the Empire, Isaac Comnenos, was, according to Psellos, too eager and tried to cure or cauterize the Empire too quickly, sparking opposition and frustrating his aims. 

While one may certainly take issue with the way Psellos portrayed 11th century emperors and the role of his own bias as someone actively involved in the events he described, his history does suggest that the Macedonian dynasty's troubles with succession after Constantine VIII's daughters and corrupt habits did play a major role in weakening the Empire. Nonetheless, things were not quite as bad as they would later become after the loss of much of Anatolia. In fact, Byzantine power still made it a major power, particularly in relations with the Fatimids of Egypt and various Muslim and Christian powers. The Byzantines were able to defeat a Russian invasion in the Black Sea, too. Byzantine ships were also active in the Atlantic during the reign of Romanos III, if Psellos is reliable. Furthermore, the Empire was able to defeat a Bulgar rebellion while Empress Zoe was able to import spices from India and Egypt. Thus, despite the aforementioned problems faced by Byzantium, the Empire was still in a relatively strong position. Indeed, even Manzikert was not the doomsday it could have been, since the captured emperor was released by the Seljuq sultan. One just wishes the military, which arose to dominance under Isaac, had been able to consolidate the attempted reforms and fiscal changes ushered by Isaac to bolster the frontier defenses.

De Administrando Imperio

De Administrando Imperio is an interesting document. Written by or under the auspices of Constantine VII for his son, it provides a Byzantine imperial perspective on the Empire's foreign policy and how to navigate its sometimes warring and belligerent subjects and neighboring polities. Various peoples, such as Pechenegs, Chazars, Turks, Franks, Bulgars, Slavs, Russians, Arabs and other peoples are the subject of several short chapters on the history of Byzantine relations with said peoples and the foreign policy of the Empire with regard to said peoples. Byzantine diplomacy and clever use of groups like the Pechenegs as a buffer helped to keep the Empire afloat during this era. For instance, securing the friendship of the Pechenegs helped protect the Byzantines from hostile peoples. Part of the Empire's strength and longevity was undoubtedly due to this skillful interaction with various "barbarian" peoples and enemies along the frontiers, using one group against the other or as a buffer. In addition, cultural diplomacy and the use of religion was similarly important, converting groups like the Slavs to Eastern Christianity or bestowing Roman gifts, titles, or houses in Constantinople for vassal or tributary rulers. The Arabs and the threat of Islam is also a subject of chapters, particularly the conflicts with the Abbasids and Ummayads before them, as well as the Islamic attacks on Cyprus, Italy, Anatolia, or the Arab sieges of Constantinople. Muhammad, according to Constantine VII, was an epileptic (an idea borrowed from Theophanes the Confessor) who successfully established a false religion. In addition,  Constantine VII's text makes a reference to black slaves who were paid to the Byzantine Empire under Justinian II, in a treaty with Abimelech. Sadly, there is no other mention of blacks or to sub-Saharan Africans...

Isis

Although it has been a few years since we have read Apuleius, we found Religion for Breakfast's video on the spread of the cult of Isis in the Roman Empire to be fascinating. And though not mentioned here, the cult of Isis was also important in Kush. To what extent was the cult of Isis and the glimpses of it available in Apuleius's novel representative for Isis worship in Kush or Meroe?

Byzantium: The Apogee

We finally finished the second volume of Norwich's Byzantium. As the title indicates, it covers the apogee of the Byzantine Empire, with occasional crises, coups, bad emperors, and the end of the conflict over icons. We see the Empire becoming more and more influential and important in the Balkans and parts of Syria and the East. But by the end of the volume, the Byzantine Empire is losing much of Anatolia to the Seljuk Turks while losing Apulia and Balkan states. If only Basil II had sired a male heir, or if only Romanus (or those who overthrew him after Manzikert) maintained the truce with the Seljuk sultan. If only Byzantium found a way to combine the best of the military aristocracy and civil administration to ensure stability, continuity, and protection or even expansion of imperial territory. Alas, the Empire continued to struggle with problems of succession and civil versus military elite while squandering the best accomplishments of the Macedonian dynasty. True, Norwich acknowledges intellectual, religious, cultural, and artistic achievements of this era between Empress Irene and Alexius Komnenos. But even at its apogee, it is not hard to see why any outstanding emperors were often undone by their successors, rivals, and perhaps over-reliance on foreign mercenaries and states to suppress revolts or coups. The perennial internal conflicts and weaknesses of Byzantium make it easy to understand why some of its most seminal conflicts or crises did not have to be so. Perhaps the Empire could have even lived on as a stronger power in Syria, Anatolia, Armenia, and the Balkans, with an emphasis on retaining Asia Minor and the Balkans.

Byzantium: The Early Centuries

Norwich's rich narrative history of the Byzantine Empire is known for its questionable accuracy. It is definitely outdated, too, in its rather politically incorrect and denigrating remarks on some of the so-called barbarian peoples, particularly the Huns, Turkic peoples, and nomadic Central Asians. He may, at times, be too willing to support Gibbon's contentions. Yet, in spite of its flaws, Norwich wrote an endlessly entertaining history of the pivotal first 5 centuries of the Empire, showing how the Empire derived many of its institutions and practices from the Roman foundation but developed into something new, distinct, and historically significant. While some of the ground covered in the text, especially the reign of Justinian, which has occupied the attention of this blog, was quite familiar to us, it was very enlightening to learn more about the specific reigns of the various predecessors and successors to Justinian. It is easier to see and why Arab Muslims were able to so quickly takeover large chunks of the Empire in light of the numerous internal conflicts and religious divisions. It is hard not to cheer for Byzantium, as Norwich does, as the reader finds oneself overly invested in the future of the Empire. The tragedy of Heraclius, for instance, or the frustrated ambitions of Justinian or Justinian II make for great history.

The Wars of Justinian

While the lengthy and sometimes tedious Wars of Justinian by Procopius can be occasionally daunting and scattershot, it raises so many questions when considered in relationship with Secret History. In the latter work, Procopius openly criticizes Belisarius and Justinian quite often, while Wars mostly praises Belisarius as a brilliant general and virtuous man. The truth was likely somewhere in the middle. However, before one can even begin to ponder that, this vast history, directly inspired by Thucydides and classical historians, contains a huge wealth of ethnographic data, anecdotal stories, legends, and accounts of military encounters across the known world. 

The sheer scale of the world as known by Procopius takes the reader on a journey across the oikumene, including rich details on the cultures and peoples of Thule (Scandinavia), the Black Sea, Persia, Mesopotamia, Nubia, Himyar and Aksumite Ethiopia, North Africa, Gothic Italy, and Germanic Europe. For us here at the blog, Procopius is a priceless source for understanding Christianization in Nubia during the 6th century in relation to the foreign policy interests of Justinian. He also provides a direct source on the proposed alliance between the Roman Empire and the Aksumites against the Sassanid Persians, which hints at the thwarted attempts on the part of the Aksumites to directly access silk goods through direct trade with India (blocked by Persia). Whether or not some of the other ethnographic, political and geographic observations and anecdotes by Justinian are true, they make up the most entertaining aspects of his long work.

As for the text's uneasy relationship with the other writings of Procopius, there is definitely a shared current of criticism of imperial policy. Justinian, for instance, comes across as distracted and unwise in his appointment of military commanders and policy during the lengthy Gothic War in Italy. For example, while the Roman forces in Italy were falling apart, and Slavic hordes raiding Illyria and Thrace, Justinian, said to never sleep, was involving himself in theological and religious disputes among Christians. And after various wars and broken truces with the Persians, Procopius sums up the result being essentially Rome paying tribute to the Sassanians. According to Procopius, Justinian did not punish or properly chastise military commanders for their mistakes in the various campaigns in the East or West. The Roman emperor, and his wife, Theodora, allegedly expressed unwise political decisions, with Theodora always siding with women in distress. Of course, according to Procopius, it was Theodora whose will and determination to remain Empress which forced Justinian to fight the rebels in Byzantion during the Nika riots. Antonina, unlike Belisarius, Theodora and Justinian, does not receive as much criticism as in Secret History.

Nevertheless, there is an underlying current of criticism of Justinian and his various wars, pointing out their questionable benefits in places like Libya, where the Romans eventually defeated Moorish forces but were left with a depopulated province. Indeed, waging wars on two fronts with powerful foes while using disloyal barbarian mercenaries or allies probably did not help, either. Moreover, as the empire's boundaries expanded, disputes over Christian doctrine, social unrest among the fan club factions, an assassination plot that endeavored to include Justinian's nephew, and a deadly plague in 542 point to several internal problems that threatened the foundation of the growing empire. In conjunction with Anecdota, one seems to see in all this war and folly of Justinian a critique of tyranny and misrule of an empire which was supposed to be favored by God. Critiques of tyrannical and murderous Persian rulers or barbarian kings must be veiled criticisms of the emperor, whose lack of proper governance and virtue threatened to unravel all the gains of the Empire. Belisarius, on the other hand, in Wars, may have been virtuous and only impeded by Justinian, but the truth was likely somewhere in the middle.

The World of Late Antiquity

Finally read Peter Brown's The World of Late Anqituity, a far more accessible essay on the period than the lectures The Making of Late Antiquity. Here, Brown's classic essay provides a great overview of the period, challenging the Gibbonesque paradigm of decline and fall. Instead, changes in the social, economic, religious, and spiritual conditions in the Roman Empire and its environs beginning in the 3rd century gradually brought about the features now known as "Late Antique," which created a different type of Roman Empire and new orientation to spirituality that favored Christianity's expansion. While there was undoubtedly a collapse of the western empire's political administration, when looking at the entirety of the region during the period, it is not really a tale of decline and fall brought about by Christianity. The book's definite strength lies in its analysis of religious and spiritual changes in the eastern Mediterranean and the western empire. The chapters on Sassanian Persia and early Islam may have been necessary to provide a complete overview of the "Near East" that led to the "end" of a united Mediterranean world centered on a single empire, but they are clearly not the author's area of specialization. The figure of the holy man, the growing importance of bishops and monastic communities in the eastern Mediterranean and the increasing importance of the Roman Catholic Church in the west as the inheritor of the aristocratic senatorial classes are all fascinating processes.

The Gnostic Religion: The Message of the Alien God & the Beginnings of Christianity

After finally reading The Gnostic Religion: The Message of the Alien God & the Beginnings of Christianity, one can gain some insights into how Philip K. Dick combined his philosophic interests in idealism and metaphysics with Gnostic and Christian themes that predominate in his later works. While I am not entirely certain of this, one cannot help but feel Dick read the work of Jonas on Gnosticism. The timing works, mid-1960s and all. And Jonas wrote a nice overview of Gnosticism but I think more contemporary scholarship has benefited from more complete access to the Nag Hammadi finds and other sources. 

One also thinks some are ready to jettison the concept of a singular "Gnosticism' since it consisted of so many different groups and sects which did not necessarily share much. The church fathers who dismissed them as heretics or Plotinus the neoplatonist may have grouped followers of Valentinus and others together as heretics, but that does not necessarily unite the followers of Valentinus and Mani with the Mandeans or followers of the Corpus Hermeticum. Hans Jonas himself admits this several times in various chapters on Valentinians, Macrosians, Manichaeans, Mandaeans, etc.

However, they all shared some similar core concepts that can ultimately be traced to what he sees as three important influences: Iranian dualism, Babylonian astrology, and Jewish monotheism, within a Hellenistic framework. One cannot discount the context of the Roman Empire and the shift from the polis to imperial governance. Despite this Hellenistic framework, there was nonetheless very different cosmogonies and biblical exegesis in the various schools of 'Gnosticism.' Manichaeanism and Mandaeans seem very distinct from each other, with various sects being more overtly anti-Jewish, equating the demiurge with the Old Testament God. The Babylonian astrology sources enter through Hellenistic astrology in Egypt and the rest of the Mediterranean world, with the various planets/celestial spheres and stars becoming associated with various names of the Old Testament God or aeons. 

It's a sometimes bewildering hodgepodge of various schools of thought in religion, mysticism, and  but as Jonas says, some Gnostics would have been horrifying to Christians for their vastly different interpretations of Scriptures (sometimes equating the Edenic serpent as a positive force, for instance) as well as rejecting works or or the moral "laws" of the false material world. Furthermore, by rejecting the celestial spheres and the cosmos as the imprisoning world of a lesser being, Gnostics would have been heretical or rebellious to the earlier Greek notion of the cosmos and Neoplatonists like Plotinus or the Stoics. Either the "Gnostics' became libertines or ascetics, rejecting the physical world as a creation of the Darkness/Demiurge/lesser god. 

In the epilogue, Jonas tries to connect Gnosticism and existentialism, but I don't see much of any connection besides what he calls a shared "anthropological anticosmism." But the comparison is revealing nonetheless, since some of the parallels in the world ancient world he draws may have influenced science fiction writers like Dick. For example, the rise of the Roman Empire and the the post-WWII US hegemony (or US and USSR "Empires" as Eastern and Western halves of the same imperial power) may have appealed to Dick's sense of the post-WWII global "empire" of the US/USSR, and the need to escape the totalitarian/all-encompassing "fake" world of the 20th century with its false reality that binds us to this realm. I cannot say for certain that Dick read Jonas, but it is certainly possible his own theophany and interests in Zoroastrianism and Gnosticism were informed by him. The influence of astrology and ancient astronomy on Gnostic thought could have also appealed to writers of science fiction, which may contribute to the omnipresence of Gnostic themes in various forms of SF from Dick's novels to anime series like Ergo Proxy.

Romans in "Sub-Saharan Africa"

 

Although scholars still debate the nature and scale of trans-Saharan trade and contacts in antiquity, one cannot help but wonder. Surely, the Garamantes were engaged in contacts with groups both within and south of the Sahara, but what about others? Was Agisymba in the Lake Chad region? If so, what does it suggest about the possible origins of long-distance trade before Kanem in the "Central Sudan" region? Was the Meroitic state also a player here, perhaps trading goods of Mediterranean origin to lands further west?

Satyricon

Since this blog has developed an interest in covering a variety of early prose fiction and "novels" across time and space, the Satyricon of Petronius was destined to receive a post. Unlike The Golden Ass or The Story of Apollonius King of Tyre, what remains of the Satyricon is incomplete, mutilated, and disjointed. Believed to have been possibly 5 times as long as the remaining fragments, the original text must have been a lengthy and episodic series of adventures for Encolpius, Ascyltus, and Giton across the Italian peninsula and the Mediterranean region. From what remains of the text, and J.P. Sullivan's lively translation of its prose and poems, it is a mostly first-person narrative told from the perspective of Encolpius, a former gladiator. His series of adventures include brothels, orgies, a fantastic dinner at the home of a wealthy freedman (which supposedly satirizes Nero, the nouveau riche, and many other aspects of Roman society), shipwreck, and sexual encounters with men and women. Like the later work of Apuleius, this tale features many outcasts, disreputable characters, amorous escapades, allusions to magic, and stories within a story (including a memorable account of a werewolf encounter). Unfortunately, due to the fragmentary nature of it, one cannot help but feel somewhat disappointed with the Satyricon. But due to its endless humor and satirical elements that bring to life Roman civilization of the early empire, it is an unforgettable romp of a civilization already imperiled. 

The Golden Ass

Apuleius's The Golden Ass is a hilarious tale of a man transformed into a donkey. Written in the 100s, perhaps during the reign of Marcus Aurelius, the North African author combines comedy and moral education in a tale of magic. Lucius, the protagonist, and central character in novel loaded with inset stories, suffers from an unnatural interest in magic and sex, ultimately leading to his accidental transformation into an ass by Photis, his lover (and slave of Milo and Pamphile, the witch). P.G. Walsh's translation ably renders into the English language much of Apuleius's wicked humor and satire of social relations, the Roman Senate, "catamite" priests, and unfaithful servants. Walsh's translation does not "modernize" the text to make it too informal or contemporary, so it still almost reads like something a Latin-speaker wrote over 1800 years ago. 

Like other ancient "novels" of the Roman Empire, the narrative structure brings to mind Arabian Nights through its several stories of infidelity, disloyal slaves, sorcery, supernatural events, bandits, greedy estate-owners, and, in the tale of Cupid and Psyche, a fable with Platonist or philosophical implications. Cupid and Psyche's tale occupies a significant chunk of the text, suggesting its central importance to the religious and philosophical themes pertinent to the soul and love, humanity and the divine. Psyche's desire for connection, her curiosity, and her eventual reunion with Cupid (and the other gods) suggest a possible route for human connection to the higher powers. Like Lucius, Psyche's curiosity and need for companionship drive her toward peril, but humble service to the gods (even a human-like Venus, overwhelmed with envy for the unsurpassed beauty of Psyche) with acceptance of one's mistakes lead to her salvation. 

Like Heliodorus's Ethiopian Romance, the novel shifts its settings and deals with a variety of trials that Lucius must survive or escape, although there is no Charicleia or female figure he truly loves (Photis was only useful for her sexual services). The intervention of the gods and belief in divine providence abounds in both texts, although the two lovers in Heliodorus's romance are directly linked to two main deities of the Greek pantheon and lack any of the moral flaws of Lucius. Since Lucius is a flawed person with moral shortcomings, his character is more believable and compelling than the star-crossed lovers in the Greek romances. Of course, since Heliodorus and Apuleius were both familiar with the literary heritage of the Greek language, The Golden Ass shares much of the same mythological and literary allusions with the ancient Greek "novels."

 The final book, which tells of Lucius's initiation into the mysteries of Isis and Osiris, presents a shift in tone in the novel as it drops it satirical tone and seems to openly embrace worship of Isis and proper religious behavior. In its embrace of the mysteries and its description of various rituals, this must surely be the world's first occult novel. Like a fable, it calls upon the reader to pursue knowledge in the proper way and practice moderation in sex and curiosity. Lucius, educated though he was, had to endure harrowing experiences as a donkey before he could learn this essential lesson, and find a way out of he morally corrupt world he experienced first-hand as a beast of burden. Much of the details of Lucius's initiation is left unrevealed to the reader, but the novel purports to offer right living and service to the mystery cults as the path to knowledge and success. Instead of the avaricious estate-owners, unchaste wives, effeminate pseudo-priests, violent bandits, abusive centurions, or miserly wealthy who hoard their riches to no purpose, the cult of Isis offers a path away from these ethical dilemmas. 

As an influential text in the history of the Western canon, I could not help but wonder if this novel may have influenced Antoine Innocent's Mimola. The Haitian novel directly links the Vodou loas to the dieux lares of the ancient Mediterranean. Like Lucius, Mimola is afflicted by supernatural means, although in her case it has more to do with the family's rejection of the ancestral spirits. Like Lucius, Mimola and her mother must persevere over the course of a number of trials, culminating in their pilgrimage to Saut d'Eau. Again, like Lucius, Mimola is initiated as a priestess in Vodou and is freed from her affliction. Perhaps any and all similarities between the two novels end here, yet they share a critique of Christianity (the baker's adulterous wife is likely a Christian, while in the Haitian context nationalists of Innocent's era were critical of the Catholic Church's influence). Like Apuleius, Innocent sees the syncretism of "pagan" beliefs and their positive social impact as the basis for community, the city-state. I would like to further explore any possible links between Apuleius and Haitian authors in the future, particularly as it relates to the occult, initiation, and connaissance. Milo Rigaud's Jésus ou Legba? may be the best place to look, especially since Rigaud linked Vodou to ancient Egypt and Nubian religions, of which Isis was a major figure. 

Apuleius

Here is an informative audio format of the Wiki page on Apuleius, the Roman-African author of The Golden Ass. The video covers his origins, his famous trial, the writing of The Golden Ass and Apuleius's larger legacy in the history of Roman literature, philosophy, religion, and the only extant Latin novel.

Lucian of Samosata's A True Story

Enjoy a short video on an ancient science fiction story. This story has everything, including space travel, extraterrestrials, and wonder.