Chronographia of Michael Psellos

Reading a certain science fiction novel partly inspired by the Byzantine Empire has motivated us to read more chronicles and histories by authors from that ancient civilization. This time, Michael Psellos, the pompous philosopher and intellectual, provided our reading material. Focusing on the reigns of 14 emperors of Byzantium during the 11th century, our arrogant intellectual provides interesting insights into the nature of Byzantine imperial politics during the pivotal century that witnessed the decline of the empire after its apogee under Basil II. According to Psellos, the successors to Basil II were, although not invariably, corrupting forces who squandered the riches of the imperial treasury through gifts, promotions and luxuries that were not put in good use to protect the Empire's borders and power. Though he occasionally found positive things to say about some emperors, such as Constantine IX, Michael (Zoe's boytoy), Isaac Comnenos, and even Michael VII, especially those who courted his favor or admired his philosophical and rhetorical accomplishment, the overall trend he portrays is one of decay. 

The failure of Basil II to sire a male heir and the problematic marriages and reign of Zoe and Theodora opened the door to more problems as the end of the Macedonian dynasty drew near. Instead of securing the eastern frontier from the Turks or protecting the west, emperors wasted time and resources on conflicts with their own generals, putting down rebellions, or promoting people to high positions who did not earn it on merit. Likewise, extravagant spending on churches, monasteries, lavish living, and the waste of the imperial treasury made the Empire weaker. The one emperor who seemed determine to eradicate the causes of the decadence of the Empire, Isaac Comnenos, was, according to Psellos, too eager and tried to cure or cauterize the Empire too quickly, sparking opposition and frustrating his aims. 

While one may certainly take issue with the way Psellos portrayed 11th century emperors and the role of his own bias as someone actively involved in the events he described, his history does suggest that the Macedonian dynasty's troubles with succession after Constantine VIII's daughters and corrupt habits did play a major role in weakening the Empire. Nonetheless, things were not quite as bad as they would later become after the loss of much of Anatolia. In fact, Byzantine power still made it a major power, particularly in relations with the Fatimids of Egypt and various Muslim and Christian powers. The Byzantines were able to defeat a Russian invasion in the Black Sea, too. Byzantine ships were also active in the Atlantic during the reign of Romanos III, if Psellos is reliable. Furthermore, the Empire was able to defeat a Bulgar rebellion while Empress Zoe was able to import spices from India and Egypt. Thus, despite the aforementioned problems faced by Byzantium, the Empire was still in a relatively strong position. Indeed, even Manzikert was not the doomsday it could have been, since the captured emperor was released by the Seljuq sultan. One just wishes the military, which arose to dominance under Isaac, had been able to consolidate the attempted reforms and fiscal changes ushered by Isaac to bolster the frontier defenses.

De Administrando Imperio

De Administrando Imperio is an interesting document. Written by or under the auspices of Constantine VII for his son, it provides a Byzantine imperial perspective on the Empire's foreign policy and how to navigate its sometimes warring and belligerent subjects and neighboring polities. Various peoples, such as Pechenegs, Chazars, Turks, Franks, Bulgars, Slavs, Russians, Arabs and other peoples are the subject of several short chapters on the history of Byzantine relations with said peoples and the foreign policy of the Empire with regard to said peoples. Byzantine diplomacy and clever use of groups like the Pechenegs as a buffer helped to keep the Empire afloat during this era. For instance, securing the friendship of the Pechenegs helped protect the Byzantines from hostile peoples. Part of the Empire's strength and longevity was undoubtedly due to this skillful interaction with various "barbarian" peoples and enemies along the frontiers, using one group against the other or as a buffer. In addition, cultural diplomacy and the use of religion was similarly important, converting groups like the Slavs to Eastern Christianity or bestowing Roman gifts, titles, or houses in Constantinople for vassal or tributary rulers. The Arabs and the threat of Islam is also a subject of chapters, particularly the conflicts with the Abbasids and Ummayads before them, as well as the Islamic attacks on Cyprus, Italy, Anatolia, or the Arab sieges of Constantinople. Muhammad, according to Constantine VII, was an epileptic (an idea borrowed from Theophanes the Confessor) who successfully established a false religion. In addition,  Constantine VII's text makes a reference to black slaves who were paid to the Byzantine Empire under Justinian II, in a treaty with Abimelech. Sadly, there is no other mention of blacks or to sub-Saharan Africans...

John Skylitzes

John Skylitzes was a Byzantine Greek historian. A member of the aristocracy, Skylitzes had the titles of kouropalates and droungarios tes viglas under Alexios Komnenos. Writing his Synopsis Historiarum as a continuation of Theophano’s Chronicle during the reign of Alexios Komnenos, Skylitzes includes Basil II’s campaign in Bulgaria and ends in the year 1057. Indeed, Skylitzes’ account of Basil’s victory at the 1014 Battle of Kleidion reworks the battle, claiming Basil blinded 15,000 Bulgarian, which had even been questioned by contemporary historians of the time. The aforementioned work was later recopied in 12th  century Sicily and accompanied by illustrations of various episodes from Byzantium’s history, thereafter called the Madrid Skylitzes. A sequel, called Skylitzes Continuatus, perhaps written by John Skylitzes, includes the years 1057-79 and is a revision of the Historia of Michael Attaleiates. Skylitzes’ intention was to write an objective history that would include more details left out by other historians, such as Psellos. In addition, Skylitzes also had training as a jurist and completed three surviving legal writings and known for drafting one treatise on marriage. Skylitzes was also known as John the Thrakesian and served as a Komnenian official in Alexios’ administration.

Bibliography

Holmes, Catherine. Basil II and the Governance of the Empire (976-1025). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005.

Alexander Kazhdan, Anthony Cutler, "Skylitzes, John" in The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium. Ed. Alexander P. Kazhdan. © 1991, 2005 by Oxford University Press, Inc.

Stephanson, Peter. "The legend of Basil the Bulgar-slayer." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 24 (2000): 102-132.

Medieval Ethiopia and Latin Europe

After reading about the Jesuits in Ethiopia, it made sense to go back a little further in time to understand relations between Solomonic Ethiopia and Latin Europe in the Middle Ages. Medieval Ethiopian Kingship, Craft, and Diplomacy with Latin Europe by Verena Krebs is a good place to start since it focuses on a period from c.1402 to the 1520s, a period before the calamitous invasions of Ahmad Gran. Arguing against the grain of past scholarship which has emphasized Ethiopian interest in military alliances or "superior" European technology, Krebs focuses on the various diplomatic missions from Ethiopia as examples of Solomonic kingship and prestige. No clear interest from the Ethiopian side in a military alliance with Rome or Aragon or Portugal emerges until the 1500s, in an era of millenarian prophecies, Ottoman expansion, and Adal incursions. 

Nor were Ethiopians necessarily interested in European "technology" per se. According to Krebs, Solomonic rulers were instead primarily interested in acquiring relics, ecclesiastical items such as chalices or vestments, and master craftsmen associated with construction. While one could argue that these craftsmen represented an aspect of European "technology" through their assumed superiority as builders, masons, carpenters, or smiths, Solomonic interest in their skills was associated with the ambitious royal churches, chapels, and monasteries constructed throughout the highlands. Solomonic dynasts saw the construction of stone churches decorated with luxurious imports from abroad as a way to strengthen their authority, prestige, and continue the legacy of the Biblical Solomon, their purported ancestor. 

Krebs is quite persuasive and reanalyzes some of the same textual sources used by other historians to demonstrate how Solomonic diplomacy with the Latin "West" was based on their own terms. Instead of seeing Christian Ethiopian as a passive recipient of Western technology or diplomatic initiatives, it was, beginning with Dawit and ending with Lebna Dengel, a largely Ethiopian initiative to acquire relics, religious paraphernalia and skilled artisans to boost their power. One is tempted to see an example of possible Solomonic adoption of architectonics of Western or foreign origin as an additional source of power through ecclesiastical power, something visible in the Jesuit-era churches, yet Krebs points to several examples of local churches that followed earlier Ethiopian precedents or influences. So Solomonic relations with Rome, Venice, Aragon, or Portugal should not be seen as one of European technological superiority motivating Ethiopian diplomacy but properly contextualized in the nature of the highland state. In fact, it was usually European perceptions of Ethiopia or Prester John's might and ability to divert the Nile that interested the papacy or European courts in establishing relations. Unfortunately for them, relations were not consistently maintained and later Solomonic rulers sent fewer envoys to Europe in the later period covered in this study. 

One wonders where and how Christian Nubia fit into this period of Ethiopian and Latin European relations. Mamluk Egypt was unavoidable as an land passed through by Ethiopians and Europeans in the period, but what about Nubia? The kingdom of Dotawo was still relevant and perhaps future scholarship can shed light on an interest in the Crusades from Nubia that was absent in the Solomonic state. Some of the medieval sources demonstrate knowledge of Ethiopian geography, languages, and the regional political climate. Nubia, on the other hand, appears to have been little known or a terra incognita, in spite of European contacts with Nubian kingdoms in the Middle Ages. 

Egil's Saga

Decided to finally read an Icelandic saga after reading about them in an unorthodox history of the novel. Although clearly based on historical figures with precise genealogies and specific events in the history of Norway and Iceland, Egil's Saga is undoubtedly a fictionalized account of Egil Skallagrim's adventures and exploits as a poet, warrior, Viking raider, farmer, and respected figure across the Viking world of the 10th century. It is clearly fictionalized because of the constant references to magic arts, giants, trolls, and other fantastic or supernatural phenomena which occur in the text, not to mention the imprecise dates and superhuman accomplishments of Egil himself. Translated by Scudder, the saga itself is very readable and engaging, consisting of short chapters that progress the plot from Egil's ancestors to his descendants in Iceland after a feud. 

Along the way, we see how events in previous generations reverberate for their descendants as Egil's family feuds with the King of Norway (first Harald, then Eirik and his wife, Gunnhild). Egil and his brother Thorolf also make a name for themselves (and increase their wealth and position) through Viking raids across the Viking world. Thus, this saga is richly detailed for those interested in pre-Christian Norway and Iceland, particularly in understanding how status, rank, honor, kinship ties, and political structures functioned. Its use of verse by Egil further enhances the story by giving full expression to the protagonist for expressing himself and his inner, often contradictory thoughts or moods. This adds a breath of fresh air to a narrative which, otherwise, often tells rather than shows. 

For prose narratives from medieval Europe, this is certainly much more interesting and exciting than hagiographies of the saints. However, does it really qualify as a novel? We have a general plot, of sorts, with conflict, resolution, and it is written largely in prose. Structurally, it seems to fit the bill, even if stylistically it falls short of most of the kinds of characterization one would like. Indeed, besides Egil and a few of his kinsman, most of the characters are flat and serve as obstacles or opponents in the incessant feuding, raiding, battling, and killings that take our hero on various journeys across Scandinavia, England, Iceland, the Baltic, and Frisia. One will have to read more Icelandic sagas to see how the genre changed over time and possible stylistic differences that enrich the history of prose writing of the medieval era.