The Khmers

Royal parade reliefs

The Khmers by Ian Mabbett and David Chandler is mostly an overview of over 2000 years of Cambodian history, the vast majority of the text covering the period before the fall of Angkor. Mabbett, writing an introductory overview, appears to cite secondary sources and translations of primary source materials (Chinese, Sanskrit, Old Khmer) whilst drawing on insights by archaeologists and scholars of Khmer art architecture to bring this ancient civilization to life. As it was published in the 1990s, some of the more recent advances in the field are not present here, yet Mabbett and Chandler wrote a fine introduction to the complex history of the Khmer. 

Many questions still remain about the period of "Indianization" in this part of mainland Southeast Asia, but Mabbett correctly emphasizes that the rise of urbanization, trade and some degree of social stratification already occurred before Indianization. This was followed by the shadowy polities of Funan and Zhenla, who are best known from problematic external sources (mainly Chinese). If, however, scholars are correct that these were not centralized kingdoms but perhaps temporarily dominant polities in southern Cambodia, then we must wait until the late 8th century and early 9th century to see a sense of Khmer unity. Even so, Khmer provincial elites continued to assert their independence and the unity of the Khmer realm during the Angkorian period was not guaranteed. Indeed, Rajendravarman was said to be essential in the process of centralizing the state in the mid-10th century. 

Unfortunately, the enigmatic fall of Angkor and what transpired in the Cambodian kingdom afterward is poorly served by our sources. Few rulers after Jayavarman VII left behind inscriptions, and the kings shifted away from grandiose Hindu and Hindu/Buddhist temples to lesss ostentatious displays of merit and piety. While Mabbett and others believe the spread of Theravada Buddhism shaped this process, much remains unknown about the decline of the Angkorian state. Conflict with Siam is attested as early as the late 13th century. The decline of irrigation systems and the complex waterworks of Angkor could have also contributed to the eventual abandonment of the site as a royal capital in the 15th century. Perhaps to better understand this period of change will require a new look at Siamese and Cambodian royal chronicles as well as an examination of the pull of trade and economic shifts to the coasts from inland centers. One also wonders if the kings and old temples endowed with thousands of servants or servile populations and lands may have also lost much of their power with the gradual shift to Theravada Buddhism, leading to a shift from wealth based on agricultural exploitation for elites to a more commercial orientation. It may be interesting to look here for clues as to the Chinese, Malay, Cham, or other traders active in the late Angkorian period and afterwards for clues.

The remainder of the text is essentially two short chapters offering a condensed version of Chandler's coverage of Cambodia after Angkor in his general history of the nation. Readers are recommended to consult that larger, more detailed work for Cambodia from c.1500 to the 1990s.

Cambodian History Timeline

The following is very much a work in progress on the history of Cambodia and the Khmer. The dates are largely based on the works of Roe, Lowman, Coedes, Chandler, and Liam C. Kelley. We hope to update this and further explore the fascinating history of this corner of mainland Southeast Asia at a future date.

245-250: Arrival of first Chinese envoys in Funan

357: Funan reported in Chinese sources to have offered to send tame elephants to China

514: Death of King Jayavarman

517: Envoy to China from Rudravarman

519: Envoy from Funan to China in 519

530: Envoy from Rudravarman to China in 530

535: Envoy from Rudravarman to China in 535

539: Envoy sent to China from Rudravarman

612: First (known) inscription in Khmer at Angkor Borei

616/17: Chinese reports of Chenla, former vassal of Funan now dominant

638: 4 embassies from the northwest of Khmer territory came to China

667: Inscription near Ba Phnom: shows 4 generations of an official family serving 5 kings (Rudravarman, Bhavavarman, Citrasena-Mahendravarman, Isanavarman, and Jayavarman I)

671-695: Chinese monk I-ching/Yi-tsing traveled in Southeast Asia

706: Split between Water Zhenla and Land Zhenla said to have taken place

770: First inscription of Jayavarman II

802: Beginning of Angkor period with Jayavarman II

817: Cham inscription in Sanskrit mentions their victory against Cambodia

851: The merchant Sulayman said to have traveled to Southeast Asia, heard tale of "Java" (Maharaja of Zabaj) defeating a Khmer king

877: Reign of Indravarman of Cambodia attested 

889-c. 910: Reign of Yasovarman I

928-941: Reign of Jayavarman IV

944-968: Reign of Rajendravarman. Centralization of Khmer realm may have developed during his reign

950: Rajendravarman raids Champa, taking a gold statue from the temple at Po Nagar

1002-1050: Reign of Suryavarman I

1011: Loyalty oats to Suryavarman I inscribed on stone

1025: Inscription from reign of Suryavarman near Lopburi

1050-1066: Reign of Udāyadityavarman II, who built the Baphuon

c.1052: Sdok Kak Thom Inscription 

1056: Cham raid of Sambhupura

1066-1080: Reign of Harshavarman III

1113-1150: Reign of Suryavarman II, builder of Angkor Wat

1115: Arrival of a tribute mission from Lopburi to China

1120: Tribute mission from Zhenla to China

1166/7: Reign of usurper from Lopburi at Angkor, Tribhuvanādityavarman

1171: A mandarin from Fukien landed on the coast of Champa, and said to have shared military expertise to help Chams defeat Angkor 

1177: Fall of Angkor to Cham forces, led by Jaya Indravarman IV

1182: Reign of Jayavarman VII began

1190: Jayavarman VII's invasion of Vijaya

1243- 1295: reign of Jayavarman VIII

1282/3: Chinese records of a mission from Xian (Siam)

1296: Śrī Śrīndravarman became king of Cambodia

1296-7: Zhao Daguan visited Angkor 

1351: Foundation of Ayutthaya

1369: Angkor temporarily abandoned (Mabbett)

1431: Letter cited by Liam Kelley indicating Siamese overthrow of the ruler of Sanfoqi (Cambodia?)

c.1570-1594: Reign of Sattha, who was well-disposed to Europeans. Was interested in an alliance with the Spanish and Portuguese

1570s: Cambodian king may have temporarily transferred the court to Angkor

1583: Thai attack on Longvaek

c.1585-1586: Spanish priest Antonio de Magdalena visited Angkor

1587: Thai unsuccessfully besieged Longvaek

1594: Thai sacking of Cambodian capital, Longvaek 

1594-1597: Reign of s Ram Jerng Prei

1603-1618: Reign of Paramaraja IV 

1618-1627: Reign of Jai Jettha II

1623: Vietnamese ask for a customs post at Prei Nokor (Saigon)

1642-1659: Reign of Ramadhipati I, who converted to Islam and was overthrown in 1659.

1672-1673: Reign of Padumaraja II

1680s: by this time, the future Saigon was seized by the Vietnamese from the Khmer

1747: Rebellion led by a daughter of Ang Im

1772: Phnom Penh destroyed by Thai/Siamese army

1775-1779: Reign of Ang Non III

1820: Revolt against Vietnamese led by a monk, Kai

1836: Revolt of Kom Svay against Vietnam

1860-1904: Reign of Norodom

1936: Appearance of a Khmer language newspaper called Angkor Wat

Angkorian "Nation"

Whilst reading Lowman's The Descendants of Kambu: The Political Imagination of Angkorian Cambodia, we see how difficult reconstructing the past of Cambodia is. Relying mainly on inscriptions since other local writings have not survived, Lowman argues for Angkorian Cambodia as a "nation" with a sense of boundedness, territory of nativity, and based on a myth of common descent through Kambu (the origin of the name Cambodia). Evidence of this can be found in the myth of Kambu, the defining of others like the Cham as ethnic/political others, and the degree to which inscriptional evidence attests to way provincial elites recorded their history as propertyholders via genealogy and royal elephant hunts of Jayavarman III. There is a lot more going on here, with additional evidence from the way in which the sense of Khmerness as a "nation" was also how Buddhists in Cambodia sought royal patronage before the reign of Jayavarman VII. Overall, the evidence does suggest something perhaps unique for Cambodia in this period of Southeast Asian history. A sense of ethnic community with a bounded territory of nativity was at least promoted by the royalty at Angkor and provincial elites posted to different parts of the sprawling territory. This was quite distinct from the mandala or cosmological model sometimes haphazardly applied to premodern Southeast Asian states. However, one would like to see more evidence of this through additional inscriptions (more than 3, or 5) so that one can sense that the myth of independence from "Java" or stories of land claims tied to elephant hunts really were more widespread. Perhaps like the case of the peasantry or enslaved people, this is impossible to truly uncover without the discovery of more inscriptions or new types of sources for this period. Sadly, post-Angkorian Cambodia defined its sense of "nation" differently, so Lowman advises against assuming too much continuity. 

A History of Cambodia

Due to our growing interest in Angkor, we felt it was necessary to read a "national" history to understand the larger trajectory of the Khmer people before, during, and after Angkor. David Chandler's A History of Cambodia is still the standard reference in English, so we began there. And Chandler, to his credit, does an excellent job synthesizing various sources on prehistoric, ancient, Angkorean, post-Angkor, colonial, and post-colonial Cambodia. It's a daunting task, particularly since much of the source material has severe limitations or it has not survived at all. Chandler endeavored to do  justice to this bewildering task of covering more than 2000 years of history well. In terms of Angkor and its decline, he is cautious and seems to agree with Vickery's interpretation of the problematic royal chronicles that cover the 15th and 16th centuries. Nonetheless, Angkor was still visited and used by monks and the Cambodian royal family. To what extent there really are so many parallels between different periods in Cambodian history is another question we cannot resolve. Chandler, for his part, sees them frequently in terms of Cambodia's destiny as a weaker power in the sphere of influence of Siam and Vietnam in the 1600s-1800s, as well as periods under colonial French Indochina or the Vietnam War that engulfed the region. After reading this history, which is largely critical of the state of affairs in Cambodia's political class (repression, arbitrary rule, incompetence, genocide/crimes against humanity, especially in the DK years under Pol Pot), one wonders to what extent the characterization of relations between the Cambodian state and its population was like this before the capital shifted south to Phnom Penh. Was Angkor really a centralized state which supported intensive agriculture, irrigation projects, and infrastructure while Cambodia afterwards was more commercial-oriented and the state unwilling or unable to fund similar projects of the Angkor period?

Angkor & the Khmer Civilization

The latest (2024) edition of Angkor & The Khmer Civilization by Michael D. Coe and Damien Evans is a beautifully illustrated overview of thousands of years of Cambodian history. While what the authors term the "Classic" period, or the medieval empire that lasted from c.802 to 1327, occupies the most attention from the authors (in part due to the well-earned fame of Angkor and the greater attention paid to that period by archaeologists and historians), prehistoric and the Early Kingdoms epochs receive scholarly attention, too. With the new advances in LiDAR and other archaeological techniques, we know more than ever about ancient Cambodia, thereby opening the door to new questions and considerations about its past. For instance, the authors draw from recent work by archaeologists to support Groslier's "hydraulic city" model for Angkor, although they prefer an estimate of at most 750,000 for the Angkor metropolis. They also push back strongly against the idea of Classic Angkor as a mandala state or decentralized polity. The imprint of the royal administration down to the village level, inscriptions attesting to the presence of government officials appointed by the king, and regular censuses for corvee and taxation purposes suggest this was a strong government, even in the Post-Classical phase when territorial contraction and pressure from the Thai and Vietnamese weakened Cambodia. Overall, this is an excellent introduction that, of course, cannot do full justice to thousands of years of history given the archaeological gaps and the loss of countless manuscripts in Classical and Post-Classical times. Indeed, by adopting an approach to Cambodia over a longue durée allows one a reasonable perspective on the development of Cambodian civilization over time.  Naturally, numerous questions remain, some of which may be answered in the future with the aid of new techniques and models for understanding the art, temples, monuments, and public works projects of ancient Cambodia. Perhaps further analysis of reliefs from temples at Angkor and more analysis of inscriptions in Khmer and Sanskrit could have been utilized here for more insights on land tenure, the temples, and labor, but only such much can be done with the limited sources available. 

Sanfoqi as Angkor/Cambodia

Although we lack the language expertise and familiarity with Chinese and Southeast Asian sources for early Southeast Asian history, we find Liam Kelley's work fascinating for its questioning of the Srivijaya narrative. In particular, his article, "Rescuing History from Srivijaya: The Fall of Angkor in the Ming Shilu (Part 1) raises a number of interesting questions about the decline of the Angkor Cambodian state. Instead of following the traditional narrative that connected the Sanfoqi of Chinese sources to Srivijaya, Kelley instead demonstrates how it was likely referring to Cambodia and its Angkor kingdom. We eagerly await Part 2 of his article to see how Siamese and Cambodian chronicles that cover the 14th and 15th centuries support Kelley's identification of Sanfoqi with Angkor and the periods of Siamese and Javanese influence in the region. 

A History of Thailand

Due to its unique history in Southeast Asia as the only state not formally colonized by Western powers, Thailand has long fascinated us. In order to learn more, we finally read A History of Thailand by Pasuk Phongpaichit and Chris Baker. Although early history receives a few short chapters in their study, focusing on the 19th and 20th centuries, it is a rather comprehensive overview of Thailand's origins. Understanding the earlier eras in terms of mueangs, Tai-speakers, the Dvaravati culture, and the role of geography in shaping human societies of the region is incredibly important. The Ayutthaya era likewise merited attention, although far less than that accorded to the subject in Baker and Phongpaichit's monograph on Ayutthaya. The real meat and potatoes of this history is on the Bangkok era, when Bangkok developed into the royal and political capital of Siam. The 19th century changes which led to Siamese territorial expansion and the eventual adoption of colonial-style rule for administrative purposes, are the major developments of this important era. Siam's kings, such as Chulalongkorn, championed themselves as the necessary rulers for Siam to develop and be modern while retaining Thai values and traditions. 

Gradually, by the 1930s, the military emerged into greater significance, culminating in what may be fairly considered a fascist or pro-fascist regime led by Phibun. Democratization and liberalism were never really the goal and the state eventually fell to military generals who exploited their positions to siphon US funding during the Cold War or entered into alliances with the oligarchy and business elites. The business elite, often of Chinese origins, soon became a major factor in politics through their unholy alliance with the military or the royalists. Throughout the 20th and early 21st century, Thailand's often tumultuous politics revealed cleavages in the nation based on region, class, Cold War regional politics, attitudes toward liberalism, the interests of the peasantry, and globalization or development. Numerous coups, outbreaks of violence, and corruption or abuse of political power to accrue wealth have continued to plague the nation. Despite its middle-income status and the transformation of Bangkok into a global city, Thailand remains in political uncertainty. The monarchy has been of great importance yet Baker and Phongpaichit's book ends with a short overview of the Shinawatra years and the youthful protest movement opposed to the military junta and the monarchy. Despite its past ties to military generals or big-money interests, the monarchy managed to regain its status as the moral arbiter of the nation for the urban middle-class. 

In some respects, Thailand's modern history reminds us of Ethiopia. Like Ethiopia, Siam avoided formal European colonialism. Both pursued modernization through monarchical government systems and unfair European semi-colonial relations. Thailand, however, has been more successful with long-term economic development, although some of this may reflect the importance of Thailand as a bulwark against communism during the Cold War and the strategic and economic importance of Southeast Asia. Both countries also experienced moments of authoritarian governments when the monarchy was sidelined or, in the case of Ethiopia, totally overthrown. Through their unequal status with the Western powers during the age of imperialism and the adoption of colonial-style administrative practices, both nations were not able to develop their resources in a manner favorable to industrialization and the well-being of the peasantry. That said, Thailand's location in Southeast Asia and the influence of Japanese, Chinese, and Western states in its economy, labor, and export potential did eventually lead to some economic development. Ethiopia, like Thailand, also has the experience of regional (and ethnic) conflicts but without the same degree of ethnic conflict.

Ayutthaya History

Although we are still complete beginners in Southeast Asian history, we recently finished Chris Baker and Pasuk Phongpaichit's A History of Ayutthaya: Siam in the Early Modern World. An ambitious work that begins with pre-Ayutthaya history and ends with the Bangkok-era Chakri dynasty, Baker and Phongpaichit present several centuries of history. Beginning with early Bronze Age, Iron Age, and agricultural communities, one sees how Thailand's history predates Ayutthaya, Sukhothai, and states founded or associated with Tai-speaking peoples by millennia. The rise of long-distance trade, Indic culture, and the later Dvaravati civilization, which was likely more of a cultural than political entity, paved the path for later polities in which Ayutthaya emerged. Already established as a militarily expansive and commercial state, early Ayutthaya built its wealth through Asian trade. After a period in which military expansion was key, what could perhaps be considered "Middle Ayutthaya" rulers focused on commerce and strengthening Ayutthaya's position as an Asian entrepot. 

This era, after Naresuan, is especially interesting for the various Chinese, Persian, French, Dutch, Siam, and Burmese sources available. While the large estimates of the royal capital's population and the emergence of a peasantry may require further analysis, Siam was undoubtedly a major center of Southeast Asia's "Age of Commerce." The Persian, Japanese, European, Chinese, Malay, and Indian connections illustrate quite clearly how Siam was a central node in Asian trade. This commercial society, according to our authors, gradually changed as the nobility gained further power and control over labor (phrai). Consequently, Buddhism and the ideal king changed to meet the needs of a society with greater social discord, banditry, revolt, and inequality after the 1688 revolution. We will have to read Baker and Phongpaichit's other book to find out what transpired after Ayutthaya fell and Siam encountered the Western powers in the 19th century. 

The Civilization of Angkor

Out of a desire to learn more about Angkor, we recently read Charles Higham's The Civilization of Angkor. Eager to read an overview of this ancient Khmer civilization less outdated than that of Georges Coedes, who heavily relied on inscriptions and was somewhat dismissive of "pre-Indianized" peoples in the region, Higham's short account establishes the deeper roots of the civilization that produced Angkor. Indeed, the degree of long-distance trade and social inequality already in place, detected through archaeology, indicates that "Indianization" was a local adoption and adaptation of Indic religious and cultural practices. What was more surprising to learn was the strong evidence against older interpretations of Angkor's authority being rooted in royal control of irrigation networks. Indeed, Higham suggests the various dynasties of this Khmer civilization were perhaps more akin to the type of "galatic polity" described by Tambiah. In other words, central authority was weak in the provinces and conflict within the court or the center common. Nonetheless, it looks like Coedes and past scholars were correct about the role of the Shiva cult, institution of devaraja, and temple complexes and merit-making as core components of state authority and ideology. Indeed, this is perhaps another parallel with the type of state "networks" described by Kenneth Hall for precolonial Southeast Asian states. We only wish more was known of Funan, the Chenla polities, and the nature of slavery and bonded labor.

A Record of Cambodia

Although the extant text appears to be perhaps 1/3 of the original work, Zhao Daguan's A Record of Cambodia: The Land and Its People is a priceless source. Translated into English by Peter Harris, the short account's readable description of Cambodia in the late 13th century brings this vastly different time and place to life. Despite Zhao Daguan's own cultural biases and possible omissions and corruption to the text, an overview of Khmer society, religion, agriculture, landscape, flora, fauna, and the royal court is at least partially described. Keeping the aforementioned shortcomings of the text in mind, one can carefully use Zhao Daguan, with insights from local inscriptions, archaeology, and art history, to reconstruct a complex civilization. 

Zhao Daguan, for instance, highlights the role of slavery as a pervasive institution in society. Slaves, often taken from highland "savage" populations, were so despised that sleeping with them was considered a reprehensible act, though occasionally done by resident Chinese. Agriculture was undoubtedly the basis for the realm's wealth and stability, and local trade was dominated by women. According to Zhao Daguan, women were easy to find, food plentiful, and clothing requirements light, so many Chinese sailors sought to stay in Cambodia. The growing Chinese presence in the kingdom also led to a decline in respect for Chinese merchants as they became more common. Chinese customs such as using paper in lavatories were strange to the local Khmer, just as Zhao Daguan saw local women as lascivious. The far-ranging trade networks of the Khmer extended to, perhaps, India in the west (and likely beyond) to Chinese ceramic ware, manufactured goods, silks,and other products. Recent wars or battles with Siam had devastated part of the kingdom. Nonetheless, people from Siam were also residing in Cambodia, associated with silk and textile production. 

Zhao Daguan also noted with approval how even the "barbarian" people of Cambodia knew how to venerate an absolute ruler (Indravarman III). The various temples and monumental architecture of the capital seems to have impressed him, too. Art, architecture, religion, and the numerous relatives of the king were tied to royal administration and legitimacy. Numerous officials of the state were relatives of the king or people who provided their daughters as concubines to him. The old legend of a snake spirit cohabiting with the king and allusions to Buddhist and Siva/Hindu rituals clearly establish a close relationship with the temples, monks, and priests. While Zhao Daguan did not understand the Hindu-derived pandits and Siva worship, his allusions to them suggest strongly localized cults which were patronized by the royal court.

Southeast Asia's Critical Crossroads

We have perhaps exhausted our interest in general histories of Southeast Asia. Anthony Reid's A History of Southeast Asia: Critical Crossroads covers over 2000 years of history in a little over 400 pages. Any attempt to cover the history of an entire region in a single volume will undoubtedly contain omissions and some simplifications, but this particular book is especially strong on the period from c.1500 onwards. Due to the author's specialization on the Age of Commerce and more recent eras in Southeast Asian history, the earlier period of "Indianized" kingdoms does not receive as much attention as some would like. Moreover, due to the vast terrain and types of post-colonial wars, conflicts, and Cold War confrontations, some of the intricate details of events like the Vietnam War and US intervention in Indochina do not receive the attention as US reader might expect. That said, this is a worthwhile read for those of us who, though somewhat familiar with the region, can find specific information and references to learn more about topics or themes of personal interest. As a crossroads vital for global exchange and what Reid sees as distinct patterns of gender relations, post-colonial nation-building, and economic development in the tropics, the Southeast Asian case offers some fruit avenues for comparison with other regions. Moreover, the history of the region's Chinese communities or the role of "weak" states in the precolonial area becomes an even more interesting development as anti-colonial leaders sought to create centralized states on territory carved by European powers. We hope to continue to pursue the history of this region with specific case studies that emphasize specific nations or areas. 

The Indianized States of Southeast Asia

George Coedès was one of the major historians of Southeast Asia. Due to his stature in the field and importance in the study of Cambodia and Srivijaya, reading The Indianized States of Southeast Asia felt like a requirement. And despite being somewhat outdated and reflecting an older worldview and approach to historical research, Coedès wrote a very reasonable survey of Southeast Asian history based on contemporary scholarship. Of course, it was almost inevitable that the legacy of European colonialism shaped how Coedès conceived of Indianization. Although Indians did not conquer and found states in Southeast Asia, local elites adopted aspects of Indian culture or intermarried with Indians through a process unfortunately little known or understood. Nonetheless, Coedès viewed this as Indians civilizing Southeast Asians, who would have otherwise been as unknown historically as New Guinea and Australian Aboriginal populations. Hindu and Buddhist civilization, Indian-derived scripts, mandalas and the laws of Manu provided the basis for the efflorescence of various Southeast Asian states from Funan and Lin-yi to Siam and Majapahit. 

Somehow, despite his own evidence to the contrary, the author wants us to believe Southeast Asia never made any major contribution to the world and actually declined as Indianization was replaced by Islam or weakened by local cultures (the latter particularly fueled by Theravada Buddhism). This stance is definitely counter to that of more recent scholarship, which stresses local agency in the adoption of Indian culture and the role of Southeast Asians in promoting and facilitating trade in the Indian Ocean. In some respects, it reminds us of the debates on the Swahili culture of East Africa or even the kingdoms and states of Sudanic Africa and trans-Saharan trade. Colonial scholars of both Southeast Asia and Sudanic Africa sometimes approached the peoples of the two regions as empty receptacles for the "advanced" cultures and civilizations of other regions. Southeast Asia, however, was undeniably important in "Old World" exchange before most of sub-Saharan Africa. Nonetheless, we cannot help but think of the occasional parallels between both regions in their relations with the better-known civilizations to their north, the centers that allegedly "civilized" them (Islamic civilization of the Middle East and North Africa, India and China in the case of Southeast Asia). 

As a basic synthesis of about 1500 years of SE Asian history, this work is a readable summary of the known knowledge on the subject. Much of it relies on inscriptions and references from Chinese annals or later local chronicles, so it is very much a history of royal courts, elites, and Hinduism and Buddhism at the aristocratic or political elite domain. It was undoubtedly adapted to meet local needs, and was often consistent or could be consistent with local animistic traditions and beliefs in spirits residing in mountains, ancestors, and deified kings (devaraja). That said, the numerous gaps in our knowledge and the struggle to piece together a coherent narrative out of the sources then available made for sometimes speculative interpretations by Coedès. So much is unknown or guesswork based on what some inscriptions implied or how Chinese sources, which were not always reconcilable with local inscriptions or names, referred to such and such king or polity. The confused genealogies of kings, the role of matrilineal inheritance, and other factors also obscure royal genealogies and chronologies. That said, however, Southeast Asia's brilliant civilizations, such as Cambodia under the Khmer or Srivijiaya and the Sailendras at their zenith, bequeathed a glorious legacy to posterity through temples, monuments, canals, artificial lakes, and the arts, Coedès draws on the study of sculpture, literature, religious texts, and the other arts to supplement the other sources in a way that is admirable. One only wishes that the author had taken a bit more seriously the allegedly non-civilized masses or subjects and the hill peoples in the analysis for a fuller picture of how these states actually operated and integrated "Indianized" elites and commoners who may have not been influenced by Indianization until the spread of Theravada Buddism. 

Southeast Asian History

We have been thinking about Southeast Asia and how the history of Asia would look from a perspective centered on that region. In order to supplement the scraps we can recall from D.G.E. Hall, we decided to read a newer survey of the region's history, this one focusing on maritime trade. Kenneth Hall's A History of Early Southeast Asia: Maritime Trade and Social Development, 100-1500 is a good start. Unlike the earlier Hall, this work reflects the advances in archaeology in the region. That, and the generations of postcolonial scholarship on the area leads to different emphases and historical preoccupations. D.G.E. Hall was a pioneer for many reasons, but it is interesting to see how the younger generation of scholars have sought to define the region and its hugely important role in exchange networks, maritime trade, and world history.

For Hall, the history of Southeast Asia is one defined by networked relations of downstream polities connected to upriver and hinterland populations providing the desired export goods. In addition to this type of early polity, one can also find mainland and Javanese states which engaged in agricultural innovation and irrigation projects like canals and hydraulic networks. Indian and Chinese influences, particularly the concept of the mandala and Hindu, Buddhist, and Confucian religious and political models, were adopted through local agency and adapted to suit local needs. Instead of viewing early Southeast Asian civilizations like Funan as products of Indian merchants or migrants, local elites took the initiative to adapt ideas and concepts from other lands into their own political systems. According to this study, most Southeast Asian states were not highly centralized, and they placed more emphasis on manpower or access to labor than land. Hindu and Buddhist (and later Islamic) notions of sovereignty, ritual authority, and temple networks linked to the royal court allowed for rulers to assert their legitimacy through religious ideology that was built on local traditions. 

Some states, like Pagan, in Burma, relied heavily on the temples in their kingdom but learned how to limit monks from becoming too powerful through accumulation of land and allied artisans. Ingeniously, Pagan sent wealthy monks for reordination in Sri Lanka, thereby stripping them of their authority. In other parts of Southeast Asia, like Champa, which never developed into a centralized polity, or even Srivijaya, a state ruled its hinterland through provincial aristocrats, chiefs or "big men" who had to be incorporated into the state through ritual and redistribution of treasured imports. Over time, some Southeast Asian states also made inroads in terms of incorporating artisans and other non-royal locals in the administration of the state, as in Majahapit. The process appears to have been uneven, as Cebu in the Philippines was still ruled by chiefs with limited authority or in Banda, where a group of merchant origin handled trade between the more communal hinterland society and the outside world. 

In spite of the differences in scale and degree of centralization, Southeast Asian states were undoubtedly centers of commerce. As the source of some of the most prized goods in both China, India and areas to the west, it was additionally a focus of interest for its role in the movement of goods between western lands and East Asia. In this respect, Southeast Asia by 1500 was, as noted by Hall, shaped by forces of capitalism and global exchange long before European colonialism or imperialism. Southeast Asians were also pioneers in this process, too, as Malay sailors navigated across the Indian Ocean and to Chinese ports. Their vast sailing and maritime exchange networks helped lay the foundations for this Afro-Eurasian (and even into Australia and New Guinea, if one considers Sulawesi traders, for instance) network of cultural, economic, and religious exchange. We are starting to wonder if it perhaps useful to consider Bengal and southern China as part of Southeast Asia to reorient our understanding of the region's role in Asian history. Now we need some decent books covering the specifics of Pagan-era Burma, Ayutthaya, Srivijaya and Angkor. 

Aldous Huxley's Island

Huxley's Island, his utopian counterpoint to Brave New World, was not what I expected. Although I read Brave New World over 15 years ago, I recall a primitivist solution of sorts that Huxley promoted in the 1930s. Thirty years later, when Island was published, Pala, the Southeast Asian utopian society of the novel, is not a primitive society. Instead, Huxley seems to propose a fusion of sorts of Eastern and Western civilization for an attainable utopian world which adopts some of the material and technological advances of Western civilization in a sustainable manner. 

Instead of capitalism or communism, or mass consumption and a lack of preventative care, Pala continues its own traditions of Mahayana Buddhism, Shivaite practices, and moksha-medicine for a completely different social order. Written at the height of the Cold War, and with World War II a recent memory (indeed, Will Farnaby, the protagonist of the novel, was in Germany during the War), Pala must be how Huxley saw a possible solution between totalitarianism (of the fascist or Stalinist sort) on one hand, and the alienated, consumer societies of the West. 

Unfortunately for the people of Pala, their boy Raja and his mother, the Rani, are plotting with Colonel Dipa of nearby Rendang-Lobo to undo the society to bring industrialization, extractive oil industries, and the Sears Catalogue (imported manufactured goods). Undone by internal factors and the megalomaniacal Colonel Dipa (who is also sleeping with Murugan), Pala's society is destined to unravel. To what extent a society predicated on sustainable development, harmony with their ecological setting, and human happiness could last in a world threatened by the West, the East, and Global South nations hell-bent on imitating the worst aspects of either is resolved by the novel's conclusion. 

Indeed, can a society truly be utopian if it practices an isolationist foreign policy, like Pala? And just as Will Farnaby makes the momentous decision to side with the doomed residents of Pala, Pala's status as a utopia is terminated. Nonetheless, Huxley's vision of an ideal society deserves kudos for avoiding any form of primitivist or unforgivable Orientalist tone. However, it lives up to the worst of the 1960s counterculture: drug-fueled mysticism, perhaps as bankrupt as the inter-war mystics, and proto-New Agey solutions to the problems of modern life.

Origins of Slaves Imported at the Cape, 1652-1808