Showing posts with label China. Show all posts
Showing posts with label China. Show all posts

Sunday, August 13, 2023

A Record of Cambodia

Although the extant text appears to be perhaps 1/3 of the original work, Zhao Daguan's A Record of Cambodia: The Land and Its People is a priceless source. Translated into English by Peter Harris, the short account's readable description of Cambodia in the late 13th century brings this vastly different time and place to life. Despite Zhao Daguan's own cultural biases and possible omissions and corruption to the text, an overview of Khmer society, religion, agriculture, landscape, flora, fauna, and the royal court is at least partially described. Keeping the aforementioned shortcomings of the text in mind, one can carefully use Zhao Daguan, with insights from local inscriptions, archaeology, and art history, to reconstruct a complex civilization. 

Zhao Daguan, for instance, highlights the role of slavery as a pervasive institution in society. Slaves, often taken from highland "savage" populations, were so despised that sleeping with them was considered a reprehensible act, though occasionally done by resident Chinese. Agriculture was undoubtedly the basis for the realm's wealth and stability, and local trade was dominated by women. According to Zhao Daguan, women were easy to find, food plentiful, and clothing requirements light, so many Chinese sailors sought to stay in Cambodia. The growing Chinese presence in the kingdom also led to a decline in respect for Chinese merchants as they became more common. Chinese customs such as using paper in lavatories were strange to the local Khmer, just as Zhao Daguan saw local women as lascivious. The far-ranging trade networks of the Khmer extended to, perhaps, India in the west (and likely beyond) to Chinese ceramic ware, manufactured goods, silks,and other products. Recent wars or battles with Siam had devastated part of the kingdom. Nonetheless, people from Siam were also residing in Cambodia, associated with silk and textile production. 

Zhao Daguan also noted with approval how even the "barbarian" people of Cambodia knew how to venerate an absolute ruler (Indravarman III). The various temples and monumental architecture of the capital seems to have impressed him, too. Art, architecture, religion, and the numerous relatives of the king were tied to royal administration and legitimacy. Numerous officials of the state were relatives of the king or people who provided their daughters as concubines to him. The old legend of a snake spirit cohabiting with the king and allusions to Buddhist and Siva/Hindu rituals clearly establish a close relationship with the temples, monks, and priests. While Zhao Daguan did not understand the Hindu-derived pandits and Siva worship, his allusions to them suggest strongly localized cults which were patronized by the royal court.

Saturday, May 16, 2020

China Mountain Zhang

McHugh's China Mountain Zhang was more entertaining than I thought it would be. Although set in a dystopian future in which a Second Civil War has led to a socialist revolution in the US and mainland China dominates the world, this novel is not about a glorious resistance to status quo or a revolutionary movement to overthrow an unequal system. Here, "resistance" lies in the cracks of the system and the wills of the main characters to eke out an existence. The central protagonist, a gay Chinese-Hispanic who, due to gene-splicing, can 'pass' for an ABC (American-Born Chinese), is hardly heroic but seeks to find a community and space for him to express himself (although his deviance is unacceptable in China). The other characters also search for a space to call their own, their own bit of freedom, even if it takes them to Mars (where communes struggle to stay afloat, as the case of Alexi and Martine illustrates). 

At first one might think the novel to be almost a right-wing attack on the Far Left, but its far too sophisticated for anything so simple-minded. It's certainly a critique of ideological purity and devotion, and the excesses of Marxism that can become rather dogmatic. But the main character's lifestyle, the rape of the foreman's daughter after her facial surgery, and the concerns of Martine and Alexi indicate a concern for human freedom, self-expression and dignity that eschew any simplistic rejection of left-wing politics. In a sense, the novel presents a feminist ethics of care. And lest one think there is no action at all, some intense action-packed sequences involving kite racers, running from a state raid on an illegal club in Nanjing and dramatic exchanges enliven the narrative. 

Furthermore, since so much of the book consists of the intersecting slice of life segments of its cast, the reader comes to appreciate the world-building of this China-dominated futurism. "Daoist" engineering, Martian agricultural communes, jacking on to systems, and a variety of new technologies is quite entertaining and intriguing, particularly as the characters don't live too far in time from our 20th century. This dystopian future seems plausible, and perhaps more accurate every day given the changing power relations of the 21st century. 

Wednesday, October 30, 2019

The Painted Veil

Maugham's The Painted Veil is one of those novels I picked up on a whim from a used bookstore on the West Coast. Like Razor's Edge, it almost seems to have Orientalist themes (Tao, China, the inscrutable East), but is centered on the life of a frivolous young woman whose ordeal forces her to reconsider her life and relationships. And if one thought it would become a sort of Chinese Love in the Time of Cholera, one is sorely mistaken. There is no magic realism here. Instead, Maugham's short novel exposes the bankruptcy of English social climbing (Kitty Fane's mother) and colonial social hierarchies (British Hong Kong, Charles Townsend). Through Kitty's attempt to find some meaning and sense of freedom, along her own Way, the 1925 novel also addresses some of the fundamental problems of relations between the sexes. 

Yes, women can vote and have made a variety of advances, but the proper English woman was still expected to marry well and remain dependent on a male breadwinner. Kitty's struggle to avoid being a burden after Walter's death illustrates this dilemma quite well. The other major women characters in the novel likewise experience the limitations placed upon their gender, especially Kitty's mother and Dorothy, the wife of Kitty's lover. Both of them are in no small manner largely behind the success of their husbands, but it is only through their men that their status is assured. Maugham appears to have understood this very well, and hints at a future change when Kitty promises to raise her unborn daughter as a free woman. Intriguingly, it is through the selfless French nuns in Mei-Tan-Fu that Kitty begins to see some way out of the rather meaningless life she led before as a young bourgeois woman.  

Now, what is the importance of China in this novel? Empire and colonialism are persistent themes in the novel, and with the exception of Colonel Yu and the owner of a curio shop, none of the Chinese characters are named. Most are "boys," or servants and amahs. Hong Kong, with its vain and unintelligent colonial officials (particularly Charles Townsend, the lover of Kitty), appears to consist of nothing but polo, balls, dinner, and putting on airs. Empire has bred a society at home and abroad lacking in the virtues and larger meaning of life. However, when going to the heart of a cholera epidemic in mainland China, the encounter with death, "traditional civilization," and sacrifice provides an opportunity for Kitty to develop while coming to some degree of peace with Walter. Allusions to the Tao, the ability of Waddington and the French nuns to embrace locals, and think beyond the West seems to inspire Kitty to think of how trivial her infidelity and prior life was. In short, China becomes an opportunity for the protagonist to discover herself, albeit only the first step on that journey. 

Thursday, August 22, 2019

The Chinese in the Dominican Republic


Since the story of the Chinese in Haiti is intimately linked to transnational networks of Chinese families and businesses across the US, Cuba, and Haiti, a brief look at the story of the Chinese in the Dominican Republic is enlightening. While the Chinese presence in the DR dates to the 1860s, coming from Cuba, the growth of Chinese businesses in various towns across the nation seems to be more of an early 20th century phenomenon. Instead of descending from contracted laborers, akin to mid-19th century Cuba, these migrants appear more akin to the later migration patterns into the Americas to establish restaurants, laundries, and similar shops. Like the Chinese in Haiti, they were also linked to the Cuban Chinese community. 

Various articles from Listin Diario indicate that by the 1920s and 1930s, their numbers and economic clout was significant enough to warrant visits from Chinese representatives in Havana. Moreover, they established formal clubs, associations, and were often mentioned in the Dominican press for donating to various causes, such as erecting a statue of Trujillo in 1935. Like the case of Haiti, it is difficult to estimate the total numbers of the population in the Dominican Republic, but one article suggested approximately 500 in 1936. With transnational ties to Cuba and formal organizations, including a centralized association based in Santo Domingo, the Chinese colony were sufficiently organized and prosperous to demand attention from the Dominican government as well as Cuban-based Chinese officialdom.

Consequently, what is discussed here is a tiny ethnic minority with a presence in various towns, including San Pedro de Macoris, Puerto Plata, Santo Domingo, La Romana, La Vega, and other areas. If the Chinese population by the 1950s or early 1960s was slightly over 1000, their population did double from 1930s estimates, but remained miniscule compared to Cuba. While not great, this is certainly higher than estimates of around 200 for Haiti by the 1960s. Moreover, unlike the case of Haiti, where articles criticizing the Chinese presence can be found in Le MatinLe Nouvelliste, and Le Temps, the Dominican press seems to be full of praise for la colonia china

They established restaurants, laundries, groceries, organized to celebrate Chinese holidays or visits from their minister based in Havana, and, in some cases, formed families through unions with Dominican women. Unlike Port-au-Prince papers, Santo Domingo's Listin Diario did not attack the Chinese on racial grounds (indeed, they often referred to the wisdom and antiquity of Chinese civilization and their laborious enterprises) or accuse them of taking over petite industrie that should have remained in Dominican hands. Perhaps this may be due to Dominican preference for non-black immigrants or the class biases of contributors to Dominican newspapers, as they were less likely to be pushed out of a market. Furthermore, since the majority of the Dominican population lived in rural areas and likely saw few if any Chinese unless traveling to towns, the Santo Domingo press took the liberty of speaking for them.

Moreover, the rise of Trujillo and anti-Communist support for the Chinese nationalists may have shaped elite discourse on their presence. Increasingly anti-Haitian official discourse did not target the Chinese communities, and they likely benefited from political stability of the Trujillo regime and the degree to which industrialization reshaped the Dominican economy. In 1931, immigration restrictions on Chinese nationals were dropped, further attesting to the willingness of the Dominican government to develop relations with China. Unfortunately, it is possible that records of the formal Chinese organizations of the 1930s onward may be lost. Surely, such records and a thorough examination of the Dominican press, government reports, and testimonies would shed light on the relationship of this community and the Trujillo regime. If the Syrian-Lebanese community provides any indication, they likely supported the Trujillo regime.

As for Haiti, it is undoubtedly the case that some of the Chinese families in the Dominican Republic were also operating in Haiti. This indicates that the economic presence of the Chinese in Haiti, conspicuous by the 1910s if not 1920s, was likely occurring through families that established branches in the Dominican Republic or had mutual relations in the US and Cuba. For instance, the Wah family in Haiti, operating businesses in both Port-au-Prince and Cap-Haitien, are probably related to the Joa of the Dominican Republic. Indeed, a Josan Joa appears in Dominican newspapers in the 1920s, who could very well be the father of famous Haitian painter Bernard Wah, Wosan Wah. Without access to oral histories, it is difficult to say with certainty, but it does suggest that many Dominican Chinese were related by blood or marriage to those on the other side of the border. Another name that appears frequently among this community is Fung, who are likely related to the Fong in Haiti. Additional surnames in the Dominican Republic during the 1920s and 1930s include Lee, Chong, Chang, Woo, San, and Jos. Norman Lee was prominent as the head of the Fraternidad China, which appears to have coexisted with the Centro Chino in Santo Domingo. 

As for why the Chinese in Haiti, to the writer's knowledge, never established formal community organizations or a casino, perhaps their smaller numbers made informal associations sufficient for supporting their colonia. Perhaps their smaller size also explains why the Chinese colonie in Port-au-Prince did not raise funds for community projects, or public charity, which distinguishes them from the Club Commercial Syrien. In addition, there remains a chance that the Chinese in Haitian cities, such as Cap-Haitien, Port-au-Prince, and Les Cayes, retained links with the formal organizations among their counterparts in the Dominican Republic. In a sense, perhaps this relationship mirrored the uneven incorporation of both Haiti and the DR into the world system, with the former as partly peripheral to the latter.

Thursday, August 15, 2019

The History of the Chinese in Haiti

See Woo & Co, Chinese restaurant listed in The Blue Book of Hayti, 1918-1919
 
Although Kreyolicious is, to my knowledge, the only writer who has touched upon the history of the Chinese in Haiti, references to this understudied Chinese Caribbean population exist in primary source material. Unfortunately, a reliable estimate for the total number of Chinese who came to Haiti from the late 19th century until the 1930s cannot be found, but it very well could have been hundreds or more. According to the oral histories conducted by Kreyolicious and the Museum of Chinese in America, the numbers of Chinese coming to Haiti after the 1930s appear minuscule, and many of their descendants left during the Duvalier dictatorship. Since it appears most of these Chinese migrant entrepreneurs married local women and their numbers were small enough, they have totally assimilated. Quite a few "Sino-Haitians" have played a role in the arts, particularly the Wahs and the Fungcaps.
A mention in Haiti Sun of the local Chinese colony in the Port-au-Prince area. Note how it indicates only 20 Chinese were in Port-au-Prince ca. 1958. An October 1957 issue also mentions 15 members of Haiti's Chinese colony venturing to meet a Chinese delegation, although some had traveled from Aux Cayes and Cap-Haitien. For 1960Haiti Sun also put the total number at 60, versus 20,000 for Cuba. Alternatively, Chinese sources put the number for the 1950s and 1963 at slightly over 200 Chinese nationals in the Caribbean republic.

However, it seems quite clear that any Chinese persons in Haiti before the late 19th century were very few. Despite the significant numbers of Chinese laborers next door in Cuba, some of whom also ended up in the Dominican Republic and Puerto Rico (not to mention the Chinese presence in Jamaica, which also began in the middle of the 19th century), Haiti was not able to attract Asian indentured laborers or entrepreneurs at this time. It was not due to a lack of interest, since some Haitians, such as A. Monfleury, saw a need for Asian laborers on plantations at least as far back as 1860. Frustrated and unable to launch long-term successful sugar plantations with the requisite compliant and cheap labor, Haiti consequently would have very few if any Asians. However, it is possible that some Chinese in nearby Cuba, Jamaica, or the Dominican Republic did end up in Haiti but are not mentioned in any local papers, especially if they were in the Dominican-Haitian borderlands during the War or Restoration.  Imagine an indentured worker in Cuba seeking an escape, perhaps they may have heard of Haiti through Afro-Cubans?
A short article from 1955 about the honesty of the staff at the Wawa laundry service from Haiti Sun.

If anything, the small numbers of Chinese in the neighboring Dominican Republic during this time indicate tiny or non-existent numbers of Chinese in Haiti. According to Graciela Azcárate, there was an increase in the Chinese population in the Cibao, Santo Domingo, and other regions, particularly after 1870. They worked on railroad construction and local industries in a migration promoted by Gregorio Riva. But by 1920, there were only 255 Chinese across the entire country, if the numbers are reliable. Most of these were men, often running laundry services, restaurants, and businesses in towns. As one would likely suspect, the numbers of Chinese in the DR increased during and after the US Occupation, but a 1950 census reported only 455. Azcárate's article does allude to migratory flows from the continental US and connections with Jamaica, which leads one to wonder if any of the Chinese families in Haiti have Dominican relatives. For instance, a Fong Sang became a naturalized Haitian citizen in 1951, and very well could be related to the Sangs in the Dominican Republic. Such a thing would not be surprising, as this pattern can be found among the Syrian and Lebanese families in the region.
Notice of the death of a Chinese restauranteur, Lim Wah, in Cap-Haitien (Le Nouvelliste)

Since it has been reasonably established that the Chinese communities in the Dominican Republic during this time were small in number, it is probable that Haiti received even fewer. In 1881, a Polish engineer mentioned an attempt by the owner of the Drouillard habitation in the Cul-de-Sac Plain to use Chinese laborers on the estate, even building housing for them. Grekowicz made it quite clear in his correspondence that this attempt to use Chinese labor, comprised of 5 or 6 unnamed families, failed as the Chinese were persecuted by locals and eventually chased off the property, later fleeing to Port-au-Prince. These unfortunate souls may have been the first Chinese in the nation. Grekowicz did not identify the proprietor of Drouillard, but Candelon Rigaud indicates it fell under the ownership of Achille Barthe and his descendants, perhaps already in the family hands by 1881. There may have also been a a few other Chinese who came in the 19th century via the British West Indies or French colonies in the region.
Le Matin article about a fire on Grand'Rue that mentions Chinese restaurants in the quarter in 1930.

The first two decades of the 20th century appear to be the better date ranges for elucidating the origins of Chinese families in Haiti. Still, their numbers could not have been great. By the 1910s, there were at least a handful, particularly the Fong-Ging brothers and other Chinese restaurateurs, most likely all from Canton. According to Essud Fungcap, the Chinese were attracted to Haiti during the 1910s and 1920s because there was an increase in the demand for their services and restaurants during the US Occupation. This would explain why Juan Fong, Hoo Hing, the Wawas, Fungcaps and others could find a market for their services and prosper. Further, it indicates that the Chinese in Haiti must have been overwhelmingly urban, where they sold their services to US Marines, foreign residents, and the Haitian  middle-classes and elites in Port-au-Prince, Cap-Haitien, Aux Cayes and, perhaps, other towns. Additional evidence from US Congressional documents reveal the presence of Chinese nationals in Haiti and the Dominican Republic in 1918, specifically authorizing US agents to issue passports for Chinese to return to their homeland via the US. There is no indication of their total numbers on the island, but clearly they were establishing shops and businesses in both countries in the 1910s. Corvington, whose well-known series on the history of Port-au-Prince, is an excellent resource for understanding the increase in the numbers of restaurants, diversions, and urban amenities in Port-au-Prince during the Occupation, in which these migrants played a role.
1919 advertisement for a Chinese restaurant (Le Matin)

By the 1930s, there does appear to have been animosity and disdain for the small but seemingly growing Chinese community. Corvington referenced a November 1932 expulsion of more than 200 Chinese, which could not have been merely a whimsical move on the part of President Vincent. Prior to this expulsion, the newspaper Le Matin printed an anti-Chinese article. The piece rejects the Chinese on racial grounds, and refers to them as a threat to the Haitian-owned laundry, restaurant, and bakery establishments. Presumably, if the number of Chinese spiked from the small numbers in the 1910s to hundreds by 1931, their presence must have been a cause for alarm, and raised fears of a foreign group threatening Haitian petit-bourgeois businesses. This likely brought back to the minds of older citizens the Syriens and the thorny question of assimilation and competition with newcomers. Indeed, a law banning Syrian immigrants in 1894 also included the Chinese, in spite of their absence in the press, thus indicating some degree of overlap between anti-Syrian sentiment and legislation with other "Asiatic" peoples. Oral history accounts appear to back this up, with Wah referring to the government blocking the entry of Chinese in Haiti at some point in the 1930s. Unfortunately, Wah was not precise with the dates, but it does seem that by that decade, attitudes among some quarters of the political class were more hostile to the idea of a growing Asian population in Haiti. The context of the US Occupation, nationalist sentiments,  global economic depression and noirisme may have fueled it.

Le Matin sale advertisement that mentions a Chinese laundry from 1929.
The oral histories provide priceless testimony to connections with other Chinese communities in the US and the region. Edouard Wah's father, for example, had family in Philadelphia and Cuba. So, perhaps the total number of Chinese operating in Haiti in the period 1910-1960 fluctuated as members of the colony shifted back and forth from Cuba, Jamaica, Haiti, the Dominican Republic, and the United States. Although there does not appear to have been a 'Chinatown' in Port-au-Prince, many Chinese businesses were on or near Grand'Rue, in the city center. Many lived above their stores, and visited each other after closing hours. George Simpson's 1941 analysis of Haitian social structure claims few resident Chinese married local women, but it very well could be many enjoyed informal unions with black or mulatto women. Members of the Port-au-Prince community also participated in some Chinese celebrations or events organized by the Chinese (Taiwanese) embassy. The second generation, likely predominantly mixed-race, integrated into the Haitian middle-class or respectable society, and left a legacy in the arts. Bernard Wah, for instance, was a major figure in the development of Haitian art. Yves Fungcap and Marcel Wah were artists. Essud Fungcap was a musician in compas bands. Perhaps due to their small numbers and partly Haitian parentage, these "Sino-Haitians" may have integrated rather easily. 
Part of a 1931 article critical of Chinese immigration. The author is listed as "L'Homme de la Rue" and makes a racialist argument against immigration from China.

Since 1957, Haiti experienced the rocky road of economic decline and political terror. Due to Duvalierist repression and violence, many left for greener pastures over the course of the Duvalier dicatorship. Economic contraction and political violence may have deterred further growth of the Chinese colony. Interviews with Fungcap and Wah also refer to the limited opportunities for expanding businesses, so families may have as restaurants, laundry services, or shops could not support growing families. Some, like Moise Wawa, may have stayed in business for quite some time after the 1960s, but one can surmise their children moved into professions or sought their fortune in the US and Canada. Perhaps, unlike elements of the Levantine community or Haitian elite, they were unable to transfer into sweatshops or garment assembly factories. Kreyolicious's interviews with descendants of the Sino-Haitian community appear to support this conclusion, too. Yet, with a Taiwanese embassy (headed by Liu Yu-Wan) and visits from a Hong Kong mission in 1958, there must have been some interest in investment or trade with Haiti during the Duvalier years. 
1929 advertisement for a Chinese laundry in the city center of Port-au-Prince.

Although perhaps best known for contributions to the arts, the Chinese of the Black Republic connect Haiti to larger processes in the Caribbean. Unfortunately, it remains difficult to access information about how Chinese-owned businesses operated and co-existed with Haitian competitors (Le Nouvelliste covered a work stoppage at the Wawa laundry in 1947, involving the Bureau de Travail), but their story is an interesting example of US imperialism and burgeoning global markets shaping Caribbean development through middleman minorities. It is a history intimately tied to the US Occupation and urbanization. Given their small numbers, it may be unlikely they had tongs or any kind newspaper, but they may have been connected to Chinese Benevolent Associations in Jamaica or subscribed to Chinese-language papers from other parts of the Caribbean. Much labor remains to be done to understand the history of the Chinese in Haiti. 

Sunday, October 14, 2018

Gather Yourselves Together


Gather Yourselves Together is one of the earliest Philip K. Dick novels and, although full of occasional typos and some awkward passages, is actually an endearing tale of a love triangle in China after the Communist victory. Three Americans left behind as representatives of the Company learn about themselves, relationships between men and women, and adulthood. Two of them, an older man and a young woman, Verne and Barbara, were once lovers (Verne taking her virginity some years earlier), and Carl, a blonde "boy" (and virgin) who sounds a lot like Philip K. Dick himself, is left with the two. Like all of Dick's subsequent realist fiction, the fundamental problem of love and relationships between men and women are fleshed out in all their problematic ways, as the three characters struggle to make sense of themselves and their lot in a rapidly changing world. Communist China, the end of the American company, and their shifting realities and recollections of life in the US intersect almost seamlessly in this early work. Unfortunately, perhaps too much time is spent on some of the characters' recollections, but one cannot help but find Barbara Mahler to be one of the most interesting female characters of PKD. She's fundamental to the story, and her own sense of herself as a woman with sexual agency and development brings to mind Mary in Mary and the Giant. This is a frustrating and endearing novel worth a read for a hint at some of the common themes throughout PKD's later work.

Tuesday, January 31, 2017

Monkey Hunting

Cristina Garcia's lovely Monkey Hunting tells the story of a Chinese family divided between Cuba and China, the US and Vietnam, in a way no academic text ever could capture. Garcia's fictional account of Chen Pan's family across multiple generations provides a humanising portrait to the rather dry historical accounts of Chinese indentured labor. Intriguingly, Garcia's tale extends this family saga into one of multiple diasporas, connecting Vietnam, rural China, Shanghai, New York, and Havana (as well as Africa, through Chen Pan's Afro-Cuban wife, Lucrecia, and the role of Afro-Cuban spirituality and music). Home and family are, as seen through the contours of this complex family's trials and tribulations, fluid and encompassing in ways that are both illuminating and moving. Chen Pan and his descendants are never free from his shadow, and neither is he ever a distant figure in the lives of his progeny. 

Impressively, Garcia manages to fuse Chinese folklore, literary references, and religion into the Afro-Cuban spiritual worldview quite well, attesting to the importance of Chinese immigrants in Cuban history, culture, and family bloodlines. The political and racial questions are never absent, whether dealing with the 1912 race war in Cuba, discrimination against people of color in New York and troops serving in Vietnam, or the role of the state and politics in sowing division. As one may suspect from Garcia's politics, she is no fan of Castro, and even more critical of Mao and the Cultural Revolution (the life of Cheng Fang, imprisoned for alleged capitalist values), albeit avoiding the capitalism versus communism debates for a more humanistic approach on the ways in which modernity and tradition enclose our worlds.

Friday, January 9, 2015

René Depestre with Mao


René Depestre with Mao Zedong in 1961. As Haitian History on Tumblr states, Depestre is a former Communist,now living in France. Though I have only read Festival of the Greasy Pole, the more famous Hadriana dans Tous mes Rêves has been praised and summarized for me by a young reader from Jacmel. For more information, read the original source of this photo, "La France et Haiti."

Monday, November 11, 2013

Black Kunlun Slaves in Premodern China


Kunlun figure discovered in the tomb of a Chinese woman in Tang-era Chang'an (850 CE), capital of that dynasty. Kunlun by the T'ang period often meant 'black Africans,' as in, people from the eastern coast of Africa (from the Juba River to Cape Delgado and perhaps Madagascar). Black people went from a mere philosophical abstraction to actual beings walking the streets of Guangzhou, serving wealthy Chinese masters (and Arab, Persian, and sometimes other foreign traders active in that cosmopolitan port (yet not too cosmopolitan because the movement of foreigners was highly restricted).

Of course, to the pre-modern Han Chinese, who are a perfect example of historical non-European forms of whiteness (they perceived themselves as such), often used the word 'kunlun' to describe darker peoples of Southeast Asia (such as the Malays or Javanese) and South Asia (Sri Lanka, Malabar, etc.), but these 'kunlun' slaves (kunlun originally referred to the far west, to the Kunlun mountains of Tibet, and therefore connoted remoteness) slaves were described as having dark skin, curly hair, 'black as ink,' etc. Lexical evidence would suggest an origin for these 'black slaves' in eastern Africa, likely arriving in China on the ships of Arabs and Persians and purchased by some wealthy Chinese in Guangzhou and other ports of the empire. Thus, blackness was associated with servility, inferiority, etc. centuries before the coming of Europeans in East Asia. Indeed, revulsion towards the allegedly cultural deficiencies of the various types of 'kunlun' often emphasized their blackness, particularly Zhu Yu's writings in the Song dynasty.

Yet, in short stories from the T'ang era, these black slaves could be brave, courageous, resourceful, and show some sign of assimilation into Chinese society. The Chinese Confucianist universalist ideal (basically, anyone could become civilized if they accepted and assimilated into the Middle Kingdom's 'superior culture') could seemingly apply to fictional black slaves, but in the Song dynasty these black slaves were seen as bestial and semi-human, at best. Chinese knowledge of eastern Africa and 'black people' from Africa is certainly interesting and the Guangzhou black slaves certainly deserve more attention, just as the Jews of Kaifeng and other ethnic and religious minorities in pre-modern China get. Furthermore, this area of study reveals how some East Asian stigmatization and stereotypes of blackness (and not just dark-skinned Asians, but people from Africa directly) predated European modern racism by several centuries, although culture more than skin color remained the major reason for Chinese disdain and revulsion towards 'blacks' though they had no direct experience or ties to blacks beyond word of mouth via Arabs and Persians. Indeed, Zhu Yu describes converting the slaves from a raw food diet to cooked food (cooked food being seen as essential to any civilization by the Han), which is certainly exaggerating the diets of Africans while also speaking to the capacity of black slaves to be 'civilized' (but they supposedly still couldn't learn to speak Chinese??).

Indeed, as Sino-African relations become more complex in the 21st century world, and sometimes in surprising or new ways (check out this), learning more about how Sino-African contact and exchange worked before the rise of the West will certainly draw more interest from scholars and the general public. My main source for this has been Wyatt's The Blacks of Premodern China, and expect a follow up post later today or tomorrow.

Wednesday, May 29, 2013

Afro-Asian Studies: An Important Understudied Field


A new area of interdisciplinary study I must learn more about is African-Asian encounters and exchange, both historically and in the present. Perhaps growing up with a half-Chinese brother was an influence on my interest in the subject, but taking a course with professor Michael Thornton at UW about mutual perceptions and intergroup relations of people of color in the United States, which focused on African-American relations with Latinos and Asian/Americans, was an even larger influence. Prior to that course, I had already developed a keen interest in African diasporic studies in Latin America, the Caribbean, and the United States, as well as a special interest to Africa, particularly pre-colonial Africa. Moreover, the field of African-Asian Studies is particularly relevant to our post-colonial (even if neocolonialism obviously perpetuates the older set of relations between the Global South and the North) world as diasporic communities of Africa and Asia mingle in the metropolitan centers of the former hegemonic powers as well as increasing trade, collaboration, and cultural encounters among African, Asian, and Latin American states increases. In addition, within the centers of former (and current) empire, such as the U.S., interactions between and among people of color may alter the white-black binary in upcoming decades (unless you adhere to black exceptionalism in U.S. racism), as one can see in the case of certain cities in the U.S. in California or New York, as well as London (I am thinking of the collective 'blackness' of South Asians and Africans/Afro-Caribbeans in the UK, who at times are both referred to as 'black,' as well as evidence of Japanese-Americans and African-Americans engaging in anti-racist organizing and radical political coalitions through organizations such as the Black Panthers, etc.). 

Besides social, political, and economic ramifications of increased global exchange between and among people of African and Asian descent both at home and in the diaspora from North to South, Afro-Asian studies is useful for academic inquiry into the presence, history, cultural creolization, and bidirectional influence Africa and Asia exchanged before, during, and after formal European colonial rule. These relations, of course, increased exponentially during and after the rise of European hegemony, against the will of some Africans and Asians while, in some cases, with direct participation of others, but, for me, the pre-colonial relationships are more interesting since so little is known or understood. As the above map indicates, Chinese porcelain and other products found their way well into the interior of Eastern Africa, stretching from the Sudan to what is now South Africa. The map also indicates possible locations along the East African coast that Chinese records occasionally alluded to, some dating back as far as the 8th or 9th centuries. To me, this is particularly interesting as it, well, for instance, indicates African agency, long-distance trade, and cultural and material interactions of local communities from the East African coast to the hinterland and deep into the interior or southeastern Africa, several centuries before the establishment of Portuguese and other European traders along the eastern coast of Africa. Furthermore, it contributes to the dismantling of white supremacist, Eurocentric historical narratives which, unfortunately, persist to this day. Evidence of Asian/African encounters also includes the presence of African slaves, pilgrims, traders, and travelers in Asia, such as potential Aksumite-affiliated traders in Sri Lanka and South Asia, enslaved African-descendants in India and Iran, cultural mixing in some Swahili architecture along the East African coast, and, in the case of Christian Ethiopia, influences from Indian Hindu art and religious symbolism in the Churches of Lalibela and triptychs of a religious nature. Naturally, Chinese and Asian silks, innovations, and artistic and religious symbolism likely impacted many parts of North Africa, too.
Image from a post by Eccentric Yoruba, possible depiction of an African "kunlun" slave in China

As I have blogged about here, East Asian regions such as the archipelago of Japan acquired substantial direct contact with Africans, through Portuguese, Dutch, and, eventually, American racist lens. Thus, the colonial period illustrates the spread of Western European racial theories, perceptions of Africa and African-descendants, and a "West is best" outlook of world cultures and civilizations (despite waves of Sinophilia or Japanophilia in places like France, for instance, other other parts of western Europe) spread to parts of Asia where some cultures in East and Southeast Asia had very little to no conception of experience with Africa, the ramifications of which persist through the recycling of Western European and North American-derived stereotypes, racist films and marketing, and old-fashioned, outdated racial pseudoscience. My aforementioned blog post endeavors to illustrate this rather nasty development through images of dark-skinned and African peoples in Japan from the 16th century to the 20th century, which undoubtedly adopt more Western sambo and racist depictions of Africa, Africans, and the African diaspora, which survives in Japanese popular culture's anime and manga, advertizing, and Japanese ethnocentrism. I am confident a similar analysis could be made in the case of China, or other parts of Asia, such as India, Indonesia, Vietnam, Korea, and other Southeast Asian nations (particularly during and after WWII, where Black soldiers from Africa and the US served). So, one can analyze relations and mutual perceptions between the two regions under the aegis of white supremacist world empire within Africa and Asia, as well as the relationships that existed between the two continents and their peoples in terms of the colonized Americas.

The Caribbean's post-emancipation societies in Trinidad, Guyana, and other parts of the Americas sought to exploit "coolie" labor to ensure the survival of the plantation system and/or cheap labor (the U.S. and the exploitation of Chinese workers for the continental railroad expansion, for instance, stands out, especially since the history of relations between the Chinese and African-Americans in the 19th century is mostly ignored and understudied (except for a great essay on the Chinese-American community in Mississippi that worked so hard to assimilate itself into the White, Anglo-Southern identity of the state). Interactions between Afro-Caribbean and Indian indentured labor in the Caribbean are also of interest for Afro-Asian studies, particularly regarding politics, anti-colonial movements in Trinidad and Guyana, race, and music, such as Trinidadian soca, which blends Indian and Afro-Caribbean influences such as calypso. Or perhaps in Peru and Brazil, where some small Japanese groups settled, provide another case study in Afro-Peruvian and Afro-Brazilian interactions with Japanese and other Asian-descended communities, another area of Afro-Asian exchange understudied. Of course, their movements around solidarity, racial justice, and cultural métissage
in other 'former' imperial centers, such as Desi hip-hop in Chicago or New York, or Trinidadian and Guyanese dougla and other "Blasian" peoples of the world, such as Malagasy, some South African coloureds (at least half of all slaves from the Cape were from Indonesia, India, and Sri Lanka, the other half mostly from Mozambique, East Africa, Madagascar, the latter a zone of Afro-Austronesia/Asian interactions throughout it's human history).

As for the present, China's increasing economic exchanges with Africa is of note, as well as relations between various African regions and India, or the current experiences and struggles of India's Siddis and Sri Lanka's "Kaffirs," minority populations descended from Africans over the last several centuries, mostly slaves. One can also look at the influence of Bollywood in Africa, such as the Senegalese groups of Indophiles or the depiction of Africa and African-descended peoples in Indian film and popular culture. Alternatively, one could focus on youth culture and identities, particularly in the case of "Blasians" in prominent positions or well-known (Tiger Woods, that's you!) or Asian rappers from India, Japan, or anywhere across the globe. Indeed, one could focus on a multitude of various cultural, musical, political, economic, religious, social, and linguistic encounters and mixing that have impacted Afro-Asian relations from ancient history to the unequally 'globalized' 21st century. That's why I love Afro-Asian studies as an academic field, because it challenges the Eurocentric mainstream narratives of world history and race, as well as troubling the narrowly focused lens of African Studies, Chinese Studies, etc. It reveals the intersectional framework's suitability for integrating area studies while illustrating the need for interdisciplinary collaboration and revision of established schools of thought on intergroup relations, race and critical race theory and studies, sociology, ethnomusicology, hip-hop and jazz, slavery studies, and economic and political theory.

Good suggestions for reading are the following:
1. India in Africa, Africa in India: Indian Ocean Cosmopolitanisms
2. Vijay Prashad has written extensively on the subject
3. A book entitled Bengali Harlem tells the unknown story of South Asian immigrants in early 20th century urban American communities who married African-American and Puerto Rican women.
4. This link is quite useful and includes images on Africans in the Indian Ocean world
5. Julie Wilensky wrote a brilliant essay on the subject, "The Magical Kunlun and “Devil Slaves”:
Chinese Perceptions of Dark-skinned People and Africa before 1500."
6. Various articles by sociologists, Asian-American studies academics and researchers, Africanists, African-American Studies specialists, and historians focusing on Africans and African-Americans in the imperial wars of Europe and the US, particularly those who analyze the mixed-race children of African-American soldiers and local Asian women in Korea, Vietnam, or Japan, for instance.
7. John Russell has written a lot on Japanese perceptions of blackness, I highly recommend him!
8. Wagatsuma, a Japanese sociologist, has written about Japanese perceptions of blackness, too, as well as Michael Thornton.
9. Learn more about the Swahili coast of East Africa, perhaps starting with my post on it, here!
10. A potentially useful starter for South Asian/American relations with people of African descent in the US can be found here, in a collaborative effort I wrote with an Indian-American colleague.
11. Literature also offers several interesting directions for Afro-Asian studies. Zadie Smith's White Teeth fuses the families of Bengali-Londoners with those of a mixed-race, Jamaican and white English family, with some useful insights on race relations between and among people of color and whites in the UK. Likewise, V.S. Naipaul, an Indo-Trinidadian-Briton, has written extensively on the Caribbean, Africa, and India, and some reviews of two of his novels by me may be of interest, particularly A Bend in the River. Check out A House for Mr. Biswas, too, if you want to read an epic about an Indian-Trinidadian male in the colonial British West Indies.
12. Keep looking for more, I have come across various academic articles on depictions of Asian/Americans and African-Americans in 'mainstream' (you know, white) films, including Rush Hour, and various blogs, such as "The Blasian Narrative."