Kwararafa From the North: A Tentative Timeline of Kwararafa

Kasashen Bauchi in Mahdi Adamu's The Hausa Factor in West African History

Whilst revisiting our notes on different aspects of the history of the Jukun, Hausa and Borno states, we realize why so little has been done on the history of this area since the 1970s and 1980s. Although we find many problems with what we have read of J.B. Webster's inaccessible work on Kwararafa, which relied heavily on oral traditions, we also can acknowledge the tremendous difficulties of working on the precolonial history of this region. With contradictory and problematic sources and a reliance on external sources often written from far away (Europeans in North Africa) or materials written down in the 1800s or 1900s from their northern neighbors, we have not been able to offer anything to supersede Webster's work. 

Nonetheless, we feel that his attempt to identify early Kwararafa with Santolo is very questionable. Even if one accepts Abakwariga traditions claiming Kwararafa was founded or associated with them, the Kano Chronicle did not identify Santolo as the origin of the Kwararafa attacked by Yaji in the 14th century. Indeed, if Yaji attacked and conquered Santolo, forcing its rulers to flee to Kwararafa's capital at Tagara, it is strange that the Kano Chronicle did not connect the two when Yaji began his military campaigns to the south of Santolo (which was the "gate to the South" and besieged Kwararafa. Ultimately, the matter is probably unsolvable given the multiethnic character of the Kwararafa state or confederacy. At different times, it may have consisted of Jukun, Kwona, Abakwariga, and others. But it seems quite clear to the author of the Kano Chronicle, who must have been drawing from oral traditions, that Santolo and Kwararafa were separate entities. 

The Jukun king in Meek's A Sudanese Kingdom: An Ethnographical Study of the Jukun-speaking Peoples of Nigeria

So, deciding to ignore the earlier references in the Kano Chronicle to Santolo, we focused our tentative chronology on dates that are partly reliable for the Hausa states and Borno. Those dates and the few European texts from the 1600s and early 1700s provide a very preliminary timeline for the Kwararafa state from c. 1300-1707. The inclusion of traditions about 13th century engagements with the Kona or Kwana in Borno are drawn from H.R. Palmer's work, and must be treated with caution. Yet possible affirmation of a Kwana or Kona presence in parts of Borno in the 1200s and 1300s can be found in Gujba traditions. One can also thank al-Maqrizi for recording the year (1252/53) of an alleged raid on Mabna by the king of Kanem. If Mabna was possibly referring to Mabina or Mabani, this area would have been close to Gujeba and lands possibly settled by Kona or Kwana in the 13th and 14th centuries.

After this shadowy early period, we draw mainly from the Kano Chronicle, dates from Lange's chronology using the Diwan and other sources on Kanem-Borno, and a range of dates or regnal lengths for Katsina, Zaria, and Kano. For the 15th century, one may be on firmer ground for the history of Katsina and Kwararafa conflict by using Yusufu Bala Usman's chronology. By doing so, placing Korau's reign in the middle of the 1400s, one brings the event closer in time to the tradition of Kwona or Kwararafa war with Borno in the time of Ali b. Dunama (c. 1465-1497). This would mean Kwararafa was engaged in war against at least one Hausa state and Borno in the 1400s. Evidence of its past domination of Zaria can be inferred for earlier in the 1400s if one accepts that Amina of Zaria reigned in the first half of the 15th century. Since her father was remembered for liberating Zaria from Kwararafa, one may be justified in suggesting an earlier period of Kwararafa suzerainty of Zaria in the early 1400s. However, the Kano Chronicle indicates a Kano victory against Zaria during the reign of Kanajeji (c. 1390-1410). Meanwhile, during his reign, he also received "tribute" from Kwararafa and a trade in horses for slaves ensued. If Zaria traditions are reliable for a period of Kwararafa rule that was ended by Amina's father, Bakwa, then one wonders if Kwararafa used horses imported from Kano to conquer parts of Zaria after c. 1410. Subsequently, Bakwa Turunku later defeated Kwararafa and his daughter allegedly conquered Kwararafa. Yet this may have been a brief period of Zaria domination of Kwararafa if Amina died at Tagara (was this in a war or raid?). 

For the remainder of the 1400s, nearly everyone apparently draws from Palmer. The enigmatic reference to a war between Borno and Kwararafa in which the latter was crushed has not surfaced in other sources. But it suggests that, at first, normal diplomatic relations existed between Kwararafa and Borno (the former had sent messengers with a gift for the mai. Upon their return, they reported on the city's walls and Kwararafa's ruler (the Kwana sultan) attacked. They were later defeated and in the process of victory, Ali b. Dunama allegedly took 17,000 captives. If one uses Lange's chronology, this would have taken place sometime between c. 1465-1497. It may have led to the shift in Kwararafa's capital further south to the Benue, too. 

For the 16th century, we have fewer dates. Idris b. Ali, the son of Ali b. Dunama, is said to have died at Walama in c. 1519. This region, the Bima hill, woul have been in an area associated with Kwararafa. There is also an enigmatic tradition from Pindiga recorded in colonial-era sources. According to their Pindiga informants, this state once attacked Kano for refusing to send tribute in the days of Rumpa (Rumfa?). We have never seen evidence of any war between Kano and Pindiga or Kwararafa in the days of Muhammad Rumfa, so Pindiga tradition may be a reference to the raid which took place in the time of Muhammad Zaki (c. 1582-1618). Lastly, over the course of the 16th century and into the early 17th, Kwararafa raiders on horseback may have been one of the reasons for Idoma migration (c. 1525-1625). 

Undoubtedly, the most detailed period for Kwararafa's relations with its northern neighbors can be found in the 17th and beginning of the 18th centuries. This period also, according to Adamu, witnessed migrations from the Hausa states to southern lands, perhaps triggered by climate change. With the Kano Chronicle, a poem by Dan Marina, and some of the reports or letters by Europeans based in Tripoli or Egypt, one can generate a fuller picture of Kwararafa aggression in the 1600s. Oral traditions from Katsina also remember this period, even mentioning an attack against Katsina during the reign of Muhammad Wari. The evidentiary basis for some of these raids or wars with Kwararafa are sometimes based on oral tradition or texts by Europeans who never saw Kwararafa and relied on rumor, hearsay, and conversations with sometimes biased persons (think of Fr. Carlo and the two Bornoan princes he interviewed in Cairo about Kwararafa in the early 1700s). 

Nevertheless, they do paint a larger picture of prolonged and active Kwararafa campaigns against Borno, Kano, and sometimes Katsina in the 17th century. The motives for such behavior may have been related to attempts to shift markets toward Kwararafa or its constituent partners, attempts to capitalize on the control of captives for local development and trade, or, if one trusts a European, based on religion. To what extent the last point is relevant cannot be ascertained, but Kwararafa appears to have been the strongest pagan state or polity faced by Borno in the 17th century. By engaging in attacks on Katsina, Kano as well as Borno, Kwararafa likely was motivated by each of the aforementioned factors. If the exploitation of salines on the Benue was already a factor, Kwararafa's rulers may have sought to shift markets in the Hausa states their salt exports. 

Furthermore, wars and raids on the Hausa states and Borno could bring in large numbers of captives, some of whom may have possessed skills in weaving or other technologies. Indeed, the Abakwariga or Hausa appear to have possessed an outsized influence in Kwararafa textile production whilst also working as blacksmiths, malams (to provide magical services), and possibly as experienced traders. In addition, captives could have been exported to other markets, with perhaps some exported further south toward the coast to participate in the trans-Atlantic trade. Lastly, religion may have been a factor with the Kwararafa ruler described as a "high priest" in one source from the early 1700s. If there was already a cult in place for Kenjo or Kinjo as a deified king and associated with war, perhaps Kwararafa's military exploits were sanctioned by their religious cults. Said cults may have been sufficient enough for a time to ensure the loyalty of Kwararafa's vassals, particularly if rich booty was acquired from Borno and Hausaland. 

Needless to say, what follows is by necessity tentative. Further research in the history of Kwararafa must incorporate work by archaeologists as well as specialists in Hausaland and Borno who can contextualize Kwararafa's history within the larger regional context. Naturally, specialists in central and southern Nigeria must be considered as well as researchers willing to consider different approaches to the Kano Chronicle and other chronicles from the north. 

-c. 1210-1248: Oral Traditions of soldiers sent to fight the Kwana pagans during the reign of Dunama Dibalemi but they wre too frightened after seeing the Kwana eat human flesh and dogs.[1]

-1252/3: Mabna, possibly Mabina or Mabani, was attacked by king of Kanem in 1252/3[2] and tradition has it that the Kona lived in the nearby Gujba area before the Ngalaga.[3]

-c. 1349-1385 Yaji of Kano (r. 1349-1385) besieged Kwararafa at Tagara for 7 months and received 100 slaves to end conflict (yet he died in Kwararafa).[4]

-c. 1390-1410: Kanajeji of Kano (r. 1390-1410) asked Kwararafa to pay tribute after they stopped sending it, and received 200 slaves. Then Kano began to trade horses to Kwararafa for slaves. Also, Kanajeji went to war on Zaria and returned to the Tchibiri cult to achieve victory.[5]

-Early 1400s: Zaria's Bakwa Turunku (father of Amina of Zaria) said to have freed Zaria from Kwararafa yoke (early 1400s likely.)[6]

-c. 1421-1438: Kwararafa said to have been conquered by Amina of Zaria, perhaps somewhere in c. 1421-1438.[7] Abba Jiddum Gana's dates Amina's conquest of Kwararafa to c. 1425.[8] Also worth nothing that Muhammad Bello recorded that she died at a place called Atagara.[9] 

-1450-1650: Earliest layer of occupation at Old Kororofa radiocarbon dated to 1450-1650.[10]

-mid 1400s: Korau of Katsina (dated to mid-1400s by Yusufu Bala Usman)[11] said to have gone to war with Kwararafa.[12]

-c. 1465-1497: Ali Gaji (Ali b. Dunama, r. 1465-1497) allegedly defeated Kwararafa (Kwana) and took 17,000 captives.[13]

-c. 1519: Death of Idris b. Ali of Borno at Walama.[14]

-c. 1535-1625: Idoma traditions of leaving their homeland due to raids by forces with cavalry.[15]

-1582-1618: Kwararafa attack on Kano during Reign of Muhammad Zaki (r. 1582-1618).[16]

-1600s-1700s: Talakawa migration from Hausa states to Kasashen Bauchi.[17]

-c. 1625-1637 (or c. 1631-1641): Kwararafa attack Katsina during the reign of Muhammadu Waari, but was defeated.[18]

-1652-1660: Kwararafa under Adashu attacked Kano during reign of Mohamma Kukuna.[19]

-After 1656: Girard wrote of Borno having intense wars with Agadez and "Ethiopia" (likely Kwararafa) after returning from the pilgrimage.[20] Evidence from Dan Marina's poem in honor of Ali b. Umar confirms war with Kwararafa during Ali b. Umar's reign.[21] Intriguingly, Dan Marina's poem seems to reflect a period of Kwararafa aggression against states besides Borno in the "Sudan." Jukun tradition also remembers a king named Adi Matswen going to war with Borno but the Gazeteer of Muri Province named the Kwararafa ruler who attacked Gazargamo as Katakpa.[22]

-1669: Girard, reported captives from the land of Prester John and their war with Borno.[23]

-1670-1703: Kwararafa attacked and occupied Kano city during reign of Dadi (r. 1670-1703).[24] Some sources assert this attack happened in 1671, but it is not clear where that date comes from. According to Alhaji Abubakar Dokaji, Kwarararafa forces killed Wali Mai Kargo.[25] Also worth mentioning that the "Song of Bagauda" attributes this invasion to the reign of Sharifa, Dadi's son.[26]

-1671-1684: Kwararafa attack on Katsina during the reign of Muhammad Jan Hazo, and stopped by the prayers of Dan Masani.[27]

-c. 1675-1700: Oral traditions suggest Malam Dikko and Malam Sambo were leaders of Abakwariga in Kwararafa during late 1600s.[28]

-1686: Claude Lemaire, French consul in Tripoli, reported many "Christian" subjects of Borno.[29]

-1698: Consul Delalande reported that there were black "Christians" from Kwararafa.[30]

-1703: Report of "village of Christians" not far from Borno capital.[31]

-1705: Fr. Damiano reported Kwararafa said to have fought Borno.[32]

-1706: Lemaire corrected himself: Gourourfa kingdom nominally Christian but said to wage war on Borno and often on religious grounds.[33]

-1707: Fr. Carlo's wrote from discussions with 2 Borno princes that the "Canorfa" people venerated the cross, put it on their houses and their king acted as a high priest.[34] Lemaire's 1707 letter reported Kwararafa had reduced Borno to demanding peace[35] but Kwararafa had an ambassador in Borno.[36]

-1727: Kwararafa appears on D'Anville's map of Africa. 

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[1] H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs II, 69.

[2] Nehemia Leftzion and J.F.P. Hopkins, (eds.), The Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History, 354. In this case, al-Maqrizi may have meant a region closer to Lake Chad.

[3] H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs II, 81. Also see J.M. Fremantle (ed.), Gazetteer of Muri Province, 169 for another reference to Gujba tradition associating the area with the Kwona Jukun (and Walama as one of their earliest centers).

[4] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 72. A praise song for Yaji described him as “Yaji, conqueror of the rocky heights, scatter of hosts, lord of the town.” A close examination of this part of the chronicle clearly distinguishes Kwararafa from Santolo, a pagan power closer to Kano and seen as the “key of the south.”

[5] Ibid., 73-74. According to the chronicle, Kanajeji sat down on Turunku, an early Zaria capital. He then defeated their king.

[6] See E.J. Arnett, “A Hausa Chronicle,” Journal of the Royal African Society 9, no. 34 (1910): 162. Needless to say, we disagree with the regnal dates used by Arnett which have Bakwa’s reign began in 1492 and ended in 1522.

[7] See H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 75. Kano’s ruler in this period went to war against Zaria, but the outcome is not shared in the chronicle. For our own argument in favor of the first half of the 1400s for the activities of Amina of Zaria, see Behique Dunama, “Revisiting Amina of Zaria.”

[8] Abba Jiddum Gana, Our History and Origin, 21. This c. 1425 dating is plausible.

[9] Salahudeen Yusuf, A History of Islam, Scholarship and Revivalism in Western Sudan, Being an Annotated Translation with Introduction of Infaqul-Maisur fi Tarikh Bilad al-Tukur of Sultan Muhammad Bello bin Fodio, 80. Yusuf favored a location near Idah in modern Kogi State, Nigeria for Attagara, but the name brings to mind the Tagara hill besieged by Yaji in the second half of the 14^th century. Muhammad Bello in the text thought Attagara was an expansive land and relatively close to the anchorage of the Christian ships that traded with the West African coast. In his map given to Clapperton, Bello placed Attagara closer to the Yoruba regions (and the land where parrots can talk). 

[10] Sa’ad Abubakar, “The Kwararafa Factor in the History of Kano” in Kano and Some of Her Neighbours, 172.

[11] See Yusufu Bala Usman, The Transformation of Katsina, 1400-1883: The Emergence and Overthrow of the Sarauta System and the Establishment of the Emirate, 12. We have seen different dates for the chronology of the rulers of Katsina in Palmer, Dankoussou, Hamani and Usman.

[12] See Sa’ad Abubakar, “The Kwararafa Factor in the History of Kano,” 173. Abubakar used the c. 1250 date derived from Palmer, which we disagree with.

[13] H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 223. The Kwona leader was captured by Ali b. Dunama. If one accepts Usman’s tentative dating of Korau to the mid-15^th century and the tradition of war with Kwararafa, one can perceive a larger scale of Kwararafa aggression in the second half of century as they attacked Borno.

[14] Dierk Lange, Le diwan des sultans du (Kanem)- Bornu: chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain ( de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808, 79. Lange named the place Walam. If it was the Walama in a a region once associated with the Kona, one wonders if this place of death was connected to trouble on that frontier.

[15] See E.O. Erim, The Idoma Nationality, 1600-1900: Problems of Studying the Origin and Development of Ethnicity, 23.

[16] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 82.

[17] Mahdi Adamu, The Hausa Factor in West African History, 27. Perhaps related to climate and ecological changes, as well as other factors, large numbers of people may have migrated to the lands south of the Hausa states during these two centuries.

[18] See Issaka Dankoussou, Katsina: traditions historiques des Katsinaawaa après la Jihad, 32. For Usman’s dating of this ruler, see Yusufu Bala Usman, The Transformation of Katsina, 1400-1883, 63.

[19] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 87.

[20] Girard, Histoire chronologique du royaume de Tripoly de Barbarie in Rémi Dewière, “L'esclave, le savant et le sultan: représentations du monde et diplomatie au sultanat du Borno (XVIe-XVIIe siècles),” 618. According to this text, “En 1656, Hali fit un troisième pèlerinage à La Mecque, d'où dont il retourna heureusement ; aux années suivantes, il eut d'intenses guerres avec l'empereur d'Éthiopie et avec les Roy d'Agadès don’t le succès différans.”

[21] For Dan Marina’s ode to Ali b. Umar, see H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan, 247. The implication of the poem is that Kwararafa’s military ventures were not directed solely at Borno as the ruler of Kwararafa “worked iniquity” in the Sudan” (land of the Blacks).

[22] See page 35 of this gazeteer. The editor interpolates material ultimately derived from Heinrich Barth with reported traditions of a simultaneous attack on Birni Gazargamo by the Tuareg and Kwararafa. If this actually occurred, then the c. 1667 date from Girard may be a good year to place the attack. But it is ultimately unknown from where Barth derived this information and to what extent the Gazeteer of Muri Province merely fused Barth’s claim with local traditions to create a coherent narrative.

[23] Richard Gray, “Christian Traces and a Franciscan Mission in the Central Sudan, 1700-1711,” 390. This is an essential article for this topic since the author cited a number of French consular letters and missionary correspondence referring to Kwararafa.

[24] H.R. Palmer, “The Kano Chronicle,” 88.

[25] Alhaji Abubakar Dokaji, Kano ta dabo cigari.

[26] Mervyn Hiskett, “’The Song of Bagauda’: A Hausa King List and Homily in Verse—II,” 118. Oral tradition as the “The Song of Bagauda” is based on appears to have mistakenly placed a war with Kwararafa to the period of Sharifa, whose reign was dated 1703-1731 by Palmer. This date appears less likely as Kwararafa appears to have shifted its capital to Wukari by the early 1700s and was beginning more peaceful relations with Borno.

[27] Yusufu Bala Usman, The Transformation of Katsina, 27, 50. These regnal years are drawn from Usman’s work. An attack on Gozaki by Kwarafa placed in the second half of the 1600s is also mentioned. For the story of Dan Masani’s prayers miraculously leading to the death of the Kwararafa king during their invasion of Katsina, see A.H.M. Kirk-Greene and S.J. Hogben, The Emirates of Northern Nigeria: A Preliminary Survey of Their Historical Traditions, 165. They argue this took place around the time of the c. 1671 attack on Kano by Kwararafa, and they were able to breach the walls of Katsina.

[28] Mahdi Adamu, The Hausa Factor in West African History, 39-40. According to tradition, Dikko, who was from Katsina, had a “hot season hosue” in Wukari. If so, then Wukari was established as a Kwararafa center by the late 1600s. Indeed, Wukari may have been established as a zango for Puje. Malam Sambo, the other Ambawarki leader remembered in tradition from this period, was said to have come from Kano and been tied to the Kutumbawa.

[29] Richard Gray, “Christian Traces and a Franciscan Mission in the Central Sudan, 1700-1711,” 385. At this early date, Claude Lemaire mistakenly assumed that these so-called Christians lived in Borno itself, not Kwararafa.

[30] Ibid., 385.

[31] Ibid., 384.

[32] Ibid., 384.

[33] Ibid., 385. Supposedly, Kwararafa contained 100,000 Christians (nominally) and Gouroufa slaves made the sign of the cross in Tripoli.

[34] Ibid., 386. One can imagine this exciting European missionaries eager to reach Kwararafa.

[35] Jean-Claude Zeltner, Tripoli, carrefour de l’Europe et des pays du Tchad, 1500-1795, 223. Zeltner quoted the French consul in Tripoli describing Kwararafa’s ruler (Gourourfa) as the most powerful black king due to his victories against Borno (written in 1707). If true, then Kwararafa may have achieved some victories against Borno during the reign of Idris b. Ali (c. 1677-1696) and Dunama b. Ali (c. 1696-1715). Great caution is necessary given the delay in information reaching Europeans in North Africa about Kwararafa and their evident confusion about its location and religion.

[36] Richard Gray, “Christian Traces and a Franciscan Mission in the Central Sudan, 1700-1711,” 385.

Thoughts on Yusuf of Katsina

Part of Landeroin's list of Katsina rulers from Documents scientifiques de la Mission Tilho

Whilst revisiting various sources on relations between Kano and Borno over the last several weeks, our interest in Katsina has been rekindled. However, the inaccessibility of many of the detailed studies of its history has largely limited our readings on its past to Landeroin, Palmer and Yusufu Bala Usman. Dankoussou's Katsina: traditions historiques des Katsinaawaa après la Jihad is also a great resource, drawing upon rich oral traditions. Sadly, his chronology is hard to reconcile with other sources and contains additional problems. This is unfortunate, since Katsina was one of the most important Hausa kingdoms in the centuries before the jihad. 

Part of the problem with even making sense of its history and its connection with Borno is the difficulty of establishing a timeline. Palmer used some Arabic manuscripts listing the kings of Katsina as well as the Kano Chronicle and other sources. Yusufu Bala Usman likewise utilized similar written lists. Others, such as Landeroin and Issaka Dankoussou draw more from oral traditions. Indeed, Dankoussou's list of Katsina kings is similar to that of Landeroin, collected at the beginning of the 1900s. Hunwick has also drawn from some manuscripts to revise our chronology of Katsina kings, but it is less useful for the 1500s. Unfortunately, no manuscripts have come to light from the Fazzan, which could shed light on Katsina's kings since more than once Awlad Muhammad sultan fled to Katsina during troubles with Tripoli. 

But the particular Katsina sarki we are interested in, Yusuf, was given a relatively lengthy reign by Dankoussou and Landeroin. Landeroin reported that Youssoufou reigned 14 years, while Dankoussou also dated his reign 1599-1613. Both concur that Yusuf succeeded Ibrahim Maje and preceded Abdul Kadir (or Abdoul Kerim, in Landeroin's list). Where they disagree most glaringly is in the very long reign Dankoussou assigned to Ibrahim Maje (1531-1599). Landeroin only reported a reign of 18 years. 

When one looks upon Palmer and Yusufu Bala Usman's work, a different picture emerges. Palmer's "History of Katsina" does not even include Yusuf among the list of kings, despite collating different kinglists. Instead, his list jumps from "Maje Ibrahim" (dated 1494-1520) to Abdul Karim and Ashafa. Intriguingly, his list concurs with Landeroin on the exceedingly short reign of Ashafa (8 days to 1 week). Later, Usman's study of Katsina history did include Yusuf, relying on an oral informant for what was supposedly a brief reign. If Usman's dating is correct, Yusuf reigned c. 1562 or 1563 before his deposition or abdication. One cannot help but wonder if Usman's informant was actually mistaking Yusuf for Ashafa. Moreover, Usman also changes the order of succession, having Yusuf succeed Abd al-Karim. 

Ultimately, one may why any of this matters? Well, according to Dankoussou, Borno attacked Katsina during the reign of Yusuf. If this tradition has any merit, one would like to have a better chronology for Yusuf and to determine if it was part of any larger campaigns launched from Borno into Hausaland. One would also be interested in knowing what role, if any, Borno played in the abdication or deposition of Yusuf (assuming that is not a mistaken tradition confusing him with Ashafa). In addition, we also find problematic the dates used by Usman for Muhammad Wari (c. 1575-1587). According to Dankoussou, Kwararafa attacked Katsina during the reign of Muhammad Wari, and his dates (1625-1637) "fit" more evenly with that period of Kwararafa aggression against northern states (mentioned in the Kano Chronicle for the reign of Muhammad Zaki, c. 1582-1618). Until we have a better chronology of Katsina's history that can be corroborated by different texts or oral traditions, much of its history before the jihad will remain elusive.

Biu, Kwararafa, and Borno

Although we still have not located a copy of an important study of Kwararafa by Webster, reading a thesis by a student of his, John E. Miller, has been informative. Miller's thesis, The Biu Plateau: Establishing a Chronology and the Linkages Between Bura-Babur and Kwararafa, attempts to interpret oral traditions and the few written sources available to contextualize Biu in the larger context of Kwararafa and Bornoan history. In so doing, the author draws from colonial-era reports and collections of traditions by authors like Meek as well as written sources included in works like Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan. Pushing back against attempts to read the earlier phases of Kwararafa as a heavily Jukun-influenced entity, Miller follows Webster in situating Kwararafa's second phase capital at Tagara (after being driven out of Santolo). It is this earlier context which elucidate things like the royal crocodile totem observed by many groups in the Biu region and along the Gongola, not the supposed Jukun influence reaching this area earlier. 

While pushing back against the Jukun readings of Kwararafa, Miller also tries to tentatively date the arrival of Yamta in Biu. Drawing on somewhat contradictory traditions, which also make Yamta a Bornoan prince from Gazargamo who left after some sort of succession dispute, Miller suggets a date of c. 1519-1546 for reign of Yamta in Biu. Citing Palmer, who reported traditions of Ali b. Dunama defeating Kwararafa, Miller argues that Yamta arrived in the region after Kwararafa abandoned the capital at Tagara to move south to cross the Benue. This meant the region was possibly politically divided or in a state of transition, facilitating the establishment of new chiefdoms in the area. But, critically, the previous ruling lineages who were influenced by or part of Kwararafa may have retained some influence as priestly clans or lineages. The evidence for this is still fragmentary, but observing totems, clan and lineage moieties, as well as commonalities between cultures associated with the later Kwararafa phases and those in regions like Biu, Miller thinks his model is plausible. 

Naturally, Miller's chronology and model here relies heavily upon Webster, whose notion of different phases of Kwararafa we have yet to examine. Miller is also assuming that the Sayfawa mai named in the traditions about Yamta, Idris, is Ali b. Dunama's son, who reigned (in Lange's chronology, 1497-1519). A firmer date is provided by Ahmad b. Furtu, whose account of Idris Alooma's wars refers to Yamta's chiefdom aiding in the attack on Amsaka. Using average regnal lengths and the date of Idris b. Ali, Miller has one of the few confident dates in his chronology. He's also assuming that Kwararafa's later capital at Biepi only began after c. 1485 (and with a Kanuri or more likely, Babur, dynasty by the 1520s) and only after the mid-1700s did the Jukun come to dominate Kwararafa. All of this could be plausible, but we need additional data on the Bura, Kilba, Marghi, Chibbuk, and other peoples to adequate test the proposed chronology of Miller. Hopefully future scholars will consult the more recently published studies on this region and try to incorporate more of the written sources from Vatican archives or European reports of the 1600s and 1700s. These could aid in proving or weakening the chronology adopted here...

Kwararafa Notes (With a Little Help From My Friend)

In the interest of experimentation with new technology, we have used our notes on Kwararafa to attempt a short overview of the polity. There is much that is poorly understood or unknown in the history of Kwararafa. However, using references to it from its northern neighbors can provide a rough chronology of sorts and insights. Sadly, it is probably an area in dire need of a second look by scholars who understand the relevant local languages for oral traditions or can read sources (in Arabic or Hausa) that refer to Kwararafa and the Jukun. It would also be necessary for those fluent in Kanuri and/or Arabic to check records and traditions from Borno to verify some possible mentions of Kwararafa in H.R. Palmer's work. But I digress. Below, we have attempted to a short overview of Kwararafa based on our notes and a little help from a friend. With the aid of this friend, we have two drafts. We suspect this friend misread our hand-written notes and that caused some of the errors here. 

The Kwararafa polity, active from at least the 16th to the 18th century, occupied a central position in the political and military landscape of the Central Sudan. Far from being a homogenous state, Kwararafa was a multi-ethnic confederacy led by the Jukun but also incorporating Abakwariga, Goemai, Alago, Tiv, and other groups. Its influence extended across the lower Sudanic regions and, at times, into the middle Sudan.

Origins and Structure

Kwararafa's political system reflected its confederal nature. Leadership was shared among four principal officers: the Mai, the Jirahu, a lesser Mai, and the Master of the Horse. Succession could be fluid—any son of a deceased king was eligible, and in some accounts, kings were replaced every two years. Religious leaders played a vital role in rituals, sacrifices, and even in controlling the weather.

The kingdom was deeply embedded in spiritual practices, blending local beliefs with outside influences. Ritual use of palm wine, divination, animal symbolism, and veneration of water spirits were widespread.

Political and Military Power

At its peak, Kwararafa claimed control over as many as 20 states (as recorded by Muhammad Bello in the 19th century). It was a feared military power, repeatedly launching raids on Hausa city-states such as Kano and Katsina, as well as on Borno. One notable tradition recalls the Jukun refusal to submit to Kano’s Queen Amina in the late 16th century. (Our own beliefs favor a 15th century date for Amina of Zaria)

In the early 1700s, the ruler Adi Matswen increased royal revenues by organizing salt-gathering expeditions and founding new towns. Large-scale military expeditions continued during this period: in 1707, Kwararafa attacked Borno, an event recorded by the French consul Lemaire, who also noted the presence of Kwararafa ambassadors in Borno. (AI likely misread our notes)

Religion and European Observations

European sources from the late 17th and early 18th centuries, including French consuls Lemaire and Delande, offer intriguing glimpses into Kwararafa’s religious life. These observers described Kwararafa as “Christian,” though likely in a nominal or syncretic sense. Lemaire estimated that more than 100,000 Christians lived in the kingdom. Crosses were reportedly displayed on horses and weapons, and Kwararafa dancers in Tripoli were seen making the sign of the cross. Such details suggest a complex religious environment, blending local traditions with Christian symbols—possibly transmitted via contact with Borno and the trans-Saharan trade routes.

Economy and Trade

Tribute formed a major part of Kwararafa’s external relations. According to 18th-century claims recorded by Koelle, the kingdom paid annual tribute to Borno, possibly in slaves. Control over salt resources was another pillar of its economy, with expeditions bringing wealth and political leverage. Kwararafa’s location allowed indirect contact with North Africa through Borno and Hausa intermediaries, linking it to the commercial networks of Tripoli and Fezzan.

Decline

By the mid-18th century, Kwararafa faced growing external pressure. Attacks from neighboring states, internal shifts in power, and the rise of the Sokoto Caliphate in the early 19th century eroded the kingdom’s influence. The Fulani jihad from 1806 marked a decisive blow, fragmenting the confederacy and absorbing its territories into new emirates and political formations.

And here is a second version:

The Kwararafa polity, remembered in Hausa, Kanuri, and European sources from the 16th to the 18th centuries, occupied a prominent position in the history of the Benue Valley. Contemporary accounts depict it as a multi-ethnic state dominated by the Jukun, but incorporating Hausa, Tiv, Mumuye, and other groups under a confederated structure. Its rulers exercised influence far beyond their core territories, engaging in warfare and diplomacy with Borno, Kano, and other Hausa states.

Political and Military History

Kwararafa’s military campaigns were a defining feature of its regional role. Abakwariga (and Jukun) oral traditions recall attacks on Kano and Katsina, taking captives from both Hausa cities in the late 17th century.^2^ Muhammad Bello, writing in the early 19th century, described the Kwararafa ruler as commanding “twenty states” and waging war against both Kano and Borno.^3^

European observers in North Africa and the Mediterranean also documented the kingdom. In 1706–1707, the French consul Lemaire in Tripoli described Kwararafa as a powerful, nominally Christian state, whose rulers clashed with Borno on religious and political grounds.^4^ Lemaire claimed that “more than 100,000 Christians” lived in Kwararafa, and even witnessed Kwararafa captives making the sign of the cross.^5^

Religion and Culture

The claim of Christianity within Kwararafa is controversial, but it recurs in early modern sources. Lemaire and other French officials reported Kwararafa ambassadors in Borno and Borno princes visiting Cairo in the early 18th century.^6^ Koelle, writing in the mid-19th century based on African informants in Sierra Leone, described the Jukun (Wukari) as the capital of Kwararafa and recorded tribute relations with Borno in the late 1700s.^7^

Internally, Kwararafa’s political organization featured a king assisted by principal officers, including the the Master of the Horse.^8^ Succession was flexible, allowing any male relative of a deceased king to ascend the throne.^9^ Spiritual beliefs blended political authority with religious rituals; Talbot’s ethnography notes the king’s involvement in weather control and divination, and his role as chief priest of the sun deity.^10^

Economy and Trade

Kwararafa’s economy combined agriculture, tribute, and control of regional trade. Meek records that rulers such as Adi Matswen increased revenues through salt expeditions and the founding of new towns in the 18th century.^11^ Tribute from subordinate towns and trade in goods such as slaves, horses, and salt connected Kwararafa to markets in Borno, Hausaland, and as far as Tripoli.^12^ French archival records from Tripoli in 1669 note captives taken from “the land of Kwararafa” being sold to North African buyers.^13^

Conclusion

The image of Kwararafa that emerges from African oral traditions, Hausa chronicles, Kanuri records, and European reports is that of a resilient, adaptable state. Its influence was felt from the Middle Niger to the Sahara, and its ambiguous religious identity—Islamic neighbors describing it as Christian, European consuls reinforcing the same—reflects both the complexity of its diplomacy and the layered identities of the Central Sudan in the early modern period.

Footnotes

1. Meek, A Sudanese Kingdom, 126.

2. Ibid., 124.

3. Muhammad Bello, Infaq’l-Maysur, in Hodgkin, ed.,  The Kano Chronicle, 480.

4. Lemaires, “Letter to the French Foreign Ministry, Tripoli, 1706–1707,” Archives Nationales, Paris, Series Afrique, carton 385.

5. Ibid.

6. Ibid., carton 386.

7. Koelle, Polyglotta Africana, 21.

8. Talbot, The Peoples of Northern Nigeria, 408–409.

9. Ibid., 408.

10. Ibid., 410–412.

11. Meek, A Sudanese Kingdom, 156.

12. Koelle, Polyglotta Africana, 21.

13. “French Debt Records in Tripoli, 1669,” Archives Nationales, Paris, Series Afrique, carton 390.

What is missing here is our notes on the possible earlier history of Kwararafa, stretching back to the 1300s and 1400s. 

Attacking Birni Gazargamo (c.1667)

Bivar and Shinnie's plan of the ruins of Borno's capital

During our attempts to revisit the sources for the enigmatic state or polity known as Kwararafa, we encountered Jukun traditions of Kwararafa's conflict with Borno. One of these episodes, first discussed by Heinrich Barth (who did not name his sources), was an attack on Birni Gazargamo from Kwararafa at the same time as a Tuareg attack. It was said to have occurred during the reign of Ali b. Umar (r. 1639-1677), whose victory against Kwararafa was recorded by a Katsina poet, Dan Marina. In addition, reports of Borno's conflicts with the Tuareg reached Europeans at Tripoli, just as the chirurgien esclave also wrote of Borno's wars with the land of Prester John. Upon closer examination, and particularly with the aid of Richard Gray's work on the ill-fated Borno missions of the Church, it is possible to support some of the Jukun traditions of Kwararafa as a regional power in the 17th century. How exactly it looked in the 16th or 15th century is more difficult to untangle, although traditions from Hausaland and the Kano Chronicle suggest Kwararafa was a power to be reckoned with by the 14th century. In order to clarify the issue, one must enter debates on the chronologies of various kings lists of Kano, Katsina, Zaria, and try to identify when and if the famous Amina of Zaria ever conquered Kwararafa. Sadly, and this may be due to Kwararafa having developed as a multiethnic confederacy in which the Jukun may have been latecomers, Jukun traditions seem to be mainly useful for the period of the 17th century onward rather than these earlier centuries.

However, in the 17th century and early 18th century, reports of Kwararafa as a "Christian" kingdom in conflict with Borno reached Europeans. Claude Lemaire, a French consul in Tripoli with a keen interest in the history of what is now Libya, recorded reports and observations that support this. For instance, in a 1686 letter, Lemaire wrote about trans-Saharan commerce through the Fezzan. In addition, the previously mentioned history of Tripoli by an enslaved surgeon included several observations on the kingdom of Borno. Included in Dewiere's fine dissertation, the relevant sections of Girard's Histoire chronologique du royaume de Tripoly de Barbarie appear to allude to Kwararafa multiple times. Since Girard was confused about the exact geography of the African interior, he believed Ethiopia bordered Borno. And since, already by this time, Europeans believed the "Kwararafa" to be Christian, we suspect Girard confused Kwararafa with Borno. Nonetheless, when reading his account, he uses the word cridi for the so-called Christian black slaves in Tripoly. Upon closer examination, it is very likely that Girard was actually repeating the word kirdi, used in Borno for pagan peoples. This misunderstanding was continued by Lemaire, who then repeated it to the Church, whose missionary arm in the Propaganda Fide began an ill-fated Borno Mission to reach Kwararafa. Needless to say, Kwararafa was not Christian at all, but Gray cites fascinating letters and reports that suggest the cross was a venerated symbol. Someone should revisit these and other sources from the archives of the Propaganda Fide to see what else may be useful for reconstructing the history of Kwararafa.

But, we digress. In short, external, written sources do support the existence of Kwararafa as a regional power in the 17th century. Its conflicts with Kano and Katsina undoubtedly contributed to problems with Borno, too, since the Sayfawa rulers had interests in trade and commerce with these major Hausa states. For example, as late as c.1671, Kwararafa, under Agwabi, attacked Kano. Lemaire, writing in 1706, described "Gourourfa" as powerful, waging war on Borno on religious grounds. The point about religion here is likely a misunderstanding on Lemaire's part, but it shows that even into the early 18th century, relations between Borno and Kwararafa were still marked by conflict. Intriguingly, in 1707, Lemaire wrote of an ambassador of Kwararafa in Borno. This must have been around the time that Borno appointed its own representative, a zanua, to Kwararafa. This position, according to Meek's Sudanese Kingdom, was maintained in Wukari until the 20th century. 

So, conflict between Borno and Kwararafa persisted even into the 18th century. However, at some point, Kwararafa was said to have paid annual tribute to Borno. This idea, apparently reaching Koelle in Sierra Leone via Ali Eisami, should be verified with other sources. Nonetheless, the establishment of permanent envoys between Borno and Kwararafa by the early 1700s may indicate the beginning of more cordial relations. If the decline and disintegration of the confederacy hastened, it would be another reason for more peaceful relations between the two states to become the norm. Interestingly, Adamu, author of The Hausa Factor in West African History, researched oral traditions from the Abakwariga Hausa communities in the region. According to his chronology, two famous malams from Kano and Katsina were said to have settled in the area by the late 1600s. In addition, traditions recorded by Europeans at Wukari indicate the discovery of salines during the late 1600s. The Kwararafa kings, based on Wukari, likely sought to boost the trade in salt, horses, textiles, and other products. In fact the growth of the Abakwariga population was said to have supported crafts and production, especially Hausa-descended blacksmiths. Moreover, Meek, who visited the site of the old Kwararafa capital before Wukari, noticed dye-pits of the Abakwariga as well as pottery fragments with designs like those of the Jukun. This may indicate that already, before the shift of the capital to Wukari in the 17th century, the Hausa communities were an important part of the kingdom's economy.

This brings us back to the conflict with Borno. If Girard's chronology is reliable, we know that in 1667, Ali b. Umar went on the pilgrimage to Mecca. However, upon his return, he found Borno to be in ncivil war. Rebels had tried to seize control, calling for aid from the sultan of Agades against the officers loyal to Ali b. Umar. During this unstable time, a prince of Borno, Ali b. Umar's nephew, was taken captive and sold into slavery across the Sahara. Meanwhile, if the stories reported in Jukun tradition are reliable, a Kwararafa army decided to take advantage of the political instability and attack Borno. According to the Gazetteer of Muri Province edited by Freemantle, the Kwararafa ruler, Katakpa invaded and attacks Gazargamo at the same time as the Tuareg. Unfortunately for them, they were defeated when the besieged Bornoan forces made a deal with the Tuareg and jointly attacked the "pagans" of Kwararafa. What followed was a tale of supernatural magic as the Borno ruler was said to have supernatural control of fire and the Jukun ruler could control rain. Meek, on the other hand, reported from Jukun tradition at Pindiga slightly different details. Supposedly, one story of war with Borno took place under the reign of Adi Matswen. 

While the traditions are somewhat ambiguous on the chronology and perhaps even when Wukari became the capital of Kwararafa, it does appear to be the case that one of the Kwararafa attacks on Birni Gazargamo took place around 1667. Whether or not this was tied to the celebration of Ali b. Umar's victory in a poem by Dan Marina is unclear, since the poet was believed to have died before 1667. If so, then it may have been a celebration of Borno's military intervention against Kwararafa earlier in Ali b. Umar's reign, perhaps after Kwararafa, led by "Adashu," attacked Kano. If the poem by Dan Marina is reliable, Ali b. Umar's forces pursued Kwararafa into their own territory. Regardless of chronological problems if one attempts to connect Dan Marina's poem with the c.1667 conflict, Barth, who likely heard the tale of Birni Gazargamo under attack from the Kwararafa and Tuareg via oral traditions, reported something similar to traditions from the Jukun of Wukari. Of course, the colonial officials who recorded this from the Jukun may have also drawn heavily from Barth, but there reasons to suspect the narrative is largely correct. And if it occurred due to internal strife and civil war in Borno, one can understand more clearly how the Kwararafa and Tuareg of Ahir were able to threaten the capital.