Thoughts on Yusuf of Katsina

Part of Landeroin's list of Katsina rulers from Documents scientifiques de la Mission Tilho

Whilst revisiting various sources on relations between Kano and Borno over the last several weeks, our interest in Katsina has been rekindled. However, the inaccessibility of many of the detailed studies of its history has largely limited our readings on its past to Landeroin, Palmer and Yusufu Bala Usman. Dankoussou's Katsina: traditions historiques des Katsinaawaa après la Jihad is also a great resource, drawing upon rich oral traditions. Sadly, his chronology is hard to reconcile with other sources and contains additional problems. This is unfortunate, since Katsina was one of the most important Hausa kingdoms in the centuries before the jihad. 

Part of the problem with even making sense of its history and its connection with Borno is the difficulty of establishing a timeline. Palmer used some Arabic manuscripts listing the kings of Katsina as well as the Kano Chronicle and other sources. Yusufu Bala Usman likewise utilized similar written lists. Others, such as Landeroin and Issaka Dankoussou draw more from oral traditions. Indeed, Dankoussou's list of Katsina kings is similar to that of Landeroin, collected at the beginning of the 1900s. Hunwick has also drawn from some manuscripts to revise our chronology of Katsina kings, but it is less useful for the 1500s. Unfortunately, no manuscripts have come to light from the Fazzan, which could shed light on Katsina's kings since more than once Awlad Muhammad sultan fled to Katsina during troubles with Tripoli. 

But the particular Katsina sarki we are interested in, Yusuf, was given a relatively lengthy reign by Dankoussou and Landeroin. Landeroin reported that Youssoufou reigned 14 years, while Dankoussou also dated his reign 1599-1613. Both concur that Yusuf succeeded Ibrahim Maje and preceded Abdul Kadir (or Abdoul Kerim, in Landeroin's list). Where they disagree most glaringly is in the very long reign Dankoussou assigned to Ibrahim Maje (1531-1599). Landeroin only reported a reign of 18 years. 

When one looks upon Palmer and Yusufu Bala Usman's work, a different picture emerges. Palmer's "History of Katsina" does not even include Yusuf among the list of kings, despite collating different kinglists. Instead, his list jumps from "Maje Ibrahim" (dated 1494-1520) to Abdul Karim and Ashafa. Intriguingly, his list concurs with Landeroin on the exceedingly short reign of Ashafa (8 days to 1 week). Later, Usman's study of Katsina history did include Yusuf, relying on an oral informant for what was supposedly a brief reign. If Usman's dating is correct, Yusuf reigned c. 1562 or 1563 before his deposition or abdication. One cannot help but wonder if Usman's informant was actually mistaking Yusuf for Ashafa. Moreover, Usman also changes the order of succession, having Yusuf succeed Abd al-Karim. 

Ultimately, one may why any of this matters? Well, according to Dankoussou, Borno attacked Katsina during the reign of Yusuf. If this tradition has any merit, one would like to have a better chronology for Yusuf and to determine if it was part of any larger campaigns launched from Borno into Hausaland. One would also be interested in knowing what role, if any, Borno played in the abdication or deposition of Yusuf (assuming that is not a mistaken tradition confusing him with Ashafa). In addition, we also find problematic the dates used by Usman for Muhammad Wari (c. 1575-1587). According to Dankoussou, Kwararafa attacked Katsina during the reign of Muhammad Wari, and his dates (1625-1637) "fit" more evenly with that period of Kwararafa aggression against northern states (mentioned in the Kano Chronicle for the reign of Muhammad Zaki, c. 1582-1618). Until we have a better chronology of Katsina's history that can be corroborated by different texts or oral traditions, much of its history before the jihad will remain elusive.

The Prince of Kashna (Katsina)

Jamaica (Britannica)

One of the most interesting narratives, presented by its publisher as a "true story" of a West African Muslim prince enslaved in Jamaica, is The Prince of Kashna: A West Indian Story. While there is ambiguity about the factual basis for the story, Camille Lefebvre has suggested viewing it through the lens of a topos of West African Muslims and royalty enslaved in the Americas. In that regard, it is also interesting to note how some stories of real cases of West African Muslims literate in Arabic probably influenced the author, Jane McManus Storm Cazneau. We suspect she was influenced by stories of West African royalty enslaved in the West Indies and the US, and perhaps by fictional accounts such as Aphra Behn's famous Oroonoko: or, the Royal Slave.

However, we endeavored to determine to what extent, if any, the narrative could be based on a true story of a Muslim slave from Katsina who arrived in Jamaica in 1806. According to the early chapters of the text, Sidi Mahmadee, the titular prince, was born to Abdalah, the ruler of Katsina, and a woman taken as a captive from an unspecified northern location. Sidi Mahmadee, who lost his father and mother at a young age and left Katsina while still a youth, believed she may have been of Arab extraction. While possible, the straight-haired Mahmadee was too young when he left and may have misidentified his mother, who was possibly Fulani or from a Tuareg background. His father, the Katsina king, was later described as a descendant of the Prophet, Muhammad, and ruled a Katsina that included "pagans" as well as Muslims in his court. The only ruler of Katsina during the late 1790s and early 1800s who may correspond with this figure was Gozo, a Katsina sarki killed in c.1801 (assassinated, according to Yusuf Bala Usman). From the narrative, we learn that Sidi Mahmud was rather young when his parents were killed (in a raid on Katsina). He was taken in by an Islamic holyman and teacher, Hadji Ali, who raised the boy after his parents died. Meanwhile, the next king of Katsina, an uncle of Mahmadee named Taleb Ben Abu, reigned in Katsina but maintained his court in a separate place. If Gozo was succeeded by Bawa Dan Gima, a name which bears no resemblance to that given in this narrative, this is further evidence for the fabrication of the account. Indeed, Usman has argued that Bawa Dan Gima came from a distinct sub-lineage of the ruling house of Katsina, and was therefore unlikely to be a sibling of Gozo.

While it is possible that Mahmadee provided Arabic names or other regnal names for these figures, it seems unlikely that he was indeed from Katsina. He did correctly identify the presence of "fetishists" and Muslims in the pre-jihad Katsina court and noted the presence of Muslim scholars in the city, including the man who later adopted him, the lack of concordance with the established kings of Katsina during this period is telling. Intriguingly, however, Sidi Mahmadee's account includes a story of a white man with a red beard who visited Katsina and gave medicine to his adoptive father. This white man is said to have spoken the language of Mahmadee's mother when he came to Katsina, and was feared as a 'sorcerer' by locals. In fact, by using the white man's medicine, Mahmadee's adoptive father became suspect in the eyes of the community, prompting him to move back to his homeland somewhere to the west (we suspect he was a Fulani from a western territory). This tale of a strange white man's appearance in Katsina brings to mind the traveler Friederich Hornemann, who may have reached Katsina sometime in the early 1800s. However, since we know so little about Hornemann's time in Katsina, and it is possible the author of The Prince of Kashna had read his journal or descriptions of him, we cannot use this story to corroborate the existence of Mahmadee. 

Besides the aforementioned vague descriptions of Katsina, the rest of the narrative is rather light on Mahmadee's African background. To be sure, if someone was kidnapped and sold into slavery while still an adolescent, they may not have the most profound or descriptive memories of their homeland when writing about it decades later. Nonetheless, we learn from his narrative that his adoptive father taught him to read the Koran, which appears to have been the limit of his Islamic education. When they left Katsina, which was done clandestinely since Mahmadee's uncle wanted him to stay, they appear to have traveled west. Somewhere in or around the fictitious Kong mountains, Mahmadee was kidnapped and sold into slavery. After being exchanged multiple times, he reached the coast, where he and other Hausa captives were sold to Europeans. This is another vague point in the narrative, since Mahmadee mentioned that there were many Mandingo captives on the slave ship. This would suggest that he had been sold on the coast of the Senegambian region, yet he mentioned several other Hausa captives alongside himself. Other inconsistencies abound in the text, but it is highly likely that Mahmadee's account of his voyage on the slave ship, where he was the recipient of special treatment and even helped the slave traders defeat French pirates, is a work of fiction. 

Once in Jamaica, Mahmadee, after an unfortunate experience running away (only to be captured and returned by Maroons), experienced a remarkable series of fortunate luck. His master, Mr. Davis, and his family, are presented as rather benevolent and supportive of his interest in education. The novelist, or author of the narrative, wants to present Mahmadee as a grateful slave who, deprived of his original noble status, learns to appreciate superior Western education. Nonetheless, the fact that he was a Muslim and a prince in Katsina serves as an elevating factor, one that brings him closer to Western civilization despite ongoing Orientalist and racist narratives. The fact that the character often expresses dissatisfaction with African phenotypes and wishes to be white seems to reflect a white author's biases, although it is certainly possible that an African slave in 19th century Jamaica thought similarly. His willingness to obediently serve his white masters leads to him playing a key role in preventing a slave conspiracy from erupting into outright rebellion in Westmoreland. By the novel's conclusion, Mahmadee is an educated man studying medicine, French, and European literature, successful and civilized to the point of asking to wed a mixed-race ward of a "quadroon" from Saint Domingue. There are hints that he did eventually travel back to Africa, although certainly not as a Christian missionary eager to spread civilization and end slave trading in Katsina. 

After reading the text in toto, we are convinced that it is almost certainly a work of fiction. While the author may have been inspired by tales of West African Muslims in Jamaica, such as Abu Bakr al-Siddiq, who was of partial Hausa heritage (linked to Katsina through his mother's family), it appears that Jane Cazneau wrote a fictional account that, while still racist, stressed the ability of some Africans to become assimilated to Western civilization and uplifted. Nonetheless, the elevation of the black African must be achieved through white tutelage, and slavery in early 19th century Jamaica is depicted as largely benign. None of the white slaveholders in the novel appear to abuse their slaves, and the ones most cruel to Mahmadee are enslaved overseers, Maroon slave-catchers or, in one case, a mixed-race engineer. Anyone looking for a work of fiction that honestly portrays the realities of chattel slavery in 19th century Jamaica will be disappointed. Yet, despite the occasionally racist narrative and dishonest depiction of slavery, this tale of an exotic West African Muslim does emphasize the perfectibility of the African, mediated via European tutelage. Interestingly, Mahmadee refuses to relinquish his Islamic identity, which may symbolize the author's recognition of Islam as a "legitimate" religion that elevated part of Black Africa before the inevitable European colonialism. To ascertain whether the character of Mahmadee was entirely invented, we would like to check 19th century Jamaican records, but our preliminary search has not led to an identification of any character from the narrative with a real person. 

Hausa History Timeline (pre-Sokoto)

The following is an early attempt at a timeline for the history of the Hausa peoples of West Africa. Drawing on sources and publications commented upon or reviewed on this blog, I endeavored to create some sense of chronology for the sprawling world of pre-jihad Hausaland. In order to do full justice to this, I would have had to read and corroborate different oral traditions and translated chronicles, manuscripts or external textual sources to clarify, expand, and fully include the entirety of the Hausa world in their major developments. Alas, Hausa states like Katsina perhaps had a full chronicle or richer archive (said to have been destroyed during the Sokoto Revolution), but without much material, and with most of the surviving texts not translated into English or French, we were forced to do our best with the somewhat problematic dates in the Kano Chronicle. References to Hausa states from the Songhay world, Borno, Agadez, and North Africa occasionally helped, though we are still very much in the dark about the specifics of the early Hausa states. Needless to say, we will revisit and update this occasionally.

by c.650: Maranda, or Marandet, settled by this date. The city was a center for copper and the name, according to Hamdani, meant henna. The capital city of Gobir after they moved south of Air was also named for henna, while the name Gobir is said to resemble the Coptic word for henna.

868-884: Reign of the first ruler of the Tulunids in Egypt, who also closed the old trade route used by Nubians and Egyptians to the Maghrib and Sudan that traversed the Oases. 

before 868/869: al-Jahiz in Iraq included the Marawa among the Sudan, along with the Abyssinians, Nubians, Fazzan and Zaghawa

872: al-Yaqubi mentions Maranda, possibly the earliest known Hausa state or town that was connected to trans-Saharan trade routes, as well as the Marawiyyun who were listed after Qaqu and before Maranda. Al-Yaqubi's brief account describes a kingdom of al-HBShH with a town called ThBYR, whose king is called MRH, next to the Qaqu, who lived under the yoke of the king of ThBYR. Kawkaw (Gao) appears to have dominated some of these kingdoms, including in its empire al-MRW (an extensive realm). In addition, al-Yaqubi referenced the kingdom of Malal, described as an enemy of Kanem, ruled by MYWSY. According to Hamani, there are many ruins of the ancient Azna people of at Amellal, east of Amandar, in Azawak.

-889/890: al-Yaqubi completed his Kitab al-buldan, which mentioned the Miriyyun, Zaghawiyyun, and Marwiyyun among the black slaves exported from Zawila

-c.903: Ibn al-Faqih mentioned Maranda and Marawa as locations on the trade route stretching from Ghana to Egypt

-c.956: al-Masu'udi described the Marka peoples as a group of Sudan in the west, after Kanem and before Kawkaw

-1030: al-Biruni included coordinates for Marawah

-c.1154: Maranda described by al-Idrisi as a populous town yet seldom visited because their merchandise is scare. Yet nomads stop there (from Kawar and Air?)

-1166-1182: Reign of Abdallah Bakuru of Kanem; Borno mahrams collected by Palmer mention his mahram granted to the Beni Mukhtar Tura in the Kawar (Dirku), and mention of conflict between Air (Ahir) and Dirku Tura

-c.1337-38: al-Umari's writings allude to a Berber sultan of Ahir (Air), who was considered greater than the Berber kings of Tadmakka and DMWshH

-1353: Ibn Battuta left Takadda, a city he described as exporting copper worked by slaves to Kubar. Sultan of Takadda, a Berber named Izar, was said to have been in a dispute with the Takarkari, another Berber sultans. Ibn Battuta later described Kahir as the country of the Karkari sultan, a grassy land where people buy sheep and dry the flesh, which is later exported to Tuwat

-Also, in 1353, an ambassador of Takadda's ruler at Biskara described the city as an importance stop for travelers to Mali

1355: Ibn Battuta's Rihla mentions Gobir as a non-Muslim kingdom importing copper and practicing human sacrifice

-1355-1380: Reign of Ali Murabalus in Katsina (probably too early)

-c.1349-1385: Reign of Ali Yaji in Kano, first Kano ruler to embrace Islam

-c.1388: Reign of Kaday Afnu of the Sayfawa dynasty (Afnu meaning "Hausa" in Kanuri)

-1390-1410: Reign of Kanajeji in Kano, said to have introduced lifidi armor, coats of mail and iron helmets

-1400s-Wangara Chronicle provides information on the arrival of Shaikh Zagaite in Kano

-1404/5-1424/5: Reign of Yunus as Sultan of Air

 -1421-1422: Mai Uthman ibn Dawud reigned (Uthman K.l.n.ma), deposed by kaygama Nikali b. Ibrahim and yerima Kaday Ka'aku; died at Afnu Kunu (Kano)

-c.1421-1438: Dagachi, Borno prince, came from South Borno with men and mallams to Kano. Queen Amina of Zaria likely dominated much of Hausaland 

-c.1438-1452: Borno attacked Asben/Air during this period, but couldn’t find water, ended by receiving tribute from lands west of Borno; Kano gave tsare to Borno

-before 1442: al-Maqrizi mentions Afnu and their king, Mastur (Afnu was Kanuri term for Hausa peoples). Neighboring Mastur's Afnu kingdom was another king, Manbu, and then the Kankuma people, then Kanku, then Abqaram, and then Yadi (ruled by Rabuma), followed by the king Hudami and the Inkirar tribe. In addition, Shadi, Mabna, Abham, Ata'na, Yafalam, and Makba, naked tribes, come next. 

-mid-1400s: Yusuf Bala Usman places Korau as king of Katsina

-1445-1493: Possible reign for Muhammad Korau of Katsina. May have participated in a joint attack on Kebbi with Sunni Ali of Songhay (Lange's theory). Also said to have been the first to erect a mosque (tradition)

c.1450: Migration of Gobirawa from Air to their southern location

-1452-1463: Fulani go to Borno, according to Kano Chronicle while Gwanja merchants arrived in Katsina, Kanuri came in larger numbers, and Asbenawa came to Gobir. Reign of Abdulahi Burja in Kano

-c.1460: Agadez built, according to Marmol, though Hamani cites traditions and evidence of an earlier Hausa or Gobirawa presence at Agades

-1459-1536: Life of Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Muhammd Aqit b. Umar of Timbuktu, who visited Kano and Hausaland

-1463-1499: Reign of Muhammad Rumfa of Kano, many reforms introduced and al-Maghili came to Kano. War with Katsina for 11 years.

-1491/2: One of al-Maghili's letters addressed to Muhammad Rumfa of Kano

-1493: al-Lamtuni, probably from Air, wrote to al-Suyuti in Cairo

-c.1493: Letter form al-Suyuti to the rulers of Katsina and Agadez; reference to human sacrifice of slaves by Gobirawa when they are ill

-1493-1528: Reign of Askia Muhammad I of Songhay

-c.1494: Ibrahim was ruling in Katsina, said to have promoted Islam and corresponded with al-Suyuti.

-1498-1524: Reign of Ali in Katsina, who built walls and fortifications (Djibo Hamani's proposed dates)

-1499-1509: Reign of Abdulahi in Kano; Borno attacked Kano and Abdulahi and his mallams met with Borno's mai to humble themselves. Abdulahi said to have defeated Katsina and Zaria

by 1505: Zazzau had its first Muslim king

-1514: Askia Muhammad of Songhay attacks Katsina

-1514-1515: Askia Muhammad of Songhay conquers/annexes Air region 

-1515-1516: Kanta Kotal, Kanta of Kebbi, revolts against Askia Muhammad

-1517/18: Askia Muhammad of Songhay campaigns against Kebbi

-c. 1529: Ali Fulan of Songhay flees to Kano

-1529/30: Death of qadi al-Tazakhti, a qadi of Katsina who had studied in Mecca and Cairo

-1533/34: Death of al-Balbali, scholar who had once taught in Kano and Katsina

-1553: Askia Dawud signed peace treaty with Kebbi

-1553/54: Songhay raid against Katsina by 24 horsemen, who are defeated by 400 Katsina cavalry forces

-c.1561: Borno-Kebbi War, Borno said to have fielded an army of 100,000 against Kebbi after Kebbi attacks on Air region, but Kebbi defeated Borno (yet Muhammad Kanta died after)

-c.1563-1565: Reign of Ibrahim Maje in Katsina

c.1565-1573: reign of Abubakar Kado in Kano, presence of people from Bagirmi and Logone ("Lagoni") in Kano. Katsina victory against Kano

-c.1565-1575: Reign of another Ibrahim in Katsina (Yusufu Bala Usman)

-1573-1582: Sarki Mohamma Shashere of Kano defeated by Katsina

-1575-1587: Reign of Muhammad Wari in Katsina 

-1577: al-Nasir of the Awlad Muhammad dynasty in the Fazzan fled to Katsina, where he was well-received, after Ottomans annexed Fazzan

-before 1582: Merchant of Raguse who had traveled in West Africa for 7 years, reported to Anania that Kano was one of the three most important commercial centers in Africa (with Fez and Cairo) and the Portuguese had attempted to establish a comptoir there. Anania also reported constant wars between Kano and Katsina

-1582-1618: Reign of Mohamma Zaki in Kano; during his reign, Kano attacked and pillaged by the Kwararafa and the Kanawa fled to Daura. Katsina said to have attacked Kano during this period of Kwararafa threat but Kano later won

-1587-1600: Reign of Suleiman in Katsina

-after 1591: Ahmad al-Mansur of Morocco sends a letter to Kanta Dawud of Kebbi, discussing the post-Songhay order and complaining about Kebbi hosting rebellious Songhay

-c.1594/5: Birth of Abu Abdallah b. Masani b. Muhammad al-Barnawi al-Kashinawi in Katsina, to Borno parents

-1599-1613: Reign in Katsina of Maalam Yusufu, according to Katsina tradition. Borno said to have attacked Katsina in his reign.

-c.1600-1618: Reign of Usman Nayinawa in Katsina (Usman Tsagarana, according to Djibo Hamani)

-early 1600s: Town of Illela founded by Asben immigrants (part of Katsina kingdom)

-c.1601: Katsina intervened in the civil war of Agades to support Muhammad al-Mubarak

-1615: Ahmad Baba replies to a North African about which West African populations can be legally enslaved. He references Kano and Katsina as similar kingdoms sometimes in war, taking captives.

-1618-1623: Reign of Mohamma Zaki in Kano, who defeated invading Katsina forces

-1618-1636: Reign of Muhammad Toyarero of Katsina (Djibo Hamani). Remembered in tradition that Katsina became an intellectual center and market for books in Arabic (regnal years 1695-1705 in another source, too late)

-1623-1648: Reign of Kutumbi of Kano. Victory against Katsina earlier on, but died after battle with Katsina near the end of his reign

-1626/27: Awlad Muhammad prince Muhammad b. Juhaym raised an army and retook the Fazzan after living in exile in Katsina

-1636-1641: Reign of Muhammadu Wari of Katsina   (1625-1637 regnal years according to another source). Kwararafa said to have attacked Katsina.

-1649-1651: Reign of Shekkarau in Kano, who made peace with Katsina

1639-1677: Reign of Mai Ali b. Umar of Borno, who was praised in poem by Dan Marina for his victory against the Kwararafa

-1641-1671: Reign of Muhammadu Uban Yara in Katsina; conflict with Zamfara during his reign. Execution of Maghani who disturbed trading caravans from Kano during his reign

-1648: King Katumbi of Kano died during conflict with Katsina

-1659: Writing of poem by Dan Marina in praise of the Katsina ruler

-1661-1675: Kanta Maliki of Kebbi's reign, decadence in Kebbi

-1667: Borno-Tuareg war; Borno prince Medicon sold into slavery after Agadez attacked Borno, but Mai Ali b. Umar was able to have the Pasha of Tripoli find and liberate Medicon; death of Katsina scholar Dan Masina (who also wrote a short work on the Yoruba), who died in the fifth year of Katsina ruler Salman (Suleiman)'s reign

-Death of Dan Masanih, Katsina scholar

c.1670-1703: reign of Dadi  in Kano; Kwararafa wars resulted in the Kwararafa taking the capital.

-c.1671: Kwararafa attack on Kano

-1671-1684: Reign in Katsina of Muhammadu Jan Hazo; Kwararafa attack on city failed due to intervention of prayers of Dan Masina. 

-c.1672: Kwararafa attacks Kano and Katsina

-1672-1680: Evliya Celebi was in Egypt, where he presumably gathered information on the Hausa (Afnu). Per Celebi, the Hausa included 7 tribes but only 1 was Muslim

-1674: Sultanate of Agadez conquers Ader/Adar after defeating Kebbi

-1679: Kel Ayar raid on Borno

-1680-1689: Reign of Soba of Gobir (Djibo Hamani), conflict with Katsina

-1681: Prince Akanfaya of Agadez went on third pilgrimage

-1682: Awlad Muhammad sultan of Fazzan fled to Katsina

-c.1685: Katsina victory against Gobir

-1685: Agadez war with Zanfara; Agabba of Agadez returns to Adar

-1687: Muhammad al-Mubarak of Agadez died during epidemic, succeeded by Agabba

-1689: Successful counterattack of Muhammad Agabba (Agadez Sultanate) against Gobir; Awlad Muhammad ruler fled to Katsina

-1698/99: Sultan al-Nasir of Fazzan went to Agades

-c.1702-1728: Reign of Karyawiga in Katsina

-August 1711: Death of Prefect of Borno Carlo Maria di Genova near Katsina. Never reached Borno or the allegedly Christian Kwararafa

-1715: Awlad Muhammad ruler fled to Katsina

-c.1720-1730: A Katsina faqih among the group who tried to mediate between Darfur sultan Muhammad Dawra and his son, Musa Anqarib.

-1721: Muhammad Agabba of Agadez dethroned by brother al-Amin, fled to Adar and ruled among the Itisen from Birni-n-Ader until 1738

-1726: Tuareg of Air war with Gobir

-1730: al-Kashnawi, famous 18th century scholar, performed the pilgrimage to Mecca

1731-1743: Reign of Mohamma Kumbari in Kano, whose exactions on traders led to many Arabs relocating to Katsina in the 1730s. Sarkin Kano also said to have imported firearms through Nupe and fought with Gobir, led by Sobah. Borno launched campaign against Kano but battle averted (may have occurred during reign of Mai Ali b. al-Hajj Dunama)

-1732: Death of al-Mustafa in Yandatu, center for learning in Katsina kingdom (Gonja Chronicle)

1733: Muhammad ibn Muhammad al-Fulani al-Kishwani composes a work on magic squares

-1734-1747: Reign of Gima in Katsina

-1737-1764: Ibrahim Babari ruler of Gobir, during his reign Alkalawa established as capital. Raids on Katsina, Kano, and other lands

-1738: Death of Agabba, sultan of Adar

-1738/9: Attestation of Dar Kofa in Tunis

-1740: Kel Owey Tuareg invade the palace of Agadesand slaughter many people

-1741: Death of Muhammad al-Katsinawi in Egypt, who studied in Borno. Noted for his writings on magic squares, astrology and other topics.

-c.1743-1764: Ruler Baabaari of Gobir. Attacked Katsina unsuccessfully.

-1743-1753: Alhaji Kabe of Kano in hostility with Gobir (led by Barbari)

-1746-1759: Etsu Jibril of Nupe, promoted Islam

-c.1755-1767: Reign of Wari Maikore in Katsina

-c.1759: Bilma War between Tuareg of Air and Borno, resulting in Tuareg of Agadez confederation becoming the dominant player in the movement of Kawar salt to Hausaland; Agadez Chronicles also report the Sultan attacking Gobir with Kel Owey.

-1764: Gobir sacks Zamfara capital

-1766: Appearance of a "Gambary" runaway slave in Saint-Domingue ad (Gambari being the Yoruba term for Hausa)

-c.1768-1778: Rule of Karyagiwa in Katsina, who defeated Gobir

-1768-1777: Sarkin Kano Baba Zakki said to be first Kano ruler with a guard of musketeers

-1771-1789: Sarkin Gobir Bawa Jan Gwarzo considered by some to have invented the tradition of Coptic origins for the Gobirawa and refused to send tribute to Borno

-1773: Niebuhr's account of Hausaland collected in Copenhagen mentions various towns in the Katsina state

-1774: Early appearance of Hausa runaway slave ad in Saint-Domingue (Haiti); Katsina expedition to Mafara

-c. 1778-1796: Reign of Agwaragi in Katsina. Revolt during his reign led by Bawa Bahago was crushed with the aid of Gobir

-1779: Hausa presence among enslaved Africans in Louisiana attested 

-1780s: Earliest known Kel Owey settlement on the trade route from Ahir to Katsina established at Magami

-1780s-1790s: Wealthiest trader in Porto Novo was Pierre Tamata, a Hausa former slave educated in France 

-1788: Gobir-Katsina hostilities, with Katsina the victor. Sarkin Katsina Agwaragi endeavored to make peace with the next Gobir ruler, Yakuba. Lucas reported salt trade from Kawar to Katsina 

-1795: War between Katsina and Gobir indicated in the Agades Chronicles

-1799: Horneman reported that Katsina paid tribute to Borno

-by 1800: Many in Agades had moved south to Hausaland

-c.1801: King Gozo of Katsina assassinated

-1801: Katsina defeated Gobir

-c. 1805-1806: Reign in Katsina of Mahmud, overthrown by jihadist Umar Dallaji

-1807: kaid of the Muslims of Kumasi, a native of Katsina, assisted in the Asante campaign against the Fantees

-1808: Alkalawa, capital of Gobir, destroyed

-1817: Philip Finlay, Hausa of Gobir and soldier in the West India Regiment, produces a short text in ajami, in Trinidad

-1834: Abu Bakr al-Siddiq of Jamaica's biography translated into English, including details of his Katsina mother

The Transformation of Katsina

Although we were hoping for a fuller history of the important Hausa kingdom of Katsina, Yusufu Bala Usman's The Transformation of Katsina, 1400-1883: the Emergence and Overthrow of the Sarauta System and the Establishment of the Emirate is a worthwhile start. Perhaps due to Katsina lacking any surviving chronicle comparable to that of Kano, this study, based on the author's dissertation, is mostly an analysis of Katsina in the 18th and 19th centuries. The book begins with some of the local traditions and early history of Katsina, but most chapters actually seek to explain the establishment of the sarauta system and its replacement by the emirate of Katsina after the jihad. So, if one is searching for a detailed history of political institutions and economic, social, and demographic changes in the late 1700s and the emirate government within the Sokoto Caliphate, this book is for you. 

There is still much to be gained for the general reader with an interest in pre-jihad Katsina. Yusufu Bala Usman's critical stance with regards to the intellectually lazy interpretations of some historians was a fresh reminder for us to stop assuming categories, titles, or ethnic groups were static. Take political titles and offices, for example. The function of a title often varied or could be nominal and not necessarily carried out by the titleholder. Ethnicity was also never static, so one must be careful with terms like Habe, Fulani, Hausa, or attempts to identify the emirate of Katsina as "Fulani" without qualification. Indeed, throughout the 5 centuries of history covered by the text, numerous immigrant waves and communities existed in Katsina, often of Azbin, Mali, Borno, Fulani, or other origins. Thus, assuming static ethnic identities or lacking nuance is part of what Usman sees as a retrograde view of African history. 

For our purposes, however, the main benefit of reading this history of Katsina can be found in the description of Kasar Katsina political administration and structure in sarauta system of pre-jihad years. Hausa "traditional" religion and belief in iskoki, for instance, were explicitly linked to the origins of kingdom. According to Usman, the early kings of Katsina were connected to Inna or the Mother Earth spirit. Korau, the first king, is alleged to have killed Durbawa leader Sanau in the 1400s, while trade was increasing in the region and a new political order was necessary for the diverse residents. This tie to Inna and the iskoki explain the "pagan" influences on the rituals of accession for the sarki or kings of Katsina. But by the end of the 1400s, the ruler of Katsina, Ibrahim, was in correspondence with Egyptian scholar al-Suyuti and the rulers had adopted Islam. Over the course of the 1500s and 1600s, Islamic influences spread throughout the capital and various towns of the state. Unlike Borno, the ulama were not incorporated into this political system and maintained a certain distance from the palace. Thus, it is no surprise that Uthman dan Fodio's movement received some local support from those critical of the Katsina ruling dynasty. The complex juggling of Islam and the local religion which provided legitimacy to the dynasty is interesting and brings to mind our recent reading on the Keira sultans of Darfur and other Sudanic states. 

Abu Bakr al-Siddiq and Borno?

Although our sources for Abu Bakr al-Siddiq's maternal ancestry consist solely of his short Arabic autobiographies translated into English, it is interesting to consider his life in a "Central Sudanic" context. Incorporating Borno and Katsina into his biography and family background illustrates how connected or integrated West Africa in the precolonial era truly was. Cities in the "Western Sudan" like Jenne and Timbuktu, where Abu Bakr al-Siddiq's family originated (though claiming descent from the Prophet), were closely tied to trading and learning centers such as Kong and Bouna. The ancient cities of Timbuktu and Jenne were also integrated into "Sudanic" trading routes to the east, through Hausaland and Borno all the way to the Red Sea. Abu Bakr al-Siddiq's family history exemplifies this in a variety of ways. Therefore, one can view the family of al-Siddiq in various contexts: Atlantic World, Caribbean chattel slavery, Saharan and Sahelian Africa, and Dar al-Islam. 

First, who was Abu Bakr al-Siddiq's mother? Named Naghodi in one of his autobiographies, a Hausa term meaning "I am thankful," her Islamic name was Hafsa. She was likely a later wife of his father, Kara Musa. Indeed, al-Siddiq's autobiography lists several half-siblings, indicating that his father had numerous children with at least one other woman or wife. His mother was born in the capital of Borno, presumably some time in the second half of the 18th century. However, her Hausa personal name and links to Katsina suggest Hausa heritage. In consideration of the close economic ties between Borno and Katsina, as well as the past history of Katsina as a tributary state of Kanem-Borno, we cannot rule out a Kanuri origin or affiliation for Naghodi through her father. Indeed, both Katsina and Gazargamo were major trading stops for trans-Saharan caravans coming crossing through the Fezzan and Agadez to reach the "Sudan." Migration of traders, Islamic scholars, and other groups between Katsina and Borno must have occurred on a large scale.

As for the identity of his maternal grandfather, al-Siddiq identified him as al-Hajj Muhammad Tafsir of Borno AND Katsina. His mother was an infant during the pilgrimage of her father, and the pilgrimage to Mecca would have left Naghodi and her mother in Gazargamo for an extended period of time. This makes one think her maternal grandfather may have been a native of Gazargamo and perhaps from a large household with dependents, relatives, and economic means to support his children while abroad. Moreover, the inclusion of tafsir in his name points to a scholar with a background in Quranic exegesis. Furthermore, the fact that he went on the hajj at least once would have significantly increased his standing in Borno. Indeed, those who went on the hajj were even absolved of taxes by the Sayfawa rulers of Borno. Consequently, Muhammad Tafsir must have been of means, respected in Borno and Katsina, as well as someone who benefitted from the privileges of the hajj through tax incentives that Mai Ali maintained. Even if he was a Hausa or Fulani from Katsina, performing the hajj undoubtedly aided his business or trading concerns in Borno and beyond.

So, how exactly did al-Siddiq's father, Kara Musa, meet Naghodi? According to al-Siddiq, his father traveled to Katsina and Borno frequently, likely as a trader. A man from a reputable lineage in Timbuktu and the Middle Niger was likely an attractive prospect for al-Hajj Muhammad Tafsir's daughter. Both men were probably traders, and the marriage of Naghodi to Kara Musa would have helped cement trading ties between them. One can surmise that Kara Musa was older than Naghodi and may have already possessed trade connections to Kong and sources of gold and kola nuts through his connections to Dyula trading and scholarly networks. Perhaps a marriage helped ensure honest dealings or trading partnership between Naghodi's father and Kara Musa? Evidence in favor of this can be found in al-Siddiq's allusion to his father sending gold, Egyptian silks, horses, mules, and other goods to his father-in-law. 

This may have been initially part of a dowry, but his father's past of "always" traveling to Katsina and Borno hints at trade in goods, such as gold, motivating his travels from Jenne to Kong, Ghonah, and, eventually Katsina and Gazargamo. Evidence for traders from the Fezzan, Hausaland, and Borno knowing of Kong, Bouna, Dagomba, and the "Gold Coast" can be found in other sources, but the Dyula networks of Kara Musa would have been an excellent network for Hausa and Kanuri traders from the east to tap into for opening up relations with that part of West Africa. Perhaps Kara Musa's network and access to gold (and the possibility of kola nuts) intersected with Muhammad Tafsir's connections to Borno's salt and natron exports to Hausa cities?

Our other references to Hausaland or the 'Central Sudan" in the context of Abu Siddiq are more problematic or impressionistic. John Davidson's Notes Taken During Travels in Africa reports confirmation for al-Siddiq's illustrious pedigree in Morocco and the Sahara. Other informants even claim al-Siddiq was related to the rulers of Timbuktu, Kong, and "Houssa," which must be Katsina or a generalized Hausaland. While one can surmise from the earlier autobiographical fragments that al-Siddiq came from a respectable family with roots in the ulama of Timbuktu and Jenne, the grandiose relations attributed to him may not reflect the realities of post-jihadist West Africa. For example, Borno's capital was destroyed and abandoned by the time al-Siddiq returned to West Africa via Morocco. Katsina was also in a period of decline. The Sokoto Caliphate changed the political map of the "Central Sudan" and al-Siddiq would have been in the dark for about 30 years during these momentous decades. Nevertheless, one can see that several years after his bondage in Jamaica, al-Siddiq could still believably call upon powerful and politically connected relatives in Timbuktu, Kong, and Hausaland. This illustrates just how overlapping the worlds of Islam, "Sudanic" Africa, and the Atlantic were.

Bibliography

Abú Bekr eṣ ṣiddíḳ. “Routes in North Africa, by Abú Bekr Eṣ Ṣiddíḳ.” The Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London 6 (1836): 100–113. https://doi.org/10.2307/1797559.

Barth, Heinrich. Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa: Being a Journal of an Expedition Undertaken Under the Auspices of H.B.M.'s Government in the Years 1849-1855. New York: D. Appleton, 1857.

Cohen, Ronald. The Kanuri of Bornu. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1967.

Curtin, Philip D. Africa Remembered; Narratives by West Africans from the Era of the Slave Trade. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1967.

Davidson, John. Notes Taken During Travels in Africa. London: J.L. Cox and Sons, 1839.

Dewière, Rémi. Du Lac Tchad À La Mecque: Le Sultanat Du Borno Et Son Monde (XVIe - XVIIe Siècle). Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2017.

Gomez, Michael A. Black Crescent: The Experience and Legacy of African Muslims in the Americas. Cambridge ; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005.

Lovejoy, Paul E. “The Kambarin Beriberi: The Formation of a Specialized Group of Hausa Kola Traders in the Nineteenth Century.” The Journal of African History 14, no. 4 (1973): 633–51. http://www.jstor.org/stable/180905.

Lucas, Paul, Lédyard, John, Lallemant, Antoine J. (trans.), Voyages de MM. Lédyard et Lucas en Afrique, entrepris et publiés par ordre de la Société anglaise d’Afrique ; avec le plan de fondation de cette Société, et une carte du nord de l’Afrique, par le major Rennel : suivis d’extraits de Voyages faits à la rivière de Gambie, par ordre de la Compagnie anglaise d’Afrique, et d’un mémoire écrit sous le règne de Charles II, concernant la grande quantité d’or qu’on trouve près de cette rivière ; avec une carte de ce fleuve et de ses environs, tracée sur les lieux. Paris: Xhrouet, 1804.

Wilks, Ivor. The Northern Factor in Ashanti History. [Legon]: Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, 1961.

Awlad Muhammad Dynasty, the Fezzan, and Borno

 

Krause's tentative chart for the Awlad Muhammad dynasty

Although difficult to research, the political history of the Fezzan after (and during) the period of the Garamantes is fascinating. Most intriguing to our purposes is the link to Kanem-Borno and trans-Saharan trade. Besides B.G. Martin's articles and G.A. Krause's German article on the Awlad Muhammad dynasty (borrowing heavily from a Tripoli source from the 18th century), finding details on the Fezzan's relationship with Kanem-Borno is difficult. External Arabic sources attest to Kanem's expansion into the Fezzan in the 1200s under Dunama Dibalemi, while later Tripoli sources mention the Awlad Muhammad dynasty and aspects of the Fezzan's relationship with Agadez, Katsina, and Borno. All things considered, it is fascinating to consider how a dynasty claiming descent from the Prophet Muhammad, via a Moroccan (or Mauritanian?) migrant who stayed in the Fezzan after returning from Mecca, was quite "Sudanese" in many aspects.

What is most interesting to observe, however, is the maintenance of Kanem-Borno influences in the Fezzan long after Dunama Dibalemi and the fall from power of Kanem's viceroy appointed in Traghen. According to Hornemann, the Awlad Muhammad rulers, who took power by the 16th century and ruled until the 19th, retained Kanuri political titles in their administration. Their capital, Murzuk, has also been described as a "Sudanese" city in its urban design, with a prominent dendal. Indeed, the Kanuri language was once widely spoken and Kanuri place names survived for centuries. Some European sources even describe the people of the Fezzan as "black" or dark-skinned and with manners and customs similar to those of the "Sudan" to the south. In fact, one 1705 European source even mentions the ruler of Fezzan as a cousin of the mai of Borno while others believed the Awlad Muhammad rulers sent tribute to Borno and Tripoli. Whether or not that was literally or always true, we know Idris Alooma of Borno did venture into the Fezzan. Moreover, the father of Ali b. Umar put to death Tahir, the Fezzani sultan who fled south after the pashalik of Tripoli invaded over the cessation of tribute. Undoubtedly, Borno remained very influential in the affairs of the Fezzan during the period of Awlad Muhammad rule. 

While much of the "Sudanic" influence in the Fezzan was probably due to trans-Saharan slave trading, pilgrimage routes, and the period of Kanem-Borno suzerainty of the Fezzan (not to mention the era of the Garamantes, which seems to have already engaged in trans-Saharan trade), it seems to resemble its "Sudanic" neighbors in a number of remarkable ways. Not only as a zone of influence for Kanem-Borno's northern expansion, but one whose rulers frequently found refuge in Agadez and Katsina. Trade, cultural, political and economic ties brought the people of Fezzan into close relations with the "Land of the Blacks," and the history of the Fezzan seems to be one heavily shaped by Kanem-Borno for several centuries. In that respect, it is interesting to consider the region as one uniquely shaped by northern expansion of a "Sudanic" state, and perhaps the northernmost area of influence for Kanem-Borno. Thus, if one can get away with it, the Fezzan joins Hausaland, the Lake Chad Region, Kawar, Wadai, Bagirmi and possibly Darfur as a vast region under the influence of Kanem-Borno. While we certainly would not want to diminish the influences from Tripoli and the Mediterranean, the Fezzan before the 19th century seems to resemble the "Sudan" in more ways than we hitherto thought.