Historical Materialism and the Kel Ahir

Kathleen O'Mara's A Political Economy of Ahir (Niger): Historical Transformations in a Pastoral Economy, 1760-1860 adopts a historical materialist approach to analyze transformations in the Ahir region's political economy once the Kel Owey federation become the dominant Tuareg group in that region. Focusing on class and a materialist interpretation allows greater clarity on how the Tuareg of this region of the Sahara shifted from a pastoral economy to a more centralized, agro-pastoral tributary economy in the 18th century. Thus, the transformations of the state and economy in the Ahir (or Air) region predate the jihad and establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate. According to O'Mara's view, the Ahir sultanate government's "glorious period" in the 1500s was not fully tributary, although the sultanate administration survived with the rise of Kel Owey hegemony and commercial expansion in order to protect the interests of the Tuareg elites, imajeren. Essentially, the seizure of the Kawar salines, especially Bilma, was an impetus for further trade and agro-pastoral expansion. This, in turn, was accompanied by the increasing centralization and development of a regional economy in Hausaland, particularly after the establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate. In other words, Borno's loss of Kawar in the 1760s favored the Ahir Tuareg, particularly the Kel Owey, who reaped huge profits from the sale of salt to Hausaland, where a burgeoning market and growing manufacturing (textiles, leather, etc.) centers in places like Kano fueled more Tuareg trade. 

Indeed, to O'Mara's view, Ahir became so connected to the larger, regional economy of the Central Sudan that trans-Saharan commerce became less important and Agadez's population moved to lands in the Sudan. The cycle fueled more economic growth as the Kel Owey, as well as other Tuareg groups, increasingly used captives and "free" dependents, often Kanuri, Hausa, or Dagera, to work farmland in Damergu. Agricultural production in the more fertile lands of the Sudan favored Tuareg commerce since the grain from these areas could be used to trade with the Kawar oases (and to ensure adequate grain supplies for the Ahir  region). This, of course, meant that the Ahir Tuareg could be less dependent on the meager agricultural resources of the Ahir region or from grain supplied by the independent Hausa states. With the growth of a Kel Owey commercial class investing in salt, agricultural production, livestock, and trade in textiles, slaves, leather products, and items acquired through trans-Saharan trade via the Fezzan or Ghat, the Ahir Tuareg system became a fully tributary one that maintained the dominance of the "nobles."  In fact, the continuance of the Ahir sultanate structure in Agades as an intermediary of Tuareg groups in Ahir, plus their own source of legitimacy via Islam, provided a balance with Kel Owey elites.

As one might expect in a highly unequal, hierarchical arrangement that was the Ahir political economy from 1760-1860, conflict within the elites (vertical) and between "nobles" and other groups (ineslemen, dependents of various types, etc.) was a constant. Dependents, both "free" and servile, could change masters easily and the Kel Ahir Tuareg had to find ways to maintain a system of exploitation of their labor. Like the free Dagera, Kanuri and Hausa groups conquered by Tuareg groups, the Tuareg "class" system allowed for significant local autonomy to settlements of slaves and others. In addition, manumission was frequent while intermarriage and absorption of captives into the lineage (as fictive children) meant enslavement was, according to Barth at least, less horrific than in other locales. One wonders, however, tow hat extent conditions here were similar with regard to slavery in the Sokoto Caliphate and Borno, where a history of slave settlements and even plantations existed. Nonetheless, O'Mara wishes to highlight how enslavement and exploitation of captives for their labor in agriculture, livestock rearing, carrying goods, or salt production was similar to the tribute extracted from "free" dependents in the Kel Ahir class system. Clerical lineages, too, tried to occasionally resist through the ideology of jihad or even becoming warriors themselves, yet they could not build a diverse enough coalition 

Through an ideology of noble dominance and control of camels, the most important animal in the pastoral economy, these nobles justified their position through the protection they could provide to dependents and clerical lineages. Their ownership of camels furthered their position as guides for caravans from North Africans, traders in their own rights, and for the use of camels to carry salt or other products. However, claims to noble status were always dynamic, and were frequently adjusted genealogically after the fact to legitimize the imajeren domination. This is connected to the purpose of the Agades Sultanate itself, instituted to resolve conflict between Tuareg groups in Ahir as well as to secure the overall interests of an elite group. Ongoing conflicts between the Kel Owey and others, naturally meant that the hegemony of any specific federation was always up for grabs, which in turn justified elite positions as "protectors" of their dependents against other Tuareg or non-Tuareg foes. 

This is all rather fascinating and engaging. However, some of what O'Mara proposes is either implausible or debatable. For instance, many of the political offices in the Ahir sultanate are of Hausa origin. Perhaps this suggests that the transformation of the Kel Ahir from a pastoral economy to a fully tributary one required the adoption of administrative features found in the Sudanic states to their south, especially Borno and the Hausa. Moreover, the increasing sedentarization of some Tuareg and the growth of agricultural ventures owned by Kel Ahir in Damergu, Zinder, or the Caliphate could be seen as similarly following patterns from Songhay, Borno, and Hausa history. Indeed, even the justifying ideology of elite rule via protection offered to dependents could be seen in the case of Borno, which failed to provide the necessary protection for its subjects in Kawar, western Borno, and northern Borno. Unlike Borno, however, the Ahir Tuareg federations structure and "looseness" and the ecological conditions of the southern Sahara could make it rather fragile. But, the exploitation of producers, a free and slave peasantry, seems to be a common for the Central Sudan, where chronic insecurity was also present despite the existence of large Hausa states or Borno (when it was a regional hegemon). 

Palmer's Sudanese Memoirs

Herbert Richmond Palmer 

Although Herbert Richmond Palmer's scholarship on the history of Kanem-Borno and West Africa is horribly outdated and reflects a colonialist bias, one cannot avoid him. Just for his collection of primary sources (oral and textual) and the various translations of Arabic texts he published, his legacy in the study of the "Central Sudan" region of West Africa is strong. Unfortunately, his scholarship owes much to the Hamitic Hypothesis and fundamentally incorrect theories of ancient Elamite and Middle Eastern migration into West Africa that led to the formation of kingdoms like Kanem-Borno. 

His penchant for random linguistic connections based on unproven conclusions also weakens the analysis since he builds a grand theory of Berber or Tuareg origins for all the states of the Sudanic belt (but borrowing from Ibn Khaldun, Muhammad Bello and local West African sources to trace the origins of the "Tuareg" to the Blue Nile, Kordofan, Nubia) that relies on unproven links between Tuareg Tamashek and various words from Kanuri, Teda, Hausa, and other languages. Thus, Palmer sees the various states of precolonial West Africa as the creation of "Barbars" of "white" or "less negroid" origin. Indeed, in some cases entire ethnic groups are reduced to "servile" castes of their Berber conquerors or overlords.

In his defense, however, some of the local chronicles, mahrams, girgams, and oral traditions provided to Palmer by local elites in Borno or elsewhere in Nigeria made similar claims of ancient Near Eastern or Eastern origins in Yemen, the Nile Valley, Baghdad, or beyond. These local sources usually reflect an Islamic genealogy that stresses alleged descent from the kings of Himyar or prominent figures or places in the history of Islam, but one can see how tempting it was for colonial-era scholars like Palmer or Urvoy to interpret these local sources in their own highly racialized way. Where Palmer distinguishes himself from Yves Urvoy, however, is in his attempt at a more "nuanced" interpretation of the various waves of "Barbars" into the "Sudan" through Yemen, Ethiopia, and the Nile Valley. Palmer's Sudanese Memoirs suggests that ancient "Elamites" as well as Phoenicians penetrated the Sahara and Sudan in pre-Islamic times while the later wave of  Tuareg-like rulers from the East represented something with ties to the Nile Valley. 

Despite the lack of evidence for a "Barbar" origin of the Zaghawa, Teda, Kanembu or Kanuri, Palmer problematically borrows what he needs from Ibn Khaldun or 19th century  West African scholars like Muhammad Bello to find the basic "proof" he needs for his theories. Nonetheless, Sudanese Memoirs is mostly local sources and is of great value for some of the mahrams, girgams, chronicles, and traditions that shed light on intricate or provocative points of inquiry. Furthermore, Palmer's rendition of the Kano Chronicle was republished in this collection, always a worthwhile read for those interested in Hausa history.

But for anyone interested in the history of Kanem-Borno and the Sayfawa dynasty, Sudanese Memoirs contains several useful sources and thought-provoking interpretations. For instance, some of the chapters provide a breakdown of Kanembu and Borno tribes and clans, such as the Magumi, N'gal, Mani Kangu, Kuburi, and Kajidi. The various mahrams present a mix of traditions and historical personages that give some details on power relations and land tenure in Kanem-Borno, such as the Mahram of Umme Jilmi from the late 11th century (but probably written down centuries after the events it described). The Tura Mahrams for the Beni Mukhtar for example, allude to the sometimes violent nature of relations between Kawar and Air (The Dirku Tubu and Tuareg of Air) during the time of mai Bikir (c.1184, according to Palmer's chronology), who was almost certainly the mai Abdallah Bakuru of Lange's chronology. If accurate, these Tura mahrams and the Mahram of Umme Jilmi for the descendants of Muhammad b. Mani and the Tura Tuzan suggest the Kawar region and traders of Tubu (and Arab?) origin were very important for Kanem by the late 11th century, and Kanem's rulers were mediators in conflicts among the Saharan populations nearby. This can be corroborated by the Diwan giving several examples of early mais whose mothers came from Kay (Koyam) and Tubu clans. 

A few of the later selections in Sudanese Memoirs also contain some interesting if not verifiable information on the Sayfawa dynasty's political history. Some of the girgams, such as the Saifawa Girgam in possession of Galadima Kashim Biri, provide names that do not appear in the formal Diwan. According to this document, Kashim Biri, who acted as regent during one of the pilgrimages of Ali b. Umar (r.1639-1679), tried to seize the throne but was defeated when Ali returned. His fate was to be blinded and exiled. It is highly likely that this Kashim Biri, son of Umar (perhaps Umar b. Idris, the father of Ali) was the figure behind the revolt in 1667 that resulted in Agadez attacking Borno and unknowingly selling Ali b. Umar's nephew into slavery in the Maghrib. 

The Masbarma family of wazirs and Islamic scholars also merit discussion. The chronological details are unclear in the text,, but wazir Umar Masbarma ibn Uthman ibn Ibrahim's influence on mai Ali b. Muhammad Dunama (Ali Ghaji, the builder of Gazargamo) was said to be so strong that it sparked opposition from other prominent members of the court. This very same Umar Masbarma would later go on to chronicle the exploits of Idris Katagarmabe. The source, unfortunately, gets some things wrong but offers one of our few detailed looks at the Masbarma and their close relationship with the Sayfawa dynasty, which included marriage to Mariam Hafsa, a daughter of Ali b. Muhammad Dunama. What stands out to us is the mention of Mariam Hafsa as well read, raising the question of women and education in precolonial Borno. 

Sadly, the Kindle edition of this text features excessive typos and should be avoided. Of course, if that is the only accessible edition of this important book, then we suggest purchasing it anyway just to have access to the text. Despite all the ideological problems of Palmer and the lack of the original Arabic documents, Sudanese Memoirs is required for the history of Kanem-Borno and Nigeria.