Indigenous Americas Update (2025)

In terms of Indigenous Americas ancestry, the algorithm used by Ancestry still inflates "Taino" ancestry in Puerto Ricans. The overall "Puerto Rico" estimate remained at 9%, but the "Bolivia & Peru" decreased slightly to a fraction of 1%. The appearance of "Central America" was the new aspect of this update. Like the case of indigenous peoples of the Andes, we assume this is capturing some of the component parts of the genetic makeup of the "Tainos." The Central America region as defined by Ancestry seems to emphasize El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua and is possibly related to the "Taino" through ancient pathways or migrations from Central America into South America (or vice-versa). It would be very useful for Ancestry to tell us which indigenous groups from Central and South America they're using here.

Marie the Natchez

Although the fate of the Natchez who made it to Saint Domingue after being sold into slavery is not fully known, some of the survivors do appear in local records of the colony. One case, from the inventory of a deceased planter in 1737, Gilles Bourgouin, lists a Marie priced as 900 livres. This find comes from a Haitian genealogy group on social media, which occasionally shares interesting information, documents, and oral traditions. What is interesting about this case from 1737 is the identification of the enslaved Marie as being of the Natchez nation. She was likely part of the 164 Natchez brought to Le Cap in 1731. Was she a domestic on the habitation of Bourgouin? All we can say is that she was living in Saint Louis du Sud and was around 25 years old in 1737.

Indigenous Passages to Cuba

Jason Yaremko's Indigenous Passages to Cuba, 1515-1900 is a fascinating study of Amerindian migration to colonial Cuba. Focusing on indigenous peoples from Florida, northern New Spain, and the Yucatan, Yaremko highlights the multinational character of Cuba's indigenous past. Besides the local Taino legacy, indigenous peoples from the mainland also contributed to the making of Cuba. Yaremko's study is an early step in this process of uncovering how Cuba, and the Caribbean, have been intimately connected to indigenous peoples from the mainland in ways that shaped Cuban creolization and economic development. 

Calusa, Creek, and others in Spanish Florida frequently traveled to Havana and, in some cases, relocated permanently to the island. Close collaboration and even intermarriage between Cuban fishermen and local Indians along Florida's coast, led to long-lasting ties between indigenes of Florida and largest island in the Antilles. After Florida changed hands to the British, Florida's indigenes who had close ties to Cuba persisted in traveling to the island on their own vessels or the ships of Cuban fishermen. According to Yaremko, these Creek and other Indians came to Cuba in order to trade, pursue diplomatic interests, play the Spanish against the British, and, eventually, relocate to the island. Indeed, some of these populations ended up in Guanabacoa, one of the older, originally Taino towns. 

Besides indigenous peoples from Florida, so-called Apaches and "wild Indians" from the north of New Spain also came to Cuba. Unlike those of Florida, these Apaches or Chichimecos were involuntary migrants. Deported by the Spanish colonial government in the 18th century to pacify the region, their labor was sought in Cuba. Cuba, an increasingly important Spanish colony for its location, defensive fortifications, and growing economy, absorbed these Indians. Their manual and domestic labor was defined differently than the chattel slavery system used for those of African descent. However, the Apaches were brought to Cuba against their will.

The remainder of the book focuses on Yucatecan Maya migration to Cuba. Beginning with 16th century enslavement and the role of the Maya in early Havana's Campeche ward, the Maya have contributed to the multicultural, multinational nature of indigenous Cuba for 500 years. Archaeological and archival sources indicate a Maya presence in post-contact Taino communities, too. However, the Yucatecan Maya migration was not always one of outright slavery. The large-scale importation of Yucatec laborers after the beginning of the Caste War in Mexico was a form of indentured labor. Exploiting the women for domestic labor and the men in a variety of capacities, mainly in westenr Cuba, the indentured Maya migration was subject to various abuses and corruption from officials and private actors in Cuba and Mexico. Nonetheless, the Maya drew on their own ancient traditions and patterns of resistance to challenge their exploitation. Some of their descendants can still be found at Madruga, and we know some Yucatec Maya participated in palenque settlements, petitions, and flight to assert their rights and to honor contracts with employers in Cuba. 

Although one may wonder at times about the utility of the James Scott-inspired desire to find resistance in every aspect of the three aforementioned indigenous experiences in colonial Cuba, the history of non-Taino indigenous peoples in Cuba is an under-appreciated aspect of Cuban history. Moreover, the Cuban case may be illustrative of similar patterns for the Dominican Republic and Puerto Rico. While Cuba may have received more indigenous slaves and voluntary migrants overall than the rest of the Spanish Caribbean, there may be a similar history of Amerindian migration through slavery, convict labor, or voluntary migration. Certainly the case of French Saint Domingue indicates another tale of indigenous passages to the Antilles, albeit mostly as slaves. Despite its obvious differences with Spanish Cuba, clearly there is a larger story of indigenous movement to the Caribbean that is often left out of the picture. Now, if only we had more sources to assist with understanding the complex processes in which the Taino and Indians from other parts of the Americas interacted in the colonial era in Cuba, the Dominican Republic and Puerto Rico, we might learn something new about the multifaceted indigenous legacy. 

Irving Rouse

Although we cannot locate the full documentary this clip is taken from, we thought it still worthwhile to share a clip of Irving Rouse discussing Caribbean archaeology.

"Indiens" in Early Saint-Domingue

Although our attention at the blog has shifted to other topics of concern, we could not resist sharing some brief sources on "Indiens" in colonial Saint-Domingue. In this case, all appear in the late 1690s or early 1700s in Leogane, in baptism and marriage registries. ANOM has digitized registries from various parishes, but these stood out to us in our past "research" on the topic of "Amerindians" in Saint-Domingue. We hope these brief entries contribute to our previous longer article on the subject.

We shall begin with Grégoire Louis, an "Indien" who married a widow, Marie Antoine, in 1696. Both spouses were "Indien" but the origin was only specified for Grégoire Louis. St. Marthe could be a reference to Santa Marta on the Colombian coast in South America. If so, Grégoire Louis may have been an enslaved captive taken during French raids on the Spanish mainland colonies. Unfortunately, this short marriage record does not include information on Grégoire Louis's occupation or possible connections in Leogane parish. One can speculate that he somehow acquired his freedom, and that some "Indien" people sought marriage partners in the same colonial ascriptive racial category.

Our next case, Louis Charles, baptized in 1705, is worth considering. Unfortunately, we are given no record of his origin or background. Despite the small chance he came from India, we shall include Louis Charles as an example of an "Amerindian" in Saint-Domingue. That he was baptized as an adult and specified as "free" tells us that Louis Charles may have been formerly enslaved beginning in his adulthood. Alternatively, he could have never been a slave. Moreover, his godparents included connected people, such as the wife of the governor, Charles Auger. His godfather's occupation as a ship captain might indicate that Louis Charles was a sailor or perhaps some other occupation that brought him into contact with connected individuals. Perhaps he was a free laborer on French ships?

Another Grégoire, but this time a mestif. Baptized in 1701, Grégoire was the child of a "white" and a "free Indian" named Michelle. Identified as a "fils naturel" in this document, we know that his parents were not married. However, his father recognized him as his child, named him after himself, and the race of his godparents was not included. Jeanne Loppez, however, might have been a native of Veracruz, Cartagena, or another Spanish colonial city in the Caribbean region. Perhaps Grégoire's mother also came to the colony from a Spanish possession. While one might think some stigma was attached to mixed-race persons of "Indian" and white origin, perhaps in Saint-Domingue during the early 1700s, "mestizos" escaped much of the discrimination associated with "mulattoes" (the indelible stain of African ancestry). Of course, the reality on the ground is always quite different from what is written on papers, legal codes, and constitutions...

Our last case will be that of another mestive of partial "Indian" origin. Like Grégoire, her father was white, but her mother, Léonarde, was a free Indian. She was their "natural" child, presumably born around 1692 or so. One wonders if her "Indian" mother may have been one of the women taken from French raids on the Yucatan or perhaps what is now Colombia? Or, perhaps, a woman from the Lesser Antilles or North American mainland brought to the island? 

Sadly, most of the sources we have attempted to use to trace "Indiens" in Saint-Domingue were not specific with their origins. Unless specifying Carib or, in the case of Asian Indians, a part of the subcontinent, one must find other ways for trying to trace the birthplace of "Amerindians" in the colony. Clearly, they were present. And the vast majority were from other parts of the Americas, ruling out any continuity from the indigenous peoples of Hispaniola (except for the Spanish part of the island). We here are wondering exactly how many Natchez, Fox, Pawnee, Caribs, and other "Indians" reached Saint Domingue?

Vinland Sagas

Reading Kuneva Kunz's translations of The Saga of the Greenlanders and The Saga of Erik the Red is quite unlike the other sagas. Instead of the very detailed genealogies and tales of feuds and battles in Iceland, Scandinavia or Europe (there's a bit of it, however), these short sagas focus on exploration and settlement of Greenland and part of North America's mainland. The second of the two provides a bit more information on the native societies encountered by the Norse, particularly the trade in pelts for cloth and the regrettable violence. Through this saga we learn that two native boys were taken and baptized, and thus it provides us with the earliest known references to indigenous people who could speak or a European language. The saga, although stressing how the settlers realized the native population's hostility made any long-term residence unwise, hints at possible future ties through this trade in pelts. Perhaps the two indigenous children could have acted as interpreters for Greenland settlers sailing to Vinland. Moreover, archaeologists know about at least one site in Newfoundland that was inhabited for some time, so perhaps relations with the indigenous population improved. Just pure speculation on our part, of course. But interesting to ponder global connections that may have linked the Americas and the rest of the world before 1492. 

Native American DNA

The following is another short post for an anthropology class. Native American DNA was one of my favorite assigned texts, and one I shall likely revisit.

Kim TallBear’s Native American DNA scrutinizes DNA and genetic science in the context of race and indigeneity. According to TallBear, many tribes are increasingly using DNA tests for membership in tribal rolls in addition to blood quantum. With that as a point of departure, the author borrows from feminist Donna Haraway, Aura Simpson’s ethnographic refusal, and Linda Tuwihai Smith’s decolonizing methodologies to unpack the ways in which genetic science perpetuates racialization and white domination. Indeed, TallBear’s study is more of an anthropology of white people, reversing the ethnographic gaze. She also adds nuance to the ways in which blood quantum became part of tribal membership, beginning with the 1887 Dawes act. Despite being impose from above, Indian input on who should be a member shaped how federal agents completed the allotment process. Furthermore, her nuanced discussion of blood as a sign of lineal descent, or genealogic tribalism, helps elucidate why blood quantum persists.

As someone less familiar with current trends in genetics, human migrations studies, and bioanthropology, TallBear’s dissection of those fields was often surprising. The use of knowledge of genetics as well as the ways in which indigenous communities’ views, permission, and epistemologies are not respected was not too much of a surprise, but the use of DNA studies to “prove” Native American ancestry is limited because of the faulty assumptions and racial thinking of scientists and genealogists. For instance, mtDNA or Y-DNA only tracks some of one’s paternal and maternal ancestry, meaning someone could be a member of, for example, the Sioux but a DNA test may not indicate any “Native American DNA.” As TallBear shared, many, including herself, have diverse Native ancestry and many of these groups have also formed close ties to whites and African-Americans over the centuries, thereby rendering genetic testing or gene fetishism problematic. Considering the discourse on indigeneity as the reserve of an untapped or “unmixed” gene pool closer to earlier stages of humanity, in danger of extinction or absorption, TallBear effectively argues for the resurgence of previous theories of race and racial domination. Her most powerful example, the documentary program with a white geneticist interviewing men from Tanzania, Mongolia, and a Native American, illustrate how theories of race and the dominance of European and Western ways of seeing the world permeate genetic science. 

However, one cannot help but wonder how inclusion of Native American communities or perhaps interviews with Natives dis-enrolled because of genetic testing could have shaped TallBear’s work. Without their voices, TallBear is leaving out part of the story while possibly blurring differences in the way Native American groups perceive the issue of genetics and research. And despite her criticism of the use of genetics to turn base indigeneity in biology, I am still a little confused by her treatment of blood quantum here. For TallBear, blood quantum is related to the lineal descent and genealogic tribalism, and many tribes assume the higher the blood degree, the more likely the odds of true affiliation. But does this not continue indigeneity through a biological basis? There is a tension here of essentialism that sounds like DNA and racialization. 

The American Discovery of Europe

Just finished The American Discovery of Europe by Jack D. Forbes. By far, the best thing about this rather speculative text that awaits further confirmation via archaeology is in reversing the usual paradigm of pre-Columbian contact with indigenous peoples of the Americas as agents. Indeed, I love how Forbes reclaims 'Americans' as a term for indigenous people, instead of the less accurate 'Indian.' Moreover, if Forbes is correct about the winds and streams (Gulf Current) favoring indigenous seafarers heading east across the Atlantic rather than the opposite, it would certainly seem likely that indigenous Americans arrived in Europe at various times, although the question of sustained, purposeful contact remains unconfirmed prior to the Norse. If American harpoon points, flora, and peoples had crossed the North Atlantic due to favorable waters and winds prior to Columbus in the North Atlantic, it certainly calls for a revising of the navigational skills of Americans. 

In addition to challenging the traditional Eurocentric (or, for that matter, Afrocentric and Sinocentric) view, Forbes goes to great lengths to show how intercontinental trade and links existed between various centers of civilizations in the pre-Hispanic Caribbean, Mexico/Central America, North America, and South America. And not just in the Atlantic, but also along the Pacific coasts! Contact between the Caribs and Arawaks of the Caribbean for instance, and Mesoamerica is proved by similarities in the ballgame played by both groups, as well as linguistic and trade ties to northern South America (Venezuela and Colombia). Similarities in religion, material culture, and evidence of trade also links Mesoamerica with the Caribbean and North America, more evidence of long-distance trade networks and advanced sailing and seafaring by native peoples. 

In conclusion, the text's weakness relies on the nature of its incomplete evidence, unclear ancient textual and colonial-era sources, and the rather limited knowledge available at the time to the pre-Columbian Americas. It does seem very likely that Americans could have crossed the Atlantic during the Dorset or Thule cultures (the Inuit or "Eskimos"), but as of 2007, the year Forbes published the book, irrefutable evidence has yet to be presented. The strangeness of cocaine and nicotine found in ancient Egyptian mummies and northern European folklore and medieval writings on dark-visaged 'mer-men' may all reveal some incomplete picture of indigenous Americans crossing the Atlantic, but there are still too many gaps to 'prove' it. Nonetheless, Forbes has certainly corrected my erroneous understandings of American navigational ability, links between northern Europe and northeastern America, and the complexity of American civilizations before 1492. 

Manifest Destiny

We miss you, Dave Chappelle.