Thoughts on Manan and Early Kanem

Dierk Lange's reconstruction of a map of the Lake Chad basin based on Ibn Sa'id (from "La région du lac Tchad d’après la géographie d’Ibn Saʿīd. Textes et cartes").

Manan, the earliest known capital of Kanem, remains an enigma. Its exact location remains unknown. Nor is there much information on the nature of this settlement or town from external Arabic sources. Oral traditions in Kanem and Borno shed little light on the matter, too. Revisiting the various sources on Manan, however, suggests its antiquity predated the 10th century. Moreover, by using what we know of later capitals in Kanem and Borno, it may be possible to reconstruct some of the characteristics of Manan. Doing so emphasizes the importance of continuity over time in the annals of Kanem and Borno. Of course, various changes took place over several centuries, but distinct features of the Kanembu, Kanuri, and various peoples living near Lake Chad persisted. In addition, reconsidering Manan as a political capital also requires rethinking what we know of early Kanem and how the consolidation of Kanem under a single dynasty required the unification of many peoples inhabiting the region.

Manan and Early Kanem in Medieval Sources

Naturally, one must begin with the medieval Arabic sources. Most of them are available in the Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History, edited by Levtzion and Hopkins. The first to unambiguously allude to Kanem was al-Ya’qubi in the 800s. According to him, there was a Zaghawa kingdom in Kanem. He wrote, “Their dwellings are huts made of reeds and they have no towns.”[1] It is possible that a settlement later known as Manan already existed in this century, but al-Ya’qubi did not consider it a city due to all its structures being reed huts. Intriguingly, he also described another Zaghawa group, al-HWDN, with a king from the Zaghawa. Then he mentioned an enemy kingdom called Malal, “who hate the king of Kanim.”[2] Malal, ruled by a king called MYWSY, could have been a smaller polity later absorbed into Kanem. The place name, Malal, does recall Manan and, according to one spelling, M.lan.

Besides al-Ya’qubi, the next detailed accounts of Kanem are by al-Muhallabi from the late 900s (quoted by Yaqut). This author reported that the Zaghawa had 2 towns: Manan and Tarazki, both in the first clime at latitude 21 degrees. Yet their houses were still reed huts, including the palace of the king: “Their houses are all reed huts as is also the palace of their king, whom they exalt and worship instead of Allah.”[3] This source is important as the earliest to unambiguously name a city or town of Manan in Kanem. Although the source also expresses the idea of a multiplicity of Zaghawa, it is quite clear that it is Kanem being described. Moreover, a glimpse of how the king’s authority may have been seen and what counted as wealth can be gleaned from the evidence: the king’s wealth was counted in livestock like sheep, cattle, camels and horses. The latter is especially significant due to the importance of horses in Kanem’s military power. The subjects were also said to go naked or wear skins, while the king wore silk and woolen clothes.[4] Unfortunately, there is no clear indication of where Manan was located, but the site must have had access to trade routes through the Sahara and perhaps to the east.

After al-Muhallabi, al-Idrisi wrote about Manan. To this 12^th century geographer, Manan was 12 stages from Tamalma. According to al-Idrisi, “Manan is a small town without industry of any sort and little commerce. Its people breed camels and goats.”[5] This description suggests that Manan was quite small and about 8 days travel from Anjimi (Njimi, the capital of the Islamic Sayfawa rulers). Because he utilized sources from different time periods without reconciling their inconsistencies, one must interpret al-Idrisi cautiously. For instance, he also wrote that Manan was 13 stages away from the Tajuwa “town” which may have been an example of al-Idrisi inventing a town. He also claimed that Manan was where the “governor” of the country lived, who led an army mostly consisting of naked archers. This is a fascinating piece of information, but possibly evidence that al-Idrisi uncritically repeated outdated information. The reference to naked archers also suggests the Haddad, an artisanal caste group in Kanem who were known in much later times as the only people to use the bow and arrow.[6]

Last, but certainly not least, Ibn Sa’id wrote a detailed account of Kanem that drew heavily on the lost work of Ibn Fatima. The description of Kanem is that of the period of Dunama Dibalemi (c. 1210-1248). It is also thanks to Ibn Sa’id that we know Njimi was southeast of Manan. Apparently, the earlier Kanem capital was level with the angle of the Lake (Lake Chad) at longitude 51 degrees, latitude 13 degrees. Manan was specifically said to have been the capital of the pagan ancestors of Kanem’s king (in other words, the Duguwa branch of the Sayfawa). Ibn Sa’id also specifies that to the east of Manan wandered the Zaghawa and to their north, the Akawwar (presumably Teda-Daza groups in Kawar?).[7] Basically, Manan was to the southeast of Kawar (and south of the Tibesti Mountains and Borku) while to its southeast, Njimi was closer to Bahr al-Ghazal (40 miles away from this river). When one considers the higher water levels of Lake Chad in the first millennium of our era and the fact that the Bahr al-Ghazal was consistently flooded in the period from 900-1150, agricultural settlements could have thrived in Kanem.[8] Manan, located closer to Lake Chad than Njimi, would have made sense for a capital since it was closer to the areas from which the ancestors of the Sayfawa migrated: Tibesti, Borku, Kawar. At the time, it would have been able to support farmers, herders, and enjoyed closer proximity to the trans-Saharan routes. Naturally, shifting the capital to Njimi with Islamization may have been partly motivated by a desire for better agricultural land as the population moved toward greater sedentarism.

Considering Manan and Early Kanem in Today’s Scholarship

Moving into the modern era, where did scholars believe was Manan? Borno historian Muhammad Nur Alkali postulated a possible location in the Shitati region of Kanem. Some ambiguity can be seen in his attempt to locate it along the northeastern shores of Lake Chad yet also indicating a general location in the Shitati area.[9] When this region was visited by Nachtigal in the 1870s, it was in a part of Kanem that had become largely the terrain of nomadic groups. By this era, it did not neighbor Lake Chad but included numerous valleys. In total, more than 50 valleys could be found in Shitati, which also featured a natron lake. In Nachtigal’s time, most of the people residing in Shitati were Yuroa, Orabba, and Qadawa, the latter a Kanembu group of the Dibbiri with Daza ancestry. The Dibbiri, of course, appear early on in the Diwan since the mother of the first “black” mai, Salmama, was the son of a Dibbiri woman named Hawa.[10] Besides these aforementioned groups, some Kanembu and Danoa (Haddad) farmers also resided in the area. Most importantly, Nachtigal named a place called Maten el-Milah that was no longer part of Shitati. Instead, it consisted of valleys on the path to Borku.[11] It is likely a coincidence, but Manan was sometimes rendered as Matan in written Arabic sources. In the case of this place, Nachtigal reports that it was an Arabic name (Fountain of Salt) and not an indigenous one of deeper antiquity. In other words, Shitati may have once harbored the early capital of Kanem, but there is no smoking gun to irrefutably demonstrate it. In its favor is its location northwest of Njimi and proximity to Lake Chad, which enjoyed higher water levels over 1000 years ago.

Also worthy of consideration is the theory of H.R. Palmer. Palmer, a towering figure in colonial-era scholarship on Borno, was guilty of contemporary racial theories, shoddy or questionable linguistic connections, and sometimes lacking transparency for his sources. Nonetheless, Palmer did work with local elites to gather traditions or translate various manuscripts, meaning that his work is unavoidable for any serious interest in the history of Borno. In terms of Manan and early Kanem, he even gathered traditions (which appear to contain anachronisms) of Dugu’s alleged southerly campaign.[12] As for Manan, Palmer apparently connects it to the Kulu or Kuluwan region.[13] Since Madan or Malan appears to have been the place where the early mai Fune died, this is consistent with Manan as a royal capital. Against Palmer’s theory, however, is the area of Kuluwan between Kanem and Bagirmi. This is not consistent with medieval Arabic sources placing Manan to the northwest of Njimi. It was also the area where Katur, a successor of Fune, died, according to the Diwan. Ultimately, Palmer’s attempt to link Manan or Matan with the Kuluwan region is not persuasive and contradicted by the Diwan which places Manan (or M.lan) in Kanem.[14]

Manan, Malal, and Early Kanem

Besides Palmer, John Lavers also proposed an intriguing theory for early Kanem with relevance to Manan. Based on the brief description of Kanem by 9^th century author al-Ya’qubi, Lavers has suggested that in c. 872, Kanem had “Zaghawa” rulers but also competed with neighboring “Zaghawa” polities. One of these groups was called Hawdin, and another was Malal. Since the ruler of Malal was called Mayusi or Mai Wasi, and the Zaghawa king Kakarah (according to one reconstruction), is it possible that the rulers of Malal superseded the early rulers of Kanem and became the reigning dynasts?[15] This theory is, of course, based on the assumption that the title of the ruler of Malal was mai and since that is the title used by the kings of Kanem and Borno, Malal’s rulers may have replaced another polity and became the dominant power in what became known as Kanem. Of course, the absence of sufficient evidence limits its probability though it would possibly correlate with the M.lan (or Manan) mentioned in the Diwan as the place where Funa died. Assuming, of course, that M.lan is equivalent to Manan and possibly related to Malal.

This theory is likewise interesting if one accepts Terio’s notion that the Zaghawa king of Kanem named by al-Ya’qubi was actually the title kireh, used by the Zaghawa for kings.[16] Alternatively, the rulers of Malal may have intermarried with the “Zaghawa” or so-called Duguwa in Kanem, since the Diwan presents Dugu as the father of Funa, the mai who allegedly died in M.lan. Furthermore, Zaghawa traditions remember a Zaghawa king of Kanem named Douk Bourmè, presumably the same Dugu recalled in Kanuri girgams and the Diwan.[17] Since dating these figures is a hazardous exercise, one can only tentatively assign dates. If the excessive reign lengths in the Diwan are meant to refer to generations as well as to stretch the dynasty back to Sayf b. Dhi Yazan, we cannot be sure which kings are semi-legendary or when their reigns may have taken place.

Obviously, this makes any endeavor to tie the polities mentioned by al-Ya’qubi with the tentative chronology of Lange problematic. Yet Lange has written, “Un souverain du nom de Funa semble avoir régné au milieu du VIIIe siècle, Arsu à la fin du VIIIe et Katur au milieu du IXe siècle.”[18] If one accepts this mid-700s date for Funa, who died in a place called M.lan that may be Manan, then it is difficult to reconcile with the theory that Malal in the 870s was in conflict with Kanem and ruled by their own independent king. Unless one proposes that Funa died in a war with Malal sometime in the 700s or later traditionists merely fused the two dynastic lines together after their intermarriage, it is difficult to square with Lange’s suggested chronology for these “Duguwa” kings. Nonetheless, the possible Malal kingdom or polity as a rival of Kanem under the “Zaghawa” could be a reference to a fusion of Zaghawa, Teda-Daza, and Kanembu elements that occurred over several centuries, consolidating as a single dynasty with regional supremacy in the 900s or 1000s. Malal may, if the theory has any validity, have been a smaller polity of Kanembu-affiliated people whose capital was changed into Manan.

Concluding Thoughts

Clearly, the location of Manan is a subject of debate. The early medieval sources provide only glimpses of pre-Islamic Kanem and must be used cautiously. Indeed, due to some of these authors never actually seeing Kanem themselves, their reports are not based on direct experience. Nevertheless, they provide a few clues about how early Kanem developed and a rough idea of where Manan could have been.

Subsequent scholars from the colonial and postcolonial eras offered new theories, but without any definitive evidence to pinpoint exactly where Manan was. With the recent confirmation of Njimi’s likely location at Tié, and the general idea that Manan was to the northwest of Njimi, we can more confidently assert that it was closer to Lake Chad. This makes the theory of Muhammad Nur Alkali plausible. The more speculative theory proposed by Lavers could facilitate identifying the placement of Manan, too. Of course, our interpretation of it relies on the questionable assumption that Manan, Malal, and M.lan were designating the same place in the medieval Arabic sources and the Diwan. Such a theory could elucidate why Manan has been forgotten in Kanuri tradition, too.

In spite of its obscurity, Manan’s position as the earliest known capital of Kanem makes it significant in the growing sedentarization and consolidation of a powerful kingdom to the east of Lake Chad by the 9^th and 10^th centuries. While definitive proof remains elusive, the cumulative evidence suggests that Manan was an early political center northwest of Njimi, and possibly linked to the polity of Malal that appeared in the writings of al-Ya’qubi in the 800s. With future archaeological surveys and excavations, a more confident location for Manan can be found which could meaningfully change our perception of the origins of urbanism in Kanem.

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[1] al-Ya’qubi in Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History, 21. Some possible references to the area of Kanem may predate c. 872, but the earlier Arabic authors only use the name Zaghawa. This term may have been used very broadly for many different ethnolinguistic groups living between Nubia and the central lands of Black Africa. It is possible, nonetheless, for some Zaghawa groups to have lived as far west as Kanem in the 9^th century (or earlier) and interacted with groups more closely related to the modern Teda, Daza, Bideyat and Kanembu.

[2] Ibid. John Lavers has also proposed an interesting idea about this polity, although it remains purely conjectural without additional sources.

[3] Ibid., 171. The reference to the house of the king is important, even if it was built with reed and not the monumental type of architecture Kanem and Borno developed after Islamization. The town of Tarazki is also intriguing as it bears a resemble to the later Kanem town of Daniski.

[4] Ibid.

[5] Ibid., 114. Earlier, al-Muhallabi reported that livestock and horses were the wealth of Kanem’s ruler.

[6] For more information on the Haddad, see Henri Carbou, La Région du Tchad et du Ouadaï. This group has been the subject of more than a few unlikely or highly problematic theories. Lange, for instance, has proposed identifying the Haddad or Danoa with the so-called Duguwa dynasty. There is perhaps some basis in this theory due to Haddad oral traditions remembering an early ancestor called Dana and the fact that the Haddad, an Arabic name, are referred to as Duu or Dugu by the Kanembu (See Edouard Conte, Marriage Patterns, Political Change). Contrary to the theory of a Banu Duku or Duguwa origin, the Haddad are remembered in oral traditions as sharing a common descent with the Bulala or perhaps with slaves or servile populations in Kanem during the period of Bulala rule. This theory, of course, requires deeper analysis but Carbou’s traditions of origins for the Haddad seem to only go as far back in time as the Bulala period. Interestingly, Nachtigal himself focused more on the N’Galma Dukko as a group descended from an early prince of the Sayfawa dynasty, perhaps Duku or the so-called “Duguwa” branch. See Sahara and Sudan Vol. 3.

[7] Ibn Sa’id in Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History, 188-189.

[8] For information on the fluctuations in the levels of Lake Chad, see “Floods, Droughts, and Migrations: The Effects of Late Holocene Lake Level Oscillations and Climate Fluctuations on the Settlement and Political History in the Chad Basin” by Karsten Brunk and Detlef Gronenborn in Living with the Lake: Perspectives on History, Culture and Economy of Lake Chad. These authors have argued that the Bahr al-Ghazal was flooded throughout this period and the Sahel zone was semiarid and subhumid. But the Sudanic savannah lands would have been humid. Their theory that the center of early Kanem in c. 900 was the Bodele region is fascinating, but this seems too far north (and east) to help one determine Manan’s probable location.

[9] Muhammad Nur Alkali, Kanem-Borno Under the Sayfawa: A Study of the Origin, Growth and Collapse of a Dynasty, 24, 57. For yet another 20^th century scholar’s theory, see Zeltner’s Pages d’histoire du Kanem, which has suggested Manan was in the Egey region of Kanem.

[10] Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des sultans du (Kānem-)Bornū: Chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808), 70.

[11] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan Vol. III, 65-68.

[12] See H.R. Palmer, Bornu Sahara and Sudan for several examples of similar types of stories, legends or traditions on the kings of Kanem and Borno. Included is one 1751 manuscript which traces the origin of the first Saif to Aghani, a land Palmer claims was the Zaghawa, called Aghna (Arna) by the Kanuri.

[13] H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs Vol. I, 7, 74-75.

[14] Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des sultans du (Kānem-)Bornū: Chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808), 66.

[15] John Lavers, “Kanem and Borno to 1808” in  Groundwork of Nigerian History, 189.  

[16] Abdelkerim Souleyman Terio, Origine et évolution des Zaghawa: Du royaume du Kanem aux Etats modernes (VIIIe-XXIe siècle), 94.

[17] Ibid., 89.

[18] Dierk Lange, Le dīwān des sultans du (Kānem-)Bornū: Chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808), 143. 

Les coutoumes familiares au Kanem

 

Alifa Zezerti

Les coutumes familiales au Kanem by Robert Bouillé is a dated colonial-era study of kinship and social organization in Kanem. Sometimes repetitive, the author focuses on the Kanembu, Buduma,  Fulani, Arab, and Tubu groups in Kanem. Each are distinct but similar, especially in terms of a patriarchal family structure in which wives and daughters were treated unequally. Nonetheless, the author believed that the ethnic diversity in Kanem and inter-ethnic antagonisms made French colonial rule more stable. However, as a strong proponent of rational and stable colonial administration, customary law and practices among Kanem's population required a gradual approach for reforming its population. This meant that slavery, or descendants of slaves, were still very much a part of communities while the Haddad remained an outsider group. Sometimes blood vengeance was still carried out by Tubu or Arab populations. However, with the changes introduced by colonial rule, youths were beginning to show more independence from patriarchal authority while some married women became somewhat more autonomous. Nonetheless, the portrait of the various peoples of Kanem is probably at least partially accurate for how the peoples of the region organized their communities in the 1800s and even earlier, in some instances.

In terms of the alifa based on Mao, Les coutumes familiales au Kanem is not the most detailed. Besides recounting how the French first signed a treaty with the alifa and the pacification of the province, hints of its political and economic structure are largely subdued. The current leader at Mao, Zezerti, was said to be from the Zegbada family. They were supposedly part of the Samarous tribe of its founder's name. His family group was closely aligned with the Mustafa family of Zegbadas who had apparently intermarried with them for around 2 centuries. Zezerti's mother was supposedly from this Mustafa family. Nonetheless, when comparing the genealogical information of the alifas from Landeroin's time to Bouillé, the former listed a "jagata Moustapha" who was the father of an alifa who must have resigned in the early 1800s, Ahmadou Kalli. However, there was an earlier alifa, Moutta Kinguimi, whose "proper" name may have been Moustapha. Is it possible that Zezerti and the Mustapha family represented one lineage group which only effectively occupied the throne in the 19th century, when conflicts between Waday and Borno over control of Kanem (and the Alwad Sulayman) rapidly transformed the political landscape of Kanem? Sadly, Landeroin's Notice historique has little to say about the alifas who reigned before the 19th century. A similar question might be raised about the possible religious status and authority of the alifas before the 20th century. Since Zezerti's grandfather had performed the pilgrimage to Mecca and was renowned for his baraka, Bouillé may have retroactively sought to elucidate this alleged religious/spiritual authority of the dynasty before Zezerti's grandfather in its origin. Intriguinly, Landeroin recorded that the father of Dala Afouno, the first alifa of Kanem, was a Mallam of Magoumi descent. Perhaps descent from an illustrious Islamic scholar or religious leader was part of the dynasty's legitimacy since its inception. 

In terms of Kanem before the fall of the Sayfawa, there are a number of possible hints to the influence of Kanuri groups who came to Kanem after the fall of the Bulala. For instance, the alifas appear to have set up a court with officials often using titles of Borno origin (some undoubtedly began when the Sayfawa ruled in Kanem). Their court also used a system of "fiefs" for some dignitaries and officials and relied on tribute of various types. During the period of Bornoan suzerainty, Kanem also had an institution called the Bit el mal, a sort of public fund that produced food for the poor, gifts to mallams, aided foreigners, and paid masons for building or maintaining mosques. Furthermore, a type of mutual aid practiced by farmers in Kanem, the debdou custom, allowed for Kanembus experiencing misfortune to receive presents of animals, clothes, grain, or money to help. The custom also featured dancing and drums. Whether or not this practice of mutual aid predated the period of the alifas in Mao is unclear, but Bouillé emphasized a Borno origin. 

It would be worthwhile to compare the description of Kanembu social and kinship patterns with those of Borno during the same time (or earlier). It may help establish certain patterns or trends which could have begun in Kanem during the medieval period and were maintained by the Kanuri in Borno. Similarly, it may help elucidate patterns of social change in Kanem under the Bulala and alifa rulers. Naturally, Kanem's landscape differed quite significantly from that of Borno and the region's growing aridity led to some parts being occupied mostly by nomadic groups. Nonetheless, a close examination of family structure, marital patterns, customary law, and land tenure systems could provide possible clues for earlier centuries in the annals of Kanem and Borno. For similar reasons, determining the origin of the Haddad and the interactions between Kanembu and Buduma populations may also shed light on how some aspects of the history of both regions diverged. 

Kanem Under Bulala Rule

Fra Mauro's world map from the 15th century indicates an awareness of the Bulala, labelled Bolala. Although not particularly accurate, the map nonetheless situated "Bolala" near Mergi, Bargemi, and Mandera (Mandara?).

From the late 14th century to the early 17th, the sultanate of Kanem was ruled not by the Sayfawa dynasty whose state had originated there, but by a rival dynasty known as the Bulala, who had driven the Sayfawa westward to Borno. How the Bulala rose to power, how they governed Kanem, and why they eventually relocated eastward to the Lake Fitri region are questions that the available sources address only partially and often contradictorily. Naturally, the origin of the Bulala rulers of Kanem is a topic worthy of close scrutiny. The exact conditions in which the Bulala rulers have been able to seize control of Kanem from the Sayfawa dynasty in the late 14th century, and how they ruled Kanem, are not sufficiently explored topics. Neither are the factors that led to their exodus from Kanem sometime in the 17th century. Some historians, using both oral and written sources from Borno, stress the rise of the Bulala to the east, in the Lake Fitri region. Supposedly, the early Bulala ruling lineage or dynasty claimed descent from either a son of Dunama Dibalemi or a later mai in the late 13th century. Over time, they gradually extended their power from a base in the east before killing a number of Sayfawa maiwa in the second half of the 14th century. Others, however, stress an early Bulala alliance with Shuwa Arabs, particularly the Hemet group, at some point in the 1300s and their ascent to domination of Kanem began with their attacks from the south. Lange, on the other hand, stresses the Bulala usurpation of Kanem does not totally explain the Sayfawa relocation to Borno. Indeed, changes in the environment, ecological factors, and the greater fertility of the land in Borno may have already led to the Sayfawa establishing a stronger base in Borno by the late 13th century. 

And what of Kanem under the suzerainty of the Bulala monarchs and the conditions in which they eventually (re)established their sultanate in the Lake Fitri region? Many scholars and historians, such as H.R. Palmer, Muhammad Nur Alkali, Jean-Claude Zeltner, Remi Dewiere, and Dierk Lange have relied on the Diwan, external Arabic sources such as al-Maqrizi, the chronicles of Idris Alooma’s campaigns written by Ahmad b. Furtu, and oral traditions, girgams, or observations of fired-brick ruin sites in Kanem and the Bahr el-Ghazal regions of Chad to speculate on this question. Scholars drawing on Bulala, Kanembu, and Tunjur traditions also add further details to the poorly understood 16th and 17th centuries in Kanem. Instead of revisiting in excruciating detail the Kanem campaigns of Idris Alooma (or, Idris b. Ali, r. 1564-1596), we believe a more holistic view of the Bulala sultanate in Kanem requires closer examination of Kanembu oral tradition, Bulala tradition, and an attempt at corroboration of various traditions collected from the Bulala, Kanuri, Tunjur, Bagirmi, and Waday states or peoples. Thus, in order to explore the question of Bulala origins, the establishment of a Bulala-ruled sultanate in Kanem, and their eventual decline by the 17th century, we shall endeavor to elucidate these questions through a combination of all the aforementioned sources. It shall be demonstrated that the Bulala sultanate was one which, if not initially of Sayfawa descent, recreated the administrative structure of the Banu Sayf state in Kanem. 

First, one must begin with an example of how problematic oral traditions can be for reconstructing the history of Kanem. The traditions recorded by Landeroin for the Tilho Mission in the beginning of the 20th century, for example, attribute the Sayfawa arrival in Kanem after the Bulala had already ruled the area. According to this body of tradition, the ancient Kanem subjects of the Bulala were the Kanembu, Tomaghera, Kangou, Koubouri, Tsougourti, Djiloas and Bulala.[1] Clearly, Kanembu oral traditions contradict the mainstream narrative of the annals of the Sayfawa dynasty, which establish the origins of the dynasty in medieval Kanem. However, by the 20th century, oral traditions in Kanem appear to have postdated the arrival of the Sayfawa to the era after Bulala rule, likely a reference to the establishment of the alifa at Mao in the 17th century. In addition, tradition attributed the exodus of the Sayfawa to Borno due to the greater fertility of the soil, not Bulala aggression.[2] Since these traditions are countered by earlier written sources (Ahmad b. Furtu’s chronicle, the Diwan, external Arabic sources from the medieval period, the traditions and narratives collected by Heinrich Barth and Gustav Nachtigal), one must interpret them very cautiously when endeavoring to make sense of the history of Kanem.

Another major source from the colonial-era, Henri Carbou, also collected traditions from Kanem and nearby regions of Chad. According to his informants, the Bulala were already mixed with the Hemet Arabs when they chased the Sayfawa out of Kanem.[3] Later, he wrote of the Hemat Arabs as contributing to the formation of the Bulala tribe.[4] However, other Arabs, like the Essela faction of the Salamat, aided Borno against the Sao. To some extent, Carbou’s interpretation of traditions were more accurate than that of the Tilho Mission. For instance, he postdated the arrival of the Bulala sultanate at Yao after the rise of Waday.[5] This is in accordance with other sources for a 17th century date of the Bulala (re)establishment of their base in the Lake Fitri region. Unlike Nachtigal, who wrote of the Bulala as a mixture of the Kouka and Awlad Hemed Arabs, Carbou emphasized a different origin.[6] Instead, the Bulala were a mix of the Kanembu and Hemat Arabs who were defeated by the Tunjur, thereby leading to their invasion of the Lake Fitri region. It is there that the Bulala mixed with the Kuka and Abou Semen.[7] Unfortunately, the inexact genealogies of the Bulala sultans appear to leave many rulers out, but a Sayfawa origin is asserted. Carbou favored an origin from mai Ibrahim b. Dunama’s son, Ali Gatel Magabirna.[8] Carbou, luckily, cites some names of Bulala sultans remembered in Kanembu songs as Hassen, Derbali, and Kalo.[9] Kanembu traditions further recall the Bulala as builders of walls or fortified sites.[10] This appears to be confirmed by Ahmad b. Furtu’s descriptions of fortified sites occupied by the Bulala in the 16th century, such as Gharni Kiyala. Later, Carbou also recorded the Kanembu tradition of a Bulala king named Kalo, who led the resistance to Borno in what must have been the first half of the 16th century.[11] This Kalo was said to have been the father of a Bulala princess named Assakele, where a community of Kanembu still resided in the 20th century in an area named after her.[12] According to Kanembu songs, Assakele was seized by Kalee djerma Melei, a slave official of Borno’s ruler sent to Kanem. A war broke out between the Bulala and Kanem when this djerma seized Kalo’s daughter by force.[13]

Lamentably, it remains quite difficult to historicize and contextualize some of the traditions reported by Carbou. Take the Bulala king, Kalo, for instance. His mother was said to have been named Lafia.[14] The name Lafia appears as a mai named Lefia in H.R. Palmer’s Sudanese Memoirs. But, in Palmer’s sources, Lafia was the father of Jil, who was the father of Anas, who was the father of Salih.[15] Another Bulala sultan, who fought a losing war against Muhammad b. Idris, son of Idris b. Ali (r. 1497-1519), was named in the Diwan as Kaday b. Lafia.[16] Further identification of Lalo may be corroborated in Kanuri traditions of Aissa Kili bint Dunama, said to have been a daughter of the Bulala sultan Dunama b. Salma (r. c.1500-1530).[17] Assuming Idris Alooma’s mother was the daughter of Dunama b. Salma and not the other sons of Salma, who was the father of a Bulala princess remembered in Kanem as Assakele, then it is likely that Dunama b. Salma was in fact Kalo. However, traditions reported in Palmer’s Sudanese Memoirs are contradictory about Idris Alooma’s mother. According to Palmer, Aisa Kili succeeded Ali Gaji and ruled for 7 years. Ali Gaji was said to have married a daughter of the Bulala ruler, Umr. Moreover, Aisa Kili was allegedly a sister of Idris Alooma, and had lived among the Bulala.[18] Idris Alooma’s mother, named Amsa, was said to have been a daughter of Jil ibn Bikoru of the Bulala.[19] According to Lange, Dunama b. Salmama was one of the Bulala kings defeated by the Sayfawa mai, Idris b. Ali (r. c.1497-1519).[20] If so, this agrees with the chronology given by Dewiere (c.1500-1530). As for Aisa Kili, a girgam translated by Palmer listed her as a child of Dunama, and a “princess of the blood.”[21] This same girgam lists the parents of Idris Alooma as Ali and Hamsa, with no indication of Aisa Kili being the mother of Idris. As for contemporary written sources, Ahmad b. Furtu only wrote that Idris Alooma was related to the Bulala by marriage or parentage.[22] The only other source asserting a Bulala origin for Idris Alooma’s mother is Muhammad Nur Alkali, who cited tradition that Idris’s mother was the sister of the Bulala sultan, Abdullahi.[23] Consequently, one is left uncertain about the Aissa Kili who was  held by tradition to be the mother of Idris Alooma yet also remembered as Amsa. 

As the aforementioned accounts of Landeroin, Palmer and Carbou demonstrate, the question of Bulala origins remain an enigma. Early sources from Kanem, particularly the 16th century writer Ahmad b. Furtu clearly identifies the Bulala as attacking Sayfawa mai Dawud from the region of Fitri and Madama.[24] Furtu’s account is based on a lost chronicle from earlier in the 16th century as well as informed oral tradition. Since he lived much closer in time to the events in question than Kanembu or Kanuri informants of the early 1900s, it is perhaps wise to lend greater credence to Furtu’s account. Indeed, some corroboration of it can be found in the Diwan, which lists a number of Sayfawa rulers killed in wars against the Bulala during the late 1300s: Dawud b. Ibrahim, Uthman b. Dawud, Uthman b. Idris, Abu Bakr Liyatu, Sa’id, and Kaday Afnu.[25] This strongly suggests that the traditions recorded by Ahmad b. Furtu are likely correct, and the wars with the Bulala grew in scale during the late 14th century. It is precisely during this period when Umar, who likely reigned from 1382-1387, moved the court to Kagha. As for the earlier origins of the Bulala, a possible hint of an alliance with Arab groups who had recently migrated into the region may be found in a letter to the Mamluk sultan, Barquq, by mai Uthman b. Idris in the early 1390s. According to said letter, the Judham Arabs had pillaged the lands of Borno and apparently took the side of the “enemies” of the Sayfawa, likely the Bulala.[26] Furthermore, al-Maqrizi, writing in the 15th century, wrote of the rulers of Borno waging jihad against Kanem for their apostasy and rebellion.[27] Some have interpreted this as a sign that the Sayfawa rulers were waging war against the Bulala sultans, who may have received support from part of the Kanembu population. This may also be corroborated by Fra Mauro’s mid-15th world map, indicating a place called “Bolala” in an area roughly corresponding to Kanem or its east. This map serves as further indication of some type of Bulala polity in the region of Kanem by the mid-1400s. As for the Arabs mentioned in the letter to Barquq, the Judham Arabs may have included some of the Arab groups said to have been part of the early Bulala coalition. Indeed, according to Carbou, the Bulala were already mixed with the Hemat when they chased the Sayfawa out of Kanem.[28] Even Nachtigal was told by a Bulala sultan that the Bulala were a mixture of the Kuka and Awlad Hemed Arabs.[29] As for their precise ethnic origins, Zeltner has proposed that they may have been related to the Kuka, as they speak a language similar to that of the Kuka, Bablia, Kenga and Medogo.[30] On the other hand, Carbou believed that the Bulala were actually Kanembu and Hemat Arabs who invaded them, were defeated by the Tunjur (thereby leading to their invasion of Fitri) and then mixed with the Kuka and Abou Semen.[31] Nonetheless, this is contradicted by the earlier testimony of Ahmad b. Furtu, who cited traditions of the Bulala attacking Kanem from the east with the peoples of Fitri and Madama. This implies that the Bulala were a distinct group, although they may have included Kanembu elements in their coalition that later conquered Kanem.

What of the alleged Sayfawa origin for the Bulala sultans? Carbou saw their kings as descendants of a son of Ibrahim b. Dunama of Kanem, named Ali Gatel Magabirna.[32] Barth, however, thought the founder of the Bulala dynasty was Djil Shikomeni, said to have been a son of Dunama Dibalemi.[33] Palmer, citing sometimes ambiguous traditions or producing elaborate versions of them in Sudanese Memoirs, offers more detail. According to one tradition, the Bulala of Fitri seized power from Dawud Nikalemi, which is in accordance with Ahmad b. Furtu’s understanding. However, in a Bulala girgam, the Bulala were presented as the son of a daughter of the Borno sultan. The sultan of Kanem (Borno?) then attacked the N’Gizam of Kanem for hosting the Bulala, but failed. This led to a kaygama named Dawud rebelling and ruling N’Gizam and the Bulala.[34] Intriguingly, the Diwan does mention a kaigama called Nikali who engaged in a civil war against Uthman b. Dawud, who only reigned for 9 months (c.1421-1422).[35] Is it conceivable that the kaigama Dawud Nigalemi may be a partially erroneous memory of the Nikali who overthrew Uthman b. Dawud in the tale recorded by Palmer? Further evidence is required, but it does match the portrait of dissension and civil wars among the Sayfawa during the period after Dunama Dibalemi’s reign. Indeed, the Diwan similarly recalls another kaygama, Muhammad, who fought a war against Bir b. Idris (r. 1389-1421).[36] On the other hand, Palmer also wrote of the first Bulala mai being a Lafia, who lived at Kowa Bagale near Njimi. He was said to have moved to Fitri after a war with Dunama Dibalemi, leaving his son Jil, at Bagale.[37] Assuming that Dunama Dibalemi was anachronistically inserted into the narrative, there was indeed a Bulala ruler named Abd al-Jalil, son of Amiya, who killed the Sayfawa king, Dawud, in c.1376. Moreover, Ahmad b. Furtu wrote that there were no Bulala in the days of Dunama Dibalemi, suggesting traditions are anachronistically inserting the illustrious 13th century ruler into the later annals of Sayfawa and Bulala history.[38] Until further evidence is uncovered, it does appear that the Bulala ruling dynasty developed due to the civil wars of the Banu Sayf, eventually establishing themselves as the new masters of Kanem. By the late 19th and early 20th centuries, some of the traditions were possibly garbled or misunderstood by European travelers and colonial officials, whereas new traditions may have “replaced” earlier notions of the history of the Bulala. For instance, Nachtigal was told that the name, Bulala, was derived from a leader named Belal, the first to centralize the Bulala government.[39] Such an etymology seems like an example of a “just-so” popular etymology and lacks the rich details of other traditions tracing the genealogies of the Bulala sultans at Yao. The ambiguity and unanswered questions on the origins of the Bulala sultans is perhaps no surprise given the loss of written sources, relocation of their dynasty to the east, and the attested intermarriage or common parentage with the Sayfawa. 

And what of Kanem under the rule of the Bulala sultans? According to Zeltner, presumably relying on traditions, the Sayfawa rulers of Borno retained control of the entire northern shore of Lake Chad well into the 15th century. After 1460, however, the Bulala ruler Abd al Jalil b. Kade fought Borno over Buluj and 2 other villages.[40] Moreover, Idris Alooma’s grandfather went to war against the Bulala twice, eventually retaking Njimi 122 years after it fell to their rivals.[41] A Bulala sultan named Kaday ibn Abdul Jalil was said to have come to Borno and died at Lada after, allegedly early into the reign of Idris’s successor, Muhammad b. Idris. According to Ahmad b. Furtu, Bulala raids on Borno territory continued into the mid-16th century. In Kanembu tradition, the Bulala sultans were remembered for their fortified sites, too, such as Garni Kiyala, Ikuma and al Agafi.[42] This is perhaps no surprise given their conflicts with the Sayfawa rulers in Borno and ongoing depredations against Borno territory. Nonetheless, the Bulala rulers had close ties with the Banu Sayf. One sultan, Abd Allah ibn Jull, performed the pilgrimage to Mecca with Idris Alooma in 1565. He was described as “not very famous” and part of the suite of the mai.[43] The previously mentioned Aisa Kili, who may have been the mother of Idris Alooma and a Bulala princess, perhaps contributed to close relations between the two royal houses. 

Unfortunately, conflict arose again in the 1570s when Idris Alooma led multiple campaigns against the Bulala sultans. Very detailed accounts of those campaigns written by the chief imam, Ahmad b. Furtu provides the most complete description of Kanem in this era. Thanks to Furtu, we know of some of the Bulala fortified sites or towns. Luckily, Magnavita et al. have also used radiocarbon dating on some sites of fired-brick ruins in Kanem. At least two of the fired-brick sites in a cluster of central Kanem ruin suites were dated to the period between the 1400s to the 1600s, when the Bulala sultans held sway over the region. But, their fired-brick ruins were constructed at the slopes of the dunes and bottoms of depressions, unlike earlier Sayfawa-era sites.[44] In addition, the town of Mao was already an important center in Kanem by the 1570s. The Bulala political capital of the region is not clear, but it would seem that the sultans had managed to form alliances with the Tubu against Borno. Other groups to the east appear to have been under the suzerainty of the Bulala sultans, as Arabs and Kuka from the Fitri region felt compelled to meet with Idris Alooma near the Bahr el Ghazal.[45] This implies that the Bulala sultanate encompassed not just Kanem, but likely parts of the Fitri region and perhaps the northern part of what became the kingdom of Bagirmi in the 1500s.[46] Indeed, Bir b. Idris, a Sayfawa ruler, died in Bagirmi in c.1421.[47] The Bulala influence in the northern part of Bagirmi may have sparked the conflict with the Sayfawa lead to the death of this mai. The Bulala were even remembered in Kawar for one particularly brutal raid in Bilma during the 17th century, probably in the early 1600s, when Bulala forces massacred locals.[48] Intriguingly, Nachtigal recorded a raid from Bagirmi that would have reached Kawar in the 1600s, possibly referring to the same attack if Bagirmi and Bulala forces collaborated in a raid.[49] This same Bagirmi mbang, Burkomanda (r. 1635-1665), had a sister married to the Bulala ruler in Fitri.[50] Ultimately, in the 1400s and 1500s, the Bulala sultans may have held more power than the burgeoning kingdom of Bagirmi while also imposing tribute on lands east of Kanem.

The sultanate in Kanem appears to have maintained practices of the Sayfawa with certain adaptations due to demographic and ecological shifts. In terms of their state’s administrative structure, it appears to have continued the Sayfawa system, with titles like galadima, djerma, yerima, sindilma and more. Such titles still existed among the Bulala in Fitri.[51] It is very likely that the Bulala state managed to impose tribute on parts of the Lake Fitri region, northern Bagirmi, and upon the Kanembu in Kanem for resources. They must have also continued to engage in some degree of trans-Saharan trade through Kawar and perhaps with lands to the east. Within Kanem, their subjects were said to encompass the Tomagheras, Kangus, Koubouri, Tsougourtis, Djiloas, and Bulala.[52] A Kuka population in Gujer may have accompanied the Bulala when they conquered Kanem in the 14th and 15th centuries.[53] Adding further detail is the brief mention of the Bulala by Ahmad Baba of Timbuktu. Writing in response to North Africans about which black population were permissible to enslave, Baba wrote of the Bulala as composed of Muslim Fulani, Shuwa Arabs, and “Sudan” who were sometimes enslaved and sold by Borno.[54] One may surmise that the trona deposits of Foli were also exploited by this point, making salt, trona, livestock, leather and possibly captives probable items of exchange for the economy. Lastly, the Bulala sultans may have played a role in the rise or maintenance of “casted” populations, the Haddad. The common ancestry of some Haddad and the Bulala was still known in the early 20th century.[55] To what extent specific caste-like groups associated with specific types of labor developed in Kanem is unclear, but the Bulala sultans may have played a role in at least continuing it across Kanem.

Another poorly understood aspect of Kanem’s history is the fall of the Bulala sultanate in the region. Many sources concur on attributing its decline to the coming of the Tunjur from Waday. The standard narrative suggests that, following Idris Alooma’s successful campaigns, the Bulala sultans continued to reside in Kanem and likely sent tribute to the Sayfawa mai. However, at some point in the 17th century, after the rise of Waday (likely in the 1630s, according to Nachtigal’s chronology), part of the Tunjur population led by a son of the last Tunjur king, Dawud, migrated west. At some point after the fall of the Bulala sultans in Kanem, Borno sent the first alifa, Dala Afuno, who ruled from Mao. Zeltner, drawing on Gros’s study of Tunjur oral traditions and other sources, believed that the Bulala may have gradually shifted from Kanem due to environmental factors as it became more arid in the 17th century. Furthermore, the Tunjur, who may have begun migrating to Kanem in the 1630s at the earliest, may not have been powerful enough to seriously threaten or unseat the Bulala sultanate.[56] Bulala traditions from the Fitri region shed little further light. A king, Djili Esa Toubou, who had been raised in Bagirmi, was said to have conquered Fitri from the dry Massoa region.[57] This Djili Esa Toubo, or Djil Essa Tubo in Hagenbucher’s spelling, was said to have come to the aid of the Abou Semen against the Kuka and was succeeded by 20 sultans until 1967.[58] This Djil, or Djili, may be equated with the Abd al Jalil mentioned by Palmer as the first Bulala sultan ruling the Kuka at Gao (Yao?).[59] This narrative seems to imply that the Bulala had already left Kanem by the time of Djili Esa Toubo, so possibly in the decades after the rise of Waday and during or after the immigration of the Tunjur in Kanem. In light of the uncertainty caused by the lack of firmer dates for the establishment of Waday, the migration of the Tunjur, the relocation of the Bulala, and Borno sponsoring an alifa at Mao, one can only follow Zeltner’s argument for the Tunjur migration in the 1630s. By 1642, the Dala Afuno of Mao was likely present, probably to restore order in Kanem and ensure the province’s (re)integration in Borno’s sphere of influence.

Undoubtedly, further research must be done to clarify, elaborate, and expand on the period of Bulala domination of Kanem. Sadly, the sources that do exist are Borno-centric or mainly focus on Kanuri traditions. Deeper examination of Kanembu oral traditions and songs may shed further light on the period of Bulala rule. Nonetheless, one can corroborate aspects of the traditional history through a multiplicity of sources. They are not enough to reconstitute more of Kanem’s history in the period, but they are revealing. The Bulala appear to have usurped control of Kanem by the late 14th century, and their state likely continued practices of the Sayfawa in administrative structure. The state likely controlled the Fitri region (however loosely) and perhaps parts of the northern section of Bagirmi. It is similarly likely that the Bulala sultans may have sponsored the migration of the Kuka into Gujer as well as some of the Shuwa Arabs. Their state may have reinforced or sponsored caste lineage groups for specific types of labor and forging. Despite their recurring conflicts with the Sayfawa maiwa in Borno, close relations were ensured through marriage alliances and even joint pilgrimages to Mecca. When relations were cordial or not disrupted by Bulala raids or refusal to send tribute, they likely enjoyed much local autonomy. It is our hope that with more surveying in Kanem and dating of sites with brick walls or ruins, the era of Bulala hegemony may receive further attention.

________________

[1] Moïse Landeroin, “Notice Historique,” in Documents scientifiques de la Mission Tilho, 1906-1909, 388.

[2] Ibid, 354. 

[3] Henri Carbou, La région du Tchad et du Ouadai II, 34.

[4] Ibid, 51.

[5] Carbou, La région du Tchad I, 292.

[6] Ibid, 300. 

[7] Ibid, 301.

[8] Ibid, 18.

[9] Ibid, 303.

[10] Ibid, 305.

[11] Ibid, 306.

[12] Ibid, 37. 

[13] Ibid, 44. 

[14] Henri Carbou, La région du Tchad, II, 47. 

[15] H.R. Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs III, 29.

[16] Lange, Diwan, 79.

[17] Rémi Dewière, Du lac Tchad à la Mecque, 379.

[18] Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs II, 42-43. 

[19] Ibid, 44. 

[20] Lange, Diwan, 79. 

[21] Palmer, “The Bornu Girgam,”79.

[22] Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs I, 19.

[23] Muhammad Nur Alkali, Kanem-Borno Under the Sayfawa, 200. 

[24] Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs I, 17. 

[25] Lange, Diwan, 76-77.

[26] Yusufu Bala Usman (editor), Studies in the History of Pre-Colonial Borno, 165.

[27] Lange, “L’eviction des Sefuwa du Kanem,” 327.

[28] Carbou, La région du Tchad II, 34. 

[29] Carbou, La région du Tchad I, 300.

[30] Jean-Claude Zeltner, Pages d’Histoire du Kanem, pays tchadien, 107. 

[31] Carbou, La région du Tchad I, 301.

[32] Ibid, 18. 

[33] Lange, Diwan, 76.

[34] Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs II, 32. 

[35] Lange, Diwan, 77. 

[36] Ibid.

[37] Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs III, 28-29. 

[38] Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs I, 50.

[39] Gustav Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan IV, 34.

[40] Zeltner, 111. 

[41] Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs I, 17.

[42] Zeltner, 110. 

[43] Collet Hadrien, “Royal Pilgrims from Takrūr According to ʿAbd al-Qādir al-Jazīrī (12th–16th Century),”193.

[44] Carlos Magnavita, “New Luminescence and Radiocarbon Dates for Kanem-Borno Fired-Brick Elite Sites in Kanem, Chad: Bayesian Chronological Modelling of Settlement Construction,” 12.

[45] Zeltner, 151.

[46] Hints of possible Bulala rule in the north of the future kingdom of Bagirmi appear in Nachtigal’s account of Bagirmi history. Carbou claims it was actually the Kuka who imposed tribute on the north of Bagirmi (La région du Tchad I, 298).

[47] Lange, Diwan, 77.

[48] Maurice Abadie, La colonie du Niger, 133.

[49] Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan III, 405.

[50] Ibid.

[51] Hagenbucher, “Notes sur les Bilala du Fitri,” 50.

[52] Landeroin, 388.

[53] Nachtigal, Sahara and Sudan III, 74.

[54] Ahmad Baba, Miʻrāj al-ṣuʻūd,  48.

[55] Carbou, La région du Tchad I, 52.

[56] Zeltner, 192-193. 

[57] Carbou, La region du Tchad I, 308.

[58] Hagenbucher, 50.

[59] Palmer, Sudanese Memoirs II, 30.

Rambling on Pre-Islamic Kanem Religion

Although the extant source materials are far from ideal, it is possible to reconstruct the pre-Islamic foundations of early Kanem. As a major Central Sudanic state that was already in existence by the 9th century, when its religion was described as worship of kings, attempting to recover the "pagan" foundations of the state can shed light on its early origins. Indeed, as a state with strong links with clan names that appear among Teda, Daza, Kanembu and Kanuri peoples, the origins of Kanem seem to be significantly correlated with the non-Islamic, ancient roots of these related peoples. The Zaghawa and Bideyat, also part of this larger world of Central Saharan and Sahelian "black" nomads and semi-nomads, provide even further evidence of early Kanem's foundations, particularly in the relevance of the king in ceremonis tied to rain and agriculture.

Unfortunately, the medieval Arabic sources are light on details of pre-Islamic Kanem. Written off as pagans by al-Bakri and described as worshippers of their monarchs by al-Muhallabi, early Kanem's "paganism" did not interest Muslim visitors. However, when reading later ethnographies of the Zaghawa and their pre-Islamic rituals, one may begin to see what exactly al-Muhallabi and others were describing. To be specific, it is unlikely that the people of Kanem actually worshipped the mai or king (kireh, or kakireh). Instead, royal authority was tied to rituals reflecting a larger cosmovision or worldview. The ancestors and spirits needed to receive offerings (or, sadaga, Chappelle 87). Kingship among the Zaghawa studied by Tubiana or Kanem as described by al-Muhallabi was a position closely linked to indigenous religious practices. In early Kanem, the mai and the royal lineage were necessary in rituals that led to rain and bountifulness. Without their position as sacral rulers who could lead the necessary rituals and offerings, the people may face droughts, poor harvests, famine, and other turmoil. It is in this way that the subjects of the early mais of Kanem venerated their king, who was believed to be the source of life, death, illness or good health (Hopkins and Levtzion 171). 

Therefore, it is unlikely that the kings of Kanem itself were actually the object of worship. The sacral nature of their position and their appearance in rituals designed to communicate with spirits perhaps led to the view of the king as semidivine or associated with mystical and spiritual authority. By virtue of their special position and the political and ceremonial demands, the king must be separate from the commoners or rest of society. This led to more developed forms of ritual seclusion of the king and veneration of the royal lineage. Indeed, in Borno sacrifices were offered to ancestors and alms given while the king was ritually secluded (Bjorkelo 33). One can even detect echoes of this among the Islamic Sayfawa dynasty for centuries after al-Yaqubi and al-Muhallabi wrote of Kanem. Indeed, the interest of the Sayfawa mais in performing the pilgrimage and Islamic scholarship likely resonated with pre-Islamic beliefs of the mai's position being rooted in sacral patterns. For this reason, the kings of Kanem were often ritually secluded, endeavored to avoid be seen eating, and made appearances as specific festivals or public celebrations. Indeed, Borno natives enslaved in Saint Domingue reported to Descourtilz that the mai of Borno never left the palace and those who dared to look directly at him were executed (Descourtilz 146). Remarkably, al-Umari in the 14th century also reported on rare public appearances of the mais of Kanem, who only appeared during 2 festivals (Hopkins and Levtzion 260). Consequently, Islam may have not represented so much of a rupture to this process as it could have been incorporated into "traditional" patterns of kingship established in ancient Kanem.

In addition to the ritual seclusion of kings in Kanem (and Borno under the Sayfawa), the specific reverence attached to ancestors and remembering clan affiliations through maternal lines may have been an additional remnant of pre-Islamic Kanem. According to Abraham Rosman's analysis of Kanuri social structure, clans were once very significant in the history of the Kanuri people. Kanuri were divided into jili with distinctive facial scars. Each jili had a common ancestor and a head appointed by the mai to collect taxes (Rosman 93). This system of clans and clan sub-groups, organized patrilineally but also emphasizing the maternal clan, may have been important to the ancestors of the Kanuri if they did not marry within the same clan If early clans among the ancestors of the Kanuri were similar to those observed among the Tubu and Zaghawa, then clan founders would have been of great importance for ancestral veneration. Specific clan taboos, areas for offerings, and even animals associated with the clan founder could have been major concerns in early Kanem (Chapelle 362). The mai, or head of the senior lineage and clan group, would have been at the zenith of clan leaders whose marriage alliances with other clans brought some degree of centralization and common investment from each one. The spread of these clans into Kanem, Borno and even other areas like the Tibetsi and Kawar, must have, even if fabricated in some cases, brought a degree of unity and shared belief in a shared origin defined by similar ceremonial offerings to ancestors. Women and the clan of the queen mothers of Kanem must have been important for this reason, or at least important enough to be recalled by the later editors of the Diwan for the early centuries of Kanem.

An instance of the significance of ancestral veneration and sacrifice can be found in Idris b. Ali's campaigns in Kanem. While campaigning against the Bulala,  Idris b. Ali stopped to pray at the tombs of previous Sayfawa rulers near Njimi. Although the prayers Idris b. Ali recited for his ancestors were Islamic in nature, ethnographic work on the Teda and Daza also include special reverence tied to the graves of ancestors. In addition, Idris b. Ali then gave alms and cattle after the Quran was recited at his ancestors' graves in Njimi. Through commemorating and making offerings to ancestors, one also asks for their intercession. The past rulers of the Sayfawa dynasty and the specific clans of their maternal ancestors points to the possible role of clan intermarriage with forging alliances among the various Teda, Daza, Zaghawa, Kanembu, and Kanuri groups who comprised the population of Kanem. Each clan would have been linked to ruling dynasty through intermarriage, rituals, taboos and ceremonies that brought them to the royal court and created bonds through offerings. Manan, the "pagan" capital of Kanem, possibly featured a stream, grotto, or spiritually significant place for offerings. It is likely that a form of divination ceremony took place at caves, the kurkuri of the Daju and Zaghawa mentioned by Palmer (in Bornu Sahara and Sudan 212). It is also possible that specific clans, such as the Tomagheras and others mentioned in the Diwan, may have had names derived from a wadi, or an animal believed to have assisted the clan founder. The clans could have identified their ancestor or founder with a mountain, tree, or even serpent (Tubiana 16). If so, there may have been specific clans associated with specific roles in rituals involving the king (Tubiana 45). 

The example of the rain ceremony among the Zaghawa, for instance, brought together members of various Zaghawa sub-groups and clans to a spiritually significant place for a ceremony that included the offering to a spirit and ritual feasting. A similar practice was also observed among the Keira sultans of Darfur and the rulers of Wadai, states which were also influenced by Kanem-Borno. Indeed, something similar was likely practiced in Borno, too. Muhammad Bello's letters with al-Kanemi accuses the Muslims of Borno of shirk, as they performed sacrifices at rivers and possibly even sacrificed a virgin in a river (Bello, 72). While these practices might reflect some of the pre-Islamic beliefs of Buduma, Marghi, Kotoko and "Sao peoples" who initially resisted the Sayfawa, they also resemble those practiced among the Teda, Daza, and Zaghawa. Thus, the alleged worship or sacrifices to idols in trees and rivers could have also been a remnant of Teda, Daza, and pre-Islamic Kanuri beliefs. Indeed, even if the improper practices written of by Muhammad Bello were exaggerated or perhaps a product of indigenous populations living near Borno who gradually adopted Islam, the continuity of ritual seclusion among the mais suggests a strong link to the pre-Islamic past. Yet it would be intriguing to study the words for God among the neighbors of the Kanuri to establish the origin of ramabe, a term which may have been the original Kanuri word for God (Koelle 275).  In light of these considerations, perhaps for reasons of ritual seclusion and sacred places more so than other factors, Idris b. Ali's mother had the brick mosque and palace at Gambaru constructed for his use. Njimi in Kanem, the capital after Manan, also used fired-brick for constructions that clearly designated the area of the mai as distinct.

Addressing the issue of the mune may further elucidate the matter at hand. The mune, often presented as a pagan relic that, once opened or destroyed by Dunama Dibalemi, led to dissolution and civil war among the Sayfawa (which certainly was common enough in 13th and 14th century Kanem as civil wars, assassinations, deposed mais, usurpers, and conflict with the Bulala and Sao indicate), presents a number of historical questions. Palmer, whose Sudanese Memoirs is an important yet problematic source on Borno, mentions the Zaghawa of Wadai referring to the Quran covered in skins as Mani. Moreover, the "pagan" Beli and Zaghawa allegedly believed mani was a ram stored in a cave. Even though one must use Palmer very carefully, the mune of Kanem was likely something derived from pre-Islamic beliefs yet redefined or adapted to fit Islam. Thus, Ahmad b. Furtu described the mune as something wrapped up and vital to the success of the Sayfawa. Indeed, our Bornoan chronicler compared it to the Ark of the Covenant. Thus, opening or destroying the mune was perceived by a 16th century Borno intellectual as un-Islamic. This is a testament to the degree to which pre-Islamic Kanem practices were capable of adaption to new religious and political paradigms. The mune, from pre-Islamic Kanem to the Muslims of the Sayfawa, was a talisman or highly charged spiritual object capable of reinterpretation through Islamic lens. According to Muhammad Yanbu, the mune was also carried into army and therefore associated with the military successes of the mais (Bobboyi 87).

Although there is inherent danger in relying too heavily on 20th century ethnographic studies of the Zaghawa and Tubu peoples, their ethnographic present likely illuminates aspects of early Kanem. After all, Islamization among the Tubu and Zaghawa is a late phenomenon, and they appear to have been closely linked to the major clans that contributed to the formation of Kanem. Thus, their practices of sadaga or offerings, veneration of ancestors, practice of clan totems and taboos, and belief in the centrality of the king in specific rituals tied to rain and agriculture are probable indicators of what early Kanem looked like. Thus, the early kings of Kanem were probably not objects of worship of their subjects. However, their position was closely linked to spiritual power or contact with ancestors and spirits that required offerings. Through ritual seclusion and the maintenance of specific ceremonies of rain-making or, in the case of Darfur, a festival in which the king physically engaged in a sowing festival, the kings of Kanem were the ritual center of the state. Marriages with other clans must have further cemented the unification around an early polity as other clans would have contributed participants in important state ceremonies. Early Kanem's conversion to Islam was not necessarily seen as disruptive to this "traditional" order as Islam and its message of a universal God could have been used to buttress the belief in the king's sacral powers. Thus, the mais could have continued to venerate ancestors, maintain some of the pre-Islamic customs, and incorporate Islamic scholarship and pilgrimage into their toolbelt of spiritual (and supernatural) power. Even after conversion and despite the resistance of some Tubu and Zaghawa to Islam, the maintenance of clan identities and traditions, remembered through oral history, written genealogies and chronicles, must have contributed to some degree of common identity and investment in the Sayfawa state from its core.

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