Frank Guridy on African-Americans and Afro-Cubans

Check out this fascinating interview with Frank Guridy on African-American and Afro-Cuban relations. The importance of Tuskegee, transnational racial solidarity, Langston Hughes and the Harlem Renaissance's connections to Afro-Cubans (poetry, music), and even unexpected ways for Afro-Puerto Ricans to assert their rights are mentioned. I am dying to read more of Guridy's perspective on why Afro-Puerto Ricans were less likely to foreground their race in political struggles for equality (as in civil rights, race-based organizing). The ways in which the Garveyite movement also shaped Afro-Cubans is also alluded to as an important movement for the African Diaspora in Cuba, the Anglophone Caribbean, and African-Americans.

The Beauty of Ryco Jazz

From Congo-Brazzaville to the French Caribbean, enjoy Ryco Jazz! Their Congolese 'rumba' is thoroughly rooted in the Cuban son and the Afro-Caribbean music of the Caribbean, so it's magical to hear their recordings from their relocation in the French Caribbean. Check out the following songs:

1. "Tu bois beaucoup" is jazzy, Cuban-sounding, proudly affirming a Creole identity, and in every conceivable way classic.

2. "Kumbele" is a classic recorded earlier by Les Bantous de la Capitale, a band from Congo-Brazzaville.

3. "Marie Jose (Merengue Scoubidou)"

4. "Bana Ryco"

5. "Wachi Wara"

6. "Josephine Mama"

Merengue: Dominican Music and Dominican Identity

After several months into my merengue 'phase,' I've finally read Paul Austerlitz's book on the merengue. I was a little disappointed by the text's brevity (under 200 pages), but it's a useful introduction to a complex music genre with an extensive history. As a 'national' music of the Dominican Republic that reflects African and European influences, one could research endlessly the various forms of merengue, how it relates to Dominican ideas of race, class, national identity, influences from neighboring Haiti, or the broader Caribbean world, but Austerlitz's book functions as an introductory text that barely scratches the surface. He fortunately does examine how the Trujillato exploited the merengue as propaganda and as part of a nationalistic project, as well as the various phases and influences on merengue music (US jazz during the occupation from 1916-1924, rock and salsa on pop merengue of the 1960s-present, the 19th century influences of contredanse, Afro-Dominican palo drumming and ritual music, the influences of Haitian and Afro-Caribbean immigrants, the increasingly important role of accordion in saxophone in early merengue tipico of the Cibao during the late 19th century and early 20th century, etc). 

Austerlitz also provides a very brief overview of Dominican history, from colonial Spanish Santo Domingo, the importance of slavery and racial mixing, the caudillos of the 19th century (Santana, Baez, Heureaux, Arias), northern imperialism (from the US, Germany, Spain), the preeminence of the Cibao as the greatest region of the country due to it possessing a larger 'white' population, Trujillo's rise to power (1930-1961), political centralization, cult of personality, and the transnational communities of merengue that linked Latinos in New York with developments in music and politics in the DR, etc. We learn that merengue of the Cibao, looked down upon by Dominican elites, became a national 'music' through Trujillo and his brother, who both patronized musicians (such as Luis Alberti, Lora, Trio Reynoso, Antonio Morel) and controlled the music industry until the 1960s, when rock influences and pro-democratic merengue (best represented by Johnny Ventura) paved the way for a 'freer' society) paved the way for true 'pop' music and commercialization unhindered by a dictator's family monopoly of the nation's industries. 

Of course, Austerlitz also clearly and expertly demonstrates how all the contradictions of Trujillo's life and regime were emblematic of the Dominican nation, such as conflicted racial identity that denied the omnipresent Afro-Dominican and Afro-Caribbean influences from within and externally, from Haiti, the obvious African influences in Dominican religious practices and music, including all forms of merengue, anti-Vodou laws passed under Trujillo while he himself continued to observe them, and massacres of Haitians in 1937 while Trujillo and many Afro-Dominicans have Haitian ancestry. In addition, Trujillo himself bridged the divide between merengue tipico and orchestrated merengue that reflected stronger US jazz influences and appealed to different classes of Dominican society because of his relationships and patronage (or that of his brother, Petan) of musicians such as Luis Alberti, Joseito Mateo, Trio Reynoso, and others who composed Trujilloist merengues that celebrated el Jefe. Thus, while Trujillo and even some merengueros denied the African influences on merengue, Vodou and Afro-Dominican musical practices and the Afro-Caribbean cinquillo and instrumentation were always part of the merengue tradition, which was a bridge between secular and ritual music of the Afro-Catholic countryside and barrios. Joseito Mateo, Johnny Ventura, and others, such as Guandulito, sang songs that recalled that African influence (examples would be "Negrito del Batey" and other songs that hinted at Vodou practices, black sugarcane workers in the batey, and regional variations of merengue, such as pale echao. 

While also receiving influences from salsa, Haitian music (Wilfrido Vargas is great example, or Johnny Ventura absorbing rock and US music dance and performance styles, or covering Haitian songs like "Bobine"), and changing over time (dropping accordions in pop merengue and using the saxophone to replace that sound completely, while also speeding up the temple, as in this example), merengue went from a genre that in the 19th century was heard in different Caribbean locales (Puerto Rico, Haiti, DR, Venezuela, Colombia) to becoming a unique international symbol of the Dominican Republic. The genre's simple partner dance, double entendres ("El Jarro Pichao" is one great song exemplifying that trend, here recorded by Angel Viloria, a Dominican merenguero who combined the orchestrated merengue sounds of Alberti with the tipico sound of the Cibao in Nueva York while also becoming extremely popular and influential in Haitian music with his jaleos), light-hearted fun, and new sound became THE popular Latin dance music for Latinos in New York, Puerto Ricans, and throughout the Americas (Austerlitz quotes a Puerto Rican who claimed the merengue as a "Puerto Rican" thing because of its popularity in the island and NYC, especially after the decline of salsa. In addition, the growth of the Dominican diaspora after the fall of Trujillo (particularly in New York) led to a rise in merengue groups in the US as well as the merengue as a 'national' music that Dominican-Americans listened to as an expression of a specifically Dominican culture. 

Where I wish Austerlitz could have gone further in the story of Dominican music is more extensive coverage of bachata, which appears to me to be a more lower-class music that grew after the popularity of Cuban bolero in the DR. His commentary on Juan Luis Guerra and recent developments in merengue are far less interesting to me personally than, say, the early origins of merengue (which are never adequately addressed, and little to nothing is said about Juan Bautista Alfonseca except that "Juana Quilina" is attributed to him) or how merengue was both shaped by and shaped Haitian music. Furthermore, anyone seeking extensive analysis of Haitian-Dominican relations, or detailed examination of the question of race in Dominican intellectual and social history would be better off reading Silvio Torres-Saillant. Furthermore, Austerlitz does not go into the specifics of Afro-Dominican ritual drumming or music, which I suppose one could counteract with Afro Pop's special on the subject, but is still not quite the same as an academic text covering such material. Perhaps my disappointment is really due to Austerlitz not writing about the entirety of Dominican popular music, which Gage Averill did so admirably in the 1990s. 

In spite of its flaws and shortcomings as an introductory text meant to be accessible for mainstream audiences, Austerlitz wrote an entertaining and interesting overview of an important Afro-Caribbean musical genre that I have for so long overlooked. This book is more than worth one's time for a useful and quick read on merengue and how it relates to Dominican identity. 

Danzas from Daniel Santos and Julita Ross

Santos sings some stately danzas de Puerto Rico. I like his approach, using Afro-Caribbean hand percussion. It's quite different from the style and accompaniment of Julita Ross, whose voice I adore, but lacks characteristically Afro-Caribbean instrumentation. Indeed, the danza is the most "European" of Puerto Rican genres, but check out "Amor Perdido." Regardless, both are great in their own ways, and Santos I like even more for singing some Haitian tunes, such as "Carolina Acao." Ross's "Odiame" is also quite good, feautring some hand percussion and less rooted in the European-influenced orchestras of the past. Indeed, there is a touch of jazz!

While you're at it, enjoy "Baranoa" by Pedro Laza y sus Pelayeros, which sounds a lot like Angel Viloria's music to my ears. I need to keep expanding my knowledge of older Colombian coastal groups and Mexican music from this era in Latin America, too. Oh, and don't forget Angel Viloria's "Rosaura." I am not sure what draws me to Angel Viloria y Su Conjunto, but the band's horns are infectious, even with the accordion. 

Bebo Valdes at the Intersection of Cuba and Haiti

Unearthed a gem of Haitian-inspired Cuban music by the legendary pianist and bandleader, Bebo Valdes. He spent some time in Haiti and recorded a Haitian meringue I blogged about in the past but also recorded this "Hot in Haiti" which sounds so much like 1950s and early 1960s Haitian kompa. Valdes spent some time in Haiti in the 1940s and clearly never quite forgot the intricacies of the Haitian meringue and the particularly repetitive, percussive brass essential to the music. Nevertheless, Valdes retains a uniquely Cuban solo voice for the band's horns, US jazz influences, and a little percussion solo. 

Check out "Merengue A La Moore." which is similar to "Hot in Haiti" for illustrating how adept Valdes was in fusing his knowledge of Haitian music with his Cuban base. Indeed, this music is fascinating for showing how musical influences flowed, surprisinglyh, from Haiti to Cuba in the 1950s despite the overwhelming influence of Cuban music in Haiti and the rest of the Caribbean and Africa during this period. In the spirit of encouraging further pan-Caribbean musical collaborations, enjoy a stirring tribute to a key figure in the development of Haitian music during La Belle Epoque, Issa El Saieh! Rest in peace, Valdes and Saieh. 

African America vs. African Canada

Contrary to Ishmael Reed's Flight to Canada perhaps leading one to think of the nation as a heaven for African-Americans, Canada and the US share a similar black-white inequality gap, despite the former's history of providing safe haven to runaway American slaves and the absence of Jim Crow policies. An amazing essay, "Black Canadians and black Americans: racial income inequality in comparative perspective" Paul Attewell , Philip Kasinitz & Kathleen Dunn provides some useful data based on income distribution. Although Blacks in both states share a broadly inferior income vs. whites, Canada's black-white gap is a little better, despite the study's authors finding that, once one removes controls, the gap is essentially the same. Interestingly, the aforementioned authors found that third or more generation Black Canadians, like African-American descendants of US slaves, shared a similarly lower educational profile and income than third or more generation whites. Like Afro-Caribbean and other Black immigrants in the US, however, first and second generation Afro-Canadians (overwhelmingly descendants of Anglophone Afro-Caribbean immigrants as well as Haitians and Africans) fare much better than third generation or more Blacks. They also disprove downward assimilation theory for second-generation blacks of Caribbean/African immigrant heritages in both the US and Canada.

Caribbean Migration to the US

"New" Immigrants and Ethnic Communities in New York, 1990

According to this, Afro-Caribbeans "do better" than Dominicans yet trail behind Asian Indian and somewhat behind Cubans when living in suburbs of New York, according to data from 1990. Although by and large the Afro-Caribbean group is far more likely to speak English only and therefore presumably have better chances of upward social mobility, they're behind Asian Indian immigrants. With the opening of immigration laws after 1965, Asians, Africans, Latin Americans, and Afro-Caribbean immigrants have been able to establish ethnic enclaves, neigborhoods, and even their own suburban communities in metropolitan New York. The Dominicans, as a group of African descent and lacking proficiency in English, are likely on the receiving ends of anti-black prejudice and anti-Latino attitudes and may find more difficulty securing upward social mobility compared to Afro-Caribbeans, who, though also of African descent, include mostly Anglophone peoples. However, the Afro-Caribbean group includes groups like Haitians, who, like Dominicans, are not English-speakers and are less likely to come to the US with a college degree or skills like other Caribbean immigrants from Trinidad, Jamaica, or Guyana. The Cuban group, like Dominicans, are Spanish-speakers, but because the majority of Cubans in the New York metro area are likely "white" or of European descent, their access to racial privilege and ability to assimilate faster into white New York and its environs gives them an advantage of darker-skinned Dominicans. As for Asian Indians, the "most successful" group in terms of poverty rates and high occupation status, their status likely reflects a greater proportion of the population coming from South Asia with specialized degrees and gaining high status jobs. However, in terms of suburbanized Afro-Caribbeans, Cubans, and Asian Indians living in neighborhoods not dominated by their own race (likely mostly white suburban areas), Asian Indians are only doing better than Cubans and Afro-Caribbean groups by around 6000 and 9000 dollars more in median household income. In order to gain a better idea of differences in income and class between the groups, one must uncover the working status of two-parent households and then do intergenerational studies of the 2nd and 3rd generations of each group.