al-Maghili and The Obligations of Princes

Although it is a dated translation, Baldwin's The Obligations of Princes: An Essay on Moslem Kingship is one of the more accessible translations of al-Maghili's treatise on politics. Written for the ruler of Kano, Muhammad Rumfa (r. 1463-1499) when al-Maghili lived in Kano, Taj al- Din fi ma Yajib 'ala l- Muluk shows how the influential North African scholar conceived of an ideal Islamic state. Throughout the short treatise, al-Maghili focuses on the role of the king or sultan as a force of justice who seeks to rule in a way to support the spiritual and material well-being of their subjects. An essential refrain throughout the text is translated by Baldwin, "The veiling of the king from his subjects is the source of all mischief" (p. 7). Throughout several short chapters, the reader is reminded of this. 

Since the question of how to rule justly was a central aim, al-Maghili's account gives a number of directives to Rumfa on how a king should rule. As previously mentioned, a king must not veil himself from his subjects as this is the source of all mischief. Indeed, "God has not invested you with power that you may lord it over your subjects and dominate them; He has put you in authority only to foster their spiritual and material well-being." In order to avoid that pitfall, a ruler must "Manifest your love of what is excellent, and of worthy people; show your hatred of corruption and corrupt people" (7). And while a prince is allowed to adorn their person and court, they must not exceed what is acceptable for men or reduce their treasury. In other words, the king can and will look "the part" through lavish clothes, courts, and jewelry. But, there must be moderation so that kings will not abuse the treasury. Muhammad Rumfa appears to have followed this through his own lifestyle.

Besides, these aforementioned injunctions, al-Maghili offers a number of reasonable guidance on administration, the conduct of war, and the duties of the prince in these spheres. A king should always have a guard at hand and also endeavor to use guile rather than outright war when feasible. Princes must be skeptical of those who come bearing presents and to forfeit strongholds they cannot hold. These suggest that an ideal ruler must know how to operate a state in which military matters require diplomacy and guile. Furthermore, overexpansion or attempting to make gains one cannot hold are foolish. In the context of competing Hausa kingdoms of the 15th century, this advice could be seen as a warning to be careful about entanglements one cannot win or turn to one's advantage. To what extent Rumfa followed this is unclear since he went to war with Katsina for 11 years without either side winning.

Lastly, it is worth mentioning that in judgement and the law the duty of the ruler is to ensure justice and support. Indeed, these two are the pillars of royal authority. Thus, upright and informed witnesses must be included for taking testimony in a case. Similary, princes cannot accept bribes or take money in cases In addition, al-Maghili writes, "It is the bounden duty of a great prince to sit everyday where the women and children may have access to them" (15). Clearly, the ruler cannot be completely separated or divorced from his subjects. The weakest and most minor among them should be able to reach the king when they have legitimate grievances or complaints about his administrators or governors. Justice likewise entails lawful collection of retinue and taxation. This must follow religious law and avoid seizing goods from the people. In fact, the ruler should be liberal and use state revunies to suppor t those in need, strengthen defenses or fortresses, and provide for the Islamic religious establishment. The poor, oprhans, descendants of the Prophet, and others must be supported, too. 

If a ruler violated these rules for proper Islamic governance and became tyranical, al-Maghili views them as illegitimate. Subjects were under no obligation to support these rulers if a rebellion breaks out. Instead, al-Maghili wrote, "Leave him and your claims on him, for God will take vengeance on a tyrant by means of a tyrant, to the ruin of them both" (18). Here one can see that, to al-Maghili, the political authority immediately lost legitimacy when it violated the core precepts of Islamic statecraft. In other words, the consent of the governed is a core part of the state contract. One can see here the seeds of Uthman dan Fodio's jihad which rocked the region in the 19th century as various Habe governments were accused of corruption, unjust practices, and violating Islamic tenets. As al-Maghili's responses to Askia Muhammad demonstrate, similar accusations were made against Sunni Ali of Songhay. In Air, too, the al-Lamtuni's questions to al-Suyuti of Egypt indicate a similar problem with widespread political corruption and a number of other practices which both viewed as unjust.

In that light, it is interesting to compare the ideal vision of a Muslim ruler described by al-Maghili (who also responded to questions from Askia Muhammad of Songhay) with what is known of Muhammad Rumfa. Based on the The Kano Chronicle, Muhammad Rumfa is remembered for having undertaken a number of innovations as well as welcoming sharifs. Given his vast number of wives and for allegedly being the first to use ostrich feather sandals and the kakaki, Rumfa appears to have elevated the royal court's style, ostentation, and power, both symbolically and politically. But in terms of the veiling of the king from his subjects, it is difficult to discern how and to what extent Rumfa may have tried to ensure access to his subjects. Perhaps the giving of state offices to eunuchs was meant to increase the power of the sarki as these officials would be bound to Rumfa? In that sense, he may have followed al-Maghili's recommendation to appoint governors who did not buy their positions with gifts and to closely scrutinize how his officials administered areas under their control. But the lenthy war with Katsina said to have taken place during his reign may be an example of failing to recognize an impossible situation that requires relinquishing strongholds and focusing on guile or other strategems for military victory. 

Saharan Jews and al-Maghili

John Hunwick's short study of al-Maghili and the Jews of Tamantit is a fascinating read. Although our interest in al-Maghili is mainly in his time and influence in Hausaland and Songhay, learning about other aspects of his Islamic scholarship and biases sheds furhter light on the full social and intellectual context of his era. Unfortunately for the Jews of Tamantit and those in Songhay, al-Maghili was able to rouse anger and resentment against them for having a synagogue, dressing like Muslims, and enjoying close ties to rulers. According to al-Maghili and other Islamic scholars, such behavior was a violation of the pact that protected dhimmis. Thus, the Jews of the Saharan oasis lost their synagogue and much of its population fled. Furthermore, through al-Maghili's influence on Askia Muhammad of Songhay, Jews were banished or prevented entry to Timbuktu. Although Jewish traders and residents appear to have been allowed back in Timbuktu by the late 18th century, such a move by Askia Muhammad indicates the degree to which he was influenced by al-Maghili's views. 

Moreover, it must have played a role in redirecting or perhaps even harming parts of the trans-Saharan trade routes that connected the Western Sudan and the Maghrib. Indeed, if Jews in North Africa and Saharan towns like Touat and Sijilmassa were important for financing and conducting trade across the desert, banning them from Timbuktu and attacking them in North Africa must have weakened. Hunwick, however, sees the tightening of restrictions and, basically, pogroms, against Jews in parts of North Africa as a result of growing economic pressure during an era of burgeoning European penetration of Africa. Jews, an increasing population due to expulsions from Spain may have become the scapegoats as Islamic scholars like al-Maghili sought to target them through religious policy. Such a theory is plausible, although one wonders if Jewish traders simply shifted their Sudan trade networks further east and west, perhaps to the benefit of regions like Fazzan, Borno, and parts of Hausaland. Despite al-Maghili's influence in late 15th century Kano, one does not hear of anti-Jewish harassment or policies. Indeed, even with hints of anti-Jewish prejudice in one of the Borno documents collected by H.R. Palmer, there never appears to have been an attempt by Borno rulers to target Jewish traders or prohibit their entry. 

Askia Muhammad and al-Maghili

John Hunwick's translation and commentary on al-Maghili's replies to 7 questions from Askia Muhammad is a difficult source for non-specialists. To truly understand al-Maghili's responses and the complex Islamic intellectual tradition he drew upon, one must have some basic familiarity with Islamic civilization, jurisprudence, and political ideology. Hunwick's introductory sections and commentary tremendously help readers make sense of this context. However, the main benefit of reading Shari'a in Songhay : the replies of al-Maghili to the questions of Askia al-Hajj Muhammad is in the glimpses of Songhay social, economic, and political life it provides. For instance, we learn of the practice of nude virgin women traveling through the streets of Jenne or the practitioners of a fox cult who appear to have been Dogon. Or the Masufa presence among Fulani marauders who were a source of concern for Askia Muhammad. These examples highlight the degree to which demographic changes, insecurity, and local cultural practices were in a state of flux across the Middle Niger. They also attest to the partly Islamized nature of the Western Sudan and its vast heterogeneity in cultural and religious identities. Since the date of al-Maghili's replies was in the early part of Askia Muhammad's reign, one must also keep in mind that conditions during his later years or those of his successors likely differed in key ways. For example, Askia Muhammad's expansion of the empire and the degree to which subsequent askias balanced secular government with Islamic precepts or the guidance of the scholars shows political dynamism and possible sources of internal societal conflict. We only wish al-Maghili and Askia Muhammad's secretary had revealed a little more about so-called "traditional" religions, practices of rituals by local Muslims, or the actual experiences of the peasantry and enslaved population.