Marie Pierre Haoussa and Louis Baronnet fils (1792)

IC=inconnu

One document we have been thinking about the last few days is a notarized contract from 1792. Establishing a société d'habitation de Marie Pierre Haoussa avec Louis Baronnet fils, the document is interesting for the surname of Marie Pierre: Haoussa. Although most documents in colonial Haiti spell "Hausa" as Aoussa, not Haoussa, we were nonetheless curious about Marie Pierre as a person of possible Hausa extraction. After all, colonial legislation did attempt to push free people to bear African names. Furthermore, people of African origin were sometimes known by a first name and their alleged "nation," too. 

In the case of Marie Pierre Haoussa, however, we could not trace her exact origins. It would appear that she was a free black woman owning land in Aquin, presumably i an area that may be today's la Colline à Mongons. When checking the parish registry, we did come across a Marie Pierre, black Creole, who married her "mulatto" master in 1781. But there is no indication of Marie Pierre's parents' origins in the parish books for Aquin. We were also wondering why she did not use her husband's surname, but he may not have been of legitimate birth either. Either way, Gabriel and this Marie Pierre had a number of children, he married her, and, from what we could gather, the Marie Pierre Haoussa named here could be the same woman.

In terms of her 1792 partnership with a man from Bainet, we were struck by the huge diversity in slaves both brought into their planned coffee farm. Marie Pierre was responsible for bringing 6 slaves, most apparently female. They consist of a mix of Arada, Mandingue, Thiamba, Ibo, Canga and one "nation" we could not decipher in the notary's handwriting (perhaps Aguiam?). Baronnet fils, on the other hand, was responsible for bringing in more slaves who were mostly male. Since the land was apparently held by Marie Pierre Haoussa, he may have been required to supply more of the forced labor. Either way, his enslaved workers were also very diverse in origins. One, whose "nation" looks like Guialuuka, is from a background we could not figure out. But others included Thiamba, Bibi (Ibibio), Biny (possibly Edo, for people from the kingdom of Benin), Congo, Creoles, Ibos, and a Mine. 

Naturally, we will have to conduct further searches in the notarized documents and parish registry to see if we can locate more records of Marie Pierre. But, the fact that she owned land and slaves is consistent with someone who was married to a free "mulatto" landowner for some time in the region. We suspect the "Haoussa" part of her name comes from an African-born father but have to dig deeper into the archives to prove it. 

Le portail de Bainet

We randomly encountered a painting of Gabriel Leroy depicting the portail of Bainet in the 1950s today. Since the painter was from Jacmel, it was included in a series on Jacmel, Jacmel en photos, by Jean-Elie Gilles. Although this painting is only showing one part of our ancestral town, it is always a pleasure to see more paintings of Bainet.

François Gaury in 1793

Whilst perusing the digitized notariat for Saint Domingue (on Family Search), we came across yet another distant Gaury relative. This one was François Gaury, who in 1793, was a witness to a sale in Bainet. Like most of the Gaury we have so far found in the record, he was illiterate. 

We suspect this guy was the François Gaury born in 1738 to François Gaury and Marie-Françoise Saugrain. If so, he may have the oldest Gaury still around in 1793, although we need to check the baptismal records and death notices for the parish one more time to confirm. 

Bainet and Hurricane Flora...

Whilst perusing the internet at night, searching for references to Bainet from various sources as one is wont to do in the late hours of the evening, we came across a short article on Hurricane Flora from LIFE and its destructive impact on Caribbean places such as Bainet in 1963. For including a photograph of Bainet's St. Pierre Church and plaza, we found the picture to be of use. Of course, since the hurricane's destruction of the town damaged many structures, what is seen here is not Bainet at its "best."

Bainet History Timeline

Although a real endeavor to trace the history of Bainet requires careful searching through archives and collecting oral traditions, we have began an attempt with a simple timeline or chronology. We have largely drawn from Madiou, Ardouin, Rouzier's geographical tomes, Moreau de Saint-Mery, Haitian journals and publications like Le Moniteur or Le Matin, and travel accounts. In addition, any references to Bainet we find in the secondary literature are occasionally sources of information. Furthermore, we did include dates from the precolonial and Spanish colonial period, even though there is no evidence of a Spanish colonial settlement at what later became known as Bainet. However, if the short-lived colonial town of Yaquimo was indeed located near modern Jacmel, we suspect there would have been small indigenous communities in the surrounding area (including today's Bainet) before and during that era. In addition, there are obvious more events or developments in the French colonial period that must be taken into account, such as the free people of color population and the enslaved population. 

pre-1492: Indigenous presence suggested by finds during French colonial period. A cave with human remains was found, said to have been used as a site of refuge to escape the Spanish (but possibly far older)

1499: Arrival of Alonso de Ojeda in Yaquimo, apparently with a goal to enslave Indians.

1503: Murder of Anacaona and several other Xaragua elites, orchestrated by Ovando.

1504: Foundation of the pueblo of Yaquimo. According to Moreau de Saint-Mery, it was built at the site of modern Aquin, although others suggest Jacmel. According to Las Casas, the area around Yaquimo was called Brasil by Columbus due to its ample brazilwood. Intriguingly, there is a section of Bainet called Bresilienne. 

1506: Diego Velazquez alcalde of Villanueva de Yaquimo

1514: Repartimiento indicates displacement of part of Yaquimo's Indian population, which was sent to mining centers of the island. Among Yaquimo caciques with indigenous names are the following: Taubacote, Camaguarex, Cataguaco, Cayguan Guaraba, Domanicarey, and Macaoquicios. Overall, around 1039 Indians, according to Martinez Almanzar.

1516: Map of Hispaniola by Andres de Morales made. Appears to place Yaquimo at the site of today's Jacmel.

by 1520: Yaquimo deserted

1577: Spanish colonial sources mention Indian and black population in Yaquimo, on a ranch

1678: Publication of Exquemelin's famous book on the buccaneers. Mention of Jacmel and Aquin as ports with ample amounts of brazilwood 

1698: Foundation of Compagnie de Saint-Domingue

1703: Census listed families established in Bainet and nearby parishes, including the Saugrain

1718: Bainet became a parish

1725: Law passed prescribing the construction of a church in Bainet

1730: Census found about 700 slaves and only 12 free people of color. 57 indigo plantations in Bainet.

1739: Census indicates growth of coffee plantations and the 'disappearance' of free people of color (presumably classified as 'whites')

1740: 67 Indigo plantations in Bainet

1744: Birth of Julien Raimond

1751: Much of Bainet town destroyed in a hurricane

1773: Nicolson finds Indian remains in Gris-Gris inside a cave

1775: Ordinance established a brigadier

1776: M. de Ennery ordered rebuilding the road from Gris-Gris to Aquin

1781: Hurricane in September destroyed the church

1788: Census indicates 1934 free people of color in Jacmel quartier

1789: Moreau de Saint-Mery described Bainet as having 20 cotton plantations, 20 indigoteries, and 70 coffee plantations. The militia had 60 whites and 240 affranchis. In terms of population Moreau de Saint-Mery wrote it contained 388 whites, 800 affranchis and 5,500 slaves.

1791: Free people of color in Bainet said to be so powerful that the whites didn't send a representative to the colonial assembly in Le Cap. Rebellion of Romaine the Prophetess said to have affected Bainet (at least 3 whites killed by blacks in insurrection, and buried in Bainet, according to Terry Rey). Moreover, Alexandre Boursiquot was accused of orchestrating the killings of 30 whites in Bainet.

1793: Report of Roume of 3000 rebel slaves, led by a white, who sacked Bainet, Jacmel and Cayes de Jacmel

1800: Dessalines takes Bainet from pro-Rigaud forces

1802: Commandant Guillaume authorized former slaves establishing homesteads in the hills for the fee of one gourde. Colonel Gilbon said to have led the insurgents of Bainet's hills against the French (same man?)

1814: Coffee estates Villard and Montra put for sale to increase the number of proprietors

1817: Arbouet listed as representant of Bainet

1818: President Boyer visited Bainet, lowering taxes for some, adjudicating disputes

1819: Thomas Madiou wrote of 5 schools in Bainet, teaching students how to read. Two in the valley, two at Jamaisvu, one at Primature and one in the town. The schools taught a total of 62 students how to read and write. It appears that they were supported or maintained by parents of the students.

1820: Jacques Fequant became new magistrat of Bainet. Colonel Aubin became new commandant de la place of Bainet.

1821: Jean Pierre, residing in Bainet, condemned to die for participating in two murders with Francois dit Aoussa

1823: President Boyer visited Jacmel, where people from Bainet, Marigot, and Saltrou flocked to see him.

1824: Boyer said to have sent many African American immigrants to Bainet (but evidence is lacking).Obin Renaud was commandant de la place. 

c.1825: Census figures included in Mackenzie's Notes on Haiti indicate 7,983 people lived in Bainet

1831: Toussaint Louis condemned for taking a horse from Jean Francois

1833: Jean Joseph Lande filed a case against the lieutenant of the rural police, Alexis Chaumeil, for beating him

1834: Colonel Lemaire commandant of Baynet 

1839: Pierre-Sanon Soliman murdered his brother, Miracle Solimon. 

1840: Bainet's Trou Mahot section under command of lieutenant Charles. Grande-Colline led by Nestant Jacques. Petit Bras led by Garcon Cazales. Mazonne led by Nicaise Jacques, Jamaisvu by Saint Juste Marcille, Gandou by Justin Bourgouin, Gris-Gris by Pointdujour, Bras de la Croix by Michel Juste. In Bainet alone, 1898 habitations or farms in 1840, with only 12 poorly cultivated.

1842: Raphael Pisano listed as priest of Bainet

1843: Garde nationale of Bainet joined the side of the liberal rebels against Boyer's government

1845: Louis Scutt commandant of the commune of Bainet, Michel Lubin inspector of cultures in the commune of Bainet. Mathieu Douge was juge de paix

1846: Fight between Saint Jacques Julien and Cadet Mafonta leads to the latter's death

1847: President of Haiti sent General Villebon to inspect Bainet 

1849: Conseil de Notables includes Jourdain fils, Ferdinand Duchemin, Rousselin Carriere, Joseph Fortin, and Jean Ambroise

1853: Emperor Soulouque in Bainet. His recovery from illness leads to celebrations.

1865: Abbey Demoy vicar of Bainet

1867: Jean Domingue the deputy for Bainet

1869: Piquets defeated in July (in context of Salnave and civil wars engulfing the country)

1872: Bernier as deputy of Bainet

1873 (or 1874?) Augustin Dorsan Ambroise deputy for Bainet

1874/5: Trou Mahot section created through the division of Brésilienne

1880: Announcement in Le Moniteur for a public concert in Bainet in August. The music program includes classical compositions.

1881: Magistrat of Bainet a A. Jean-Baptiste. Representative Polanco of Bainet solicited state funds for the construction of the church of Bainet.

1883: Cultivateurs of Bainet among the forces of Francois Manigat against Jacmel

1888: A. Jean-Baptiste a constituant of Bainet

1890: Population of 12,000; President Legitime sent forces from Bainet against Jacmel

1896: An address to the president of Haiti by citizens of Bainet is published in Le Moniteur

1898: President Sam visited Bainet, where arcs of triumph were established for him

1908: Address by the people of Bainet to the President of Haiti published 

1912: Haitian painter Micius Stephane born in Bainet

1917: Birth of painter Edger Jean-Baptiste.

1926: Gerald Bloncourt born in Bainet. Paul Laguerre named as member of Communal Commission. 

1928: Drought in the arrondissement of Jacmel particularly hurt Bainet. But flooding occurred in November in Bainet

1931: Article in Le Matin on Bainet mentions President Vincent's campaign stop there for the 1930 Presidential Election

1932: Letter published in Le Nouvelliste mentions economic hardship in Bainet since 1928, and difficulties paying taxes

1935: Murder of Deputy Ferere Laguerre (as well as his other relatives) in a feud with the Pierre-Louis family

1937: Christian Adrien mentioned in Le Nouvelliste as magistrat of Bainet

1950: Rossini Pierre-Louis still serving as Deputy of Bainet 

1953: Haiti Sun runs an article on Bainet entitled "Venus of Haiti"

1963: Bainet struck by Hurricane Flora

Soulouque in Bainet (1853)

Whilst perusing Le Moniteur, we recently found out that Emperor Soulouque stayed in Bainet in 1853. Apparently overcome with fever during his stay, the Emperor's recovery led to celebrations and dances in the town. The narrative is, of course, coming from a government publication and may have wanted to show readers that Soulouque enjoyed popular support. Even more interesting is the 8 days of continuous dancing in Bainet included nago, congo, martinique, quadrille, and carabinier dances, all popular ones that apparently bridged social classes. We also wonder if the baron Alexandre of Bainet was from the same Alexandre family we are actively interested in for Bainet genealogical purposes. 

Further Explorations of Bainet Matches

Looking into shared matches with roots in Bainet on My Heritage has been interesting, too. What became immediately apparent when looking at surnames is the shared ancestry of multiple families with roots in the valley sections of Bainet and Jacmel. This is no surprise, but it was intriguing to see how we are related to different people with the last common ancestors living in the 1700s or 1800s. For instance, our parent, born in Bainet, has a match with a surname common in the valley section of Bainet. Moreover, they share 34.9 cM of DNA on a segment of the fifth chromosome assigned to "Spain" and "Western Bantu" peoples. The very same segment overlaps with shared DNA with another person from Bainet, who also has roots in the valley section of Bainet. 

Our Haitian parent likewise matches a number of other people through shared European ancestry classified as "Spain" by Ancestry. Indeed, that shared segment connects myself, our parent, and 5 others with roots in Bainet. However, this shared segment of common European ancestry is usually rather small, ranging from 12.3 cM to 18.5 cM. Looking at the surnames in posted genealogies, they all point to families from the valley who must descend from free people of color in the 1700s. Surnames like Boursiquot, Payen, and Dure support this. Naturally, on 23andme, this segment is more correctly identified as "French & German" rather than Spain. Similarly, a shared match with roots in Bainet has a segment of shared DNA on Chromosome 20 that is identified as "French & German" on 23andme instead of the "Spain" category used by Ancestry. 

Shared DNA Segments with Bainet Kin

One thing we are only novices with is using DNA painter and chromosome browsers more effectively. For instance, trying to use it to gain possible insights into our Bainet ancestry is something we have only just begun to investigate. Doing so has been made possible by using close Haitian DNA matches on Ancestry who are also present on Gedmatch to see on which chromosomes we share DNA. One example to came to us via a very distant cousin who appears to descend from a brother or cousin of our great-great-grandfather. We are still waiting for confirmation of exactly how our great-great-grandfather was related to the ancestor of this distant cousin. We know both our great-great-grandfather and this cousin's ancestor were born in the 1860s and late 1850s (c.1857), and both were artisans at least at one point in their lives. Moreover, they also shared the same surname. However, we are still waiting for confirmation of exactly how the two men were related (brothers or cousins?).

Nonetheless, both myself and my Haitian parent match this same Haitian woman with roots in Bainet. Indeed, she descends from the same man related to my great-great-grandfather as my godmother. Unsurprisingly, my Haitian parent shares even more DNA with this woman (85 cM versus my 23 cM on Ancestry). Nonetheless, it is interesting to note that the areas of my 2nd, 4th and 9th chromosomes which match this woman are all assigned to Benin & Togo, Senegal and France by Ancestry DNA. The longest segment, at 14.2 cM on Gedmatch, is Benin & Togo on the 2nd chromosome. This information may contain clues to the deeper origins of our main lineage in Bainet. It would appear that Benin & Togo, Senegal, and French heritage are part of that deeper origin of our great-great-grandfather (and, to some unknown extent, another great-great-grandparent who was a Francois). Our great-great-grandfather was only 2 generations removed from colonial Saint-Domingue. The French ancestry likely came from his father's mother's family, the Gaury. But the "Senegal" and Benin & Togo likely reflect both his mother and father's lineages. What was more interesting was the shared segment of DNA between this person and our Haitian parent on another chromosome, assigned to "Nigerian Woodlands" by Ancestry DNA. Since Ancestry uses Tiv samples for that category, we assume that might, perhaps, be an indication of an eastern Middle Belt Nigerian lineage. 

Looking at another distant DNA match with roots in Bainet sheds light on our roots in the valley section. First of all, we noticed that the previous match does not share the second match with my parent and I. Also important is that the next match is someone with a father not from Jacmel, but a mother who hailed from the valley section of Bainet. Intriguingly, our longest segment of shared DNA, on chromosome 5, is along segments identified as Spain (also the same on 23andme's Chromosome Painter), Western Bantu Peoples, Indigenous Bolivia & Peru, and "Mali" by Ancestry. The next longest segment of shared DNA was on chromosome 7, for a segment assigned to "Indigenous Bolivia and Peru" by Ancestry. Finally, on chromsome 14 we shared a segment of DNA assigned to "Spain" by Ancestry. Since France is sometimes reported as Spain by Ancestry, we wonder to what extent we actually share French ancestry rooted in the valley section of Bainet among descendants of free people of color. A similar question arose for us when comparing a shared DNA match between myself and our Haitian parent with a white American with roots in Louisiana and another with a Haitian with roots in the valley of Jacmel. 

Slaves of Jean Celin Cangé & Marguerite Butet

From the notarized records of Saint-Domingue, we were able to finally see an inventory for members of one of the very large families of free people of color. In this case, the Cangé. In 1773, after the death of Jean Celin Cangé, an inventory was written listing the goods of his estate. Obviously, their human property were also enumerated in the document. Alas, some of it is difficult to read due to the handwriting of the notary. Nonetheless, we were able to construct a quick table showing the numbers of slaves held by Cangé and his wife. Through our great-great-grandmother, we are probably descendants of members of the Cangé family and/or their chattel. 

We suspect Jean Celin Cangé was baptized in 1694, born to a presumably white father of Spanish origin and a black woman, Marie Therese Damelide. The latter may have been from one of the Spanish colonial territories (Santo Domingo? Veracruz?). In 1703, a census for the Jacmel area listed the father of Jean Celin as the owner of only 2 female slaves. Well, by 1773, the estate of the son held 14 slaves, only 3 children. Creoles were the largest group, but they were clearly not the wealthiest, most important planters in the Jacmel quartier. Indeed, some of their slaves were quite old, and the habitation only held 4 houses/shacks for the slaves. 

We will, obviously, need to see inventories and other records of property owned by different members of the Cangé to see to what extent members of the family became wealthy. One branch, at Petit-Harpon, was able to produce the Pierre Cangé who later fought in the Haitian Revolution. That branch built a coffee plantation with slave labor. Here, however, at the habitation situated near the rivière Gauche, the plantation ran by Celin and Butet grew cotton. We need to find more detailed notarized records for coffee plantations and other types of farms in the hills and valleys of the region, closer to our ancestral "roots" in the Bainet-Jacmel area. 

Non-African Ancestry in Bainet

In terms of non-African ancestry, 23andme results were mostly consistent with the other major company's estimates. Instead of 11% European, our close relative is now closer to 10%. The distribution of ancestry between Northwestern Europe and Southern Europe is split, which is probably due to the problems of capturing French ancestry through genetic analysis. So, 23andme only assigned this relative 3.4% French & German and 3% Spanish & Portuguese. One suspects that this is a sign that the mostly France-derived European ancestry came from both northern and southern France. Although it is possible this person does have distant ancestry from Spain as well, we could not prove it yet. What was more surprising for us was to see trace ancestry derived from Askenazi Jews (0.2%). However, this is not too shocking when one recalls that Jews or people of Jewish origin were in Saint-Domingue and 19th century Haiti.

For Indigenous Americas ancestry, 23andme estimated a higher trace amount than Ancestry. Ancestry DNA assigned her a trace ancestry at 0.26% Indigenous Bolivia & Peru. 23andme, however, assigned her 0.5% (which appears at all confidence levels) without any specific region or area of Indigenous Americas. We suspect that our Haitian side does harbor trace "Amerindian" ancestry that may be a mix of South American-derived groups and/or others. While some would love to see this as proof of partial "Taino" heritage in Haitians, it is difficult to say given that our relative did not receive any score like Indigenous Dominican or any significant overlap with Dominicans or other Caribbean populations with indigenous Caribbean Ancestry.

The most surprising find of our relative's trace ancestry as a 0.1% Malayali Subgroup estimate. This also appeared in every confidence level, although we are not sure how reliable such a low estimate can be. While there were small numbers of Asian Indians trafficked to Saint Domingue by the French (something that can occasionally still be seen in Dominicans from the Southwest and Haitians in the South on some consumer DNA tests, see here), the amount is so small and difficult to find. Furthermore, South Asian DNA estimates do not appear at all in this relative's estimates from Ancestry DNA. We suspect it is one of the following scenarios: statistical noise, possible ancestry from an Asian Indian brought to Saint Domingue in the 1700s, or perhaps something inherited through a European ancestor that did harbor small amounts of South Asian ancestry. 

African Ancestry in Bainet and 23andme

A very close Haitian relative born in Bainet recently received their 23andme DNA results. In some ways, it's a confirmation of our likely Igbo ancestry. Indeed, the Igbo people were the only specific African ethnic group detected as a very close match in our relative's results. This was not a surprise since our closest African DNA match on Ancestry DNA was with an Igbo Nigerian. Furthermore, the "Ibo" were a consistent and major part of the enslaved African population in Bainet and other areas of Haiti during the colonial period. 

An attempt to show how our relative's African ancestry is broken down in Ancestry's 2024 Update.

Thus, the genetic evidence as well as the historical records (notarial records mentioning slaves by nation, the patterns of the French slave trade, and the smuggling of captives from Jamaica to Haiti's southern coast) point to ancestry among Igbo and/or closely related peoples in southeastern Nigeria. However, just as on Ancestry DNA, our relative also had Yoruba Nigerian DNA matches with various customers. We likely descend from a plethora of individuals from various ethnolinguistic backgrounds across what is Benin, Togo, and Nigeria.

Sadly, the lack of a Benin/Togo category on 23andme leads to a more inflated Ghanaian score for our close relative. The 2024 Update for Ancestry DNA pointed to very strong "Benin & Togo" as well as "Nigeria" scores. Indeed, Ancestry DNA's problematic update even suggested or pointed to ancestry in the East-Central and northern Nigeria for our relative. But 23andme, however, only detected a close match with the Igbo. 23andme's algorithm also gave our relative a higher Senegambian/Upper Guinea score, which we suspect may be due to possible "Bambara" or "Mandingue" ancestry that may be registering as Sierra Leone and Liberia. Lastly, the overall 23andme scores suggest ancestry in West Central Africa is a rather small part of our African origins. And this is in spite of the ubiquitous presence of captives from West Central Africa in Saint Domingue. I guess people with roots in the South really do, on average, harbor less Central African ancestry.

An attempt at showing the regional breakdown of sub-Saharan African ancestry. The general patterns are similar to those observed via Ancestry's results.

One of the benefits of 23andme for understanding African ancestry is seeing assigned mtDNA haplogroups. Our relative's haplogroup, L1b1a, is common in sub-Saharan Africa. This is no surprise and seems consistent with the African ancestry of Haitians. The maternal ancestry of our people, after all, is undoubtedly an African affair. One only wishes 23andme could have indicated some possible distant matches for West and Central Africa to shed more light on our African ancestry. Perhaps a better idea of the distribution of L1b1a would have also helped here. Ultimately, we find some broad commonalities between Ancestry DNA and 23andme here, and both companies estimated our close relative at about 89-90% sub-Saharan African ancestry, overwhelmingly West African. 

Pierre Cange

 

Checking Saint-Domingue's press also included some surprising finds of free people of color families. One of them, a large one whose surname is borne by many Haitians today, appear in this article from the 1780s. Apparently he sired 10 children. 

Rough Estimates for the "Nations" of Jacmel Slaves (c.1782)

Another crude method of calculating somewhat plausible numbers for the "nations" of the Jacmel Quartier's enslaved population is to use the numbers from the 1782 Census. While probably an undercount or plagued by inaccuracies, it does provide a total number of the slave population, which means one can use the numbers from Roseline Siguret's study of the quartier's indigo and coffee estates from 1757-1791 to crudely approximate the possible distribution of "nations" in the popular of the region. While very imperfect, doing so gives the numbers above for the "nations" in Siguret's table. 

First, the Creole preponderance is undeniable, although it may have been even higher if slave imports at the port of Jacmel were low, as was the case in 1786. Slaveholders would have had to rely on smuggling or the intra-colony slave trade to provide new captives, probably a mix of both. The next striking feature is how, assuming our crude estimate is somewhat close to the reality, the huge Congo and Central African presence was. The "Congos" and Mondongues plus smaller numbers of other groups who appear to be from Central Africa (Maiemba, for instance) were about 24% of the total slave population. That said, one is shocked by our estimate for the still reasonably high numbers of Senegalais, Mandingues, Bambaras, and other Upper Guinea "nations" in the region. Furthermore, the Ibos, in our estimate, were over 9% of the total slave population. 

Overall, the trends from our estimate reveal a plurality of Creoles with a substantial "Congo" presence and Ibo presence. The persistence of African nations from the Bight of Benin as well as Upper Guinea (perhaps around 8%) illustrates a great diversity of slave imports continued well into the late 18th century. The huge Creole population, too, very likely descended, perhaps to a greater degree, from Africans purchased from the Slave Coast and Upper Guinea, too. Of course, these estimates are likely to be very inaccurate for the smaller nations, such as several whose numbers in Siguret's survey were only 1 or 2. In addition, some of the slave population's "national" identity may have switched over time, as some became another "nation" or later captives from that same background were "reconceived" as belonging to a new or different "nation" instead. Thus, the above table is meant only as a very "rough" idea of what the ethnicities of slaves in Jacmel, Bainet and Cayes de Jacmel may have been like in c.1782.

Runaway Slaves in the Jacmel Quarter

Although hardly the best method for arriving at an adequate overview of the "nations" of slaves in a region, perusing Le marronnage dans le monde atlantique's digitized runaway notices from Saint Domingue is always useful. In this case, we used the search bar to find every record mentioning Jacmel, Cayes de Jacmel, or Bainet, keeping count for the number of times a maroon each "nation" appeared. We did not include more than once maroons whose owners posted ads multiple times. Nor did we, whenever ambiguous or unclear, count slaves whose owners were not in Jacmel or were not explicitly said to have left Jacmel (or its associated regions, like Bainet). 

This method, of course, is far from perfect. And it it probable that the high number of Congos is at least partly related to the elevating numbers of West Central Africans imported in the final decades of colonial rule. Similarly, the high number of Creoles may, in part, be a result of them knowing the land better and having more connections, thereby increasing their share of maroons. Further, since many acts of marronage were of a small-scale or short duration, rather than grand marronage, this sample only reflects a portion of the totality of slave resistance. 

Despite these and additional problems, these runaway notices sometimes capture or include slaves from minority "nations" who are not always easy to detect. For example, Macoua, Mozambique, or "Black Indian" slaves, few in number in this area, were still present in this corner of the colony. Their numbers, while small, nonetheless help us contextualize slave demographics and the slave trade in various parts of the colony. The presence of Southeast Africans or "Indians" (in this case, possibly Asian Indians), as well as the numbers of Creoles from other European colonies in the Caribbean, demonstrate the Jacmel area's connections to slave trading networks that may have involved smuggling. The preponderance of nations that are difficult to identify and tiny numbers for several likewise illustrates the tremendous diversity of "nations" represented in Saint Domingue. 

An Overview of Adult Slave "Nations" in the Jacmel Quarter, 1740s

We continued our readings of the notarized records from Jacmel for the 1740s, featuring the same notary from the 1730s, Delorme-de-Boissy. Alas, some years are not represented well and we found fewer detailed records or inventories involving at least 10 adult slaves to draw our data from. Several documents were much harder to read, too, either for being too faded or the ambiguous or uncertain writing of African "nations" of enslaved persons. Nonetheless, we found enough records to draw a sample of about 178 adult slaves, and thought it worthwhile to focus on the total number for the various "nations" in the area during this period. 

One can see immediately a major Ibo component persisted in the 1740s. From our sample, they were the largest single "nation" in the region. While some habitations and slaveholders held majorities of Mine or other "nations" as property, this Ibo preponderance seems to match other patterns for the South of Saint Domingue. Next, the Congo, were a mainstay among the "nations" of slaves. We assume part of their high numbers was related to the expansion of coffee, a sector in which planters are said to have favored "Congo" slaves. What surprised us, although it probably should not have, was the large Mine, or Mina, numbers. 

Overall, the majority of captives came from the Slave Coast, Bight of Biafra and West Central Africa. Or, in other words, the Lower Guinea and Central African numerical dominance was clear. The "Upper Guinea" captives, represented by the Bambara, Poulard, Senegalois, were rather diminished compared to the Igbo, Arada, and Congo, who together comprised more than half of our sample drawn from different slaveholders in the Jacmel quarter. This majority increases even more when other Central African and Lower Guinea groups are added to the totals. In addition, some of our large number of "Unknown" or illegible nations probably fell into the Lower Guinea cluster, pointing more towards the Slave Coast, Bight of Biafra and West Central Africa as the major supplier of captives. Again, several of the Creoles may have had parents from other regions, and the population of enslaved children born in the colony (which would have boosted the Creole total) may have had parents from Upper Guinea. 

An Overview of "Nations" in the Jacmel Quarter (1718-1739)

Although our amateurish attempts to tally the number of each "nation" among the enslaved in the Jacmel Quartier is only just beginning, here are our results from our perusal of the Saint Domingue Notariat, particularly the amazing resource, Minutes notariales, 1704-1803. We decided to focus on the years from 1718-1739 for now since that period covers the early transition to coffee in the region during the 1730s. Utilizing the archive's collection of records by the following notaries, Neys, Delorme-de-Boissy, Fouquet, and Laville, we scoured the digitized collection on the Family Search website. We would have loved to have begun earlier, but we do not know which records survive that would cover the slave imports in this part of the colony from c.1698-1718. Perhaps they would have been similar in origin to slaves in Grand-Goave and Leogane, where some of the early Bainet and Jacmel planters moved from. Or, alternatively, some were those imported by the Compagnie de Saint-Domingue via the Slave Coast and West Central Africa (as well as those smuggled via English or Dutch traders, as suggested by the appearance of a few English Creole slaves).

Furthermore, in our collection of the data, we focused on inventories, leases and documents naming at least 10 adult slaves. We also focused on documents that actually gave the "nations" of most of the enumerated bonded persons. Some notaries did not record this information, sadly, so we left the information out. It is a shame, since they sometimes recorded "exotic" slaves of "Indian" origin in 1719 but did not provide the "nations" of other captives.  Nonetheless, due to the difficulty of reading some documents and the occasional inclusion of slaves without a specified "nation" in other contracts, we still ended up with a rather large number (16) who are not of a clear "nation." For a similar reason, we omitted the number of children since their precise "nation" is either not provided, although we suspect that in several cases they were born in the colony or arrived at such a young age they would have been "Creolized" more quickly than adults. In addition, earlier records also use names for "nations" that disappear in the 1730s, perhaps reflecting changes in the pattern of slave imports or the complex creation of new "nations" within the colonial context. Last but certainly not least, we could not always precisely state what type of plantation the aforementioned captives labored at. Many of the records mentioned indigoteries, barrels of indigo and similar information about the specifics of the plantations, yet it is likely that some planters invested in indigo and other crops. 

Let us return to the numbers. Our sample of 243 adult slaves over a period of nearly around 20 years represents only a snapshot of what the "nations" of the quarter's 2532 slaves may have been in the 1739 census. Nonetheless, it is interesting to note that it already seems close to the patterns in Siguret's table of "nations" for the Jacmel quartier for the period 1757-1791. Already, the two largest "nations" may have been "Creole" and "Congo" by 1739. And one would suspect the Creoles, even larger when counting children, were often the children of captives from the Slave Coast, Senegambia and Congo brought to the colony in the early 1700s or late 1600s. We suspect the name Loango was dropped in favor of "Congo" to reflect what may have been additional sources of Central African captives in the colony. Furthermore, the increase in the Bambara population in Siguret's data might reflect the growth and decline of Bamana states like Segu over the course of the 18th century, producing additional "Bambara" captives sold on the Senegambian coast. We similarly imagine that the high number of Aradas was also connected with Dahomey's expansion and conquest of Ouidah and Allada, probably producing more "Arada" slaves (although "Arada" almost certainly encompassed many different peoples sold on the Bight of Benin) in the 1720s and perhaps, 1730s. The early appearance of the Barba (Bariba) also suggest some captives from areas north of Dahomey and Oyo were being sold on the coast.

When broken into larger regions of Upper Guinea, Lower Guinea and Central Africa, one sees that the "Upper Guinea" captives were a much smaller proportion of the slave population. The Bambara, Mandingue, Senegal, and other possible "Upper Guinea" nations represent only a small fraction of the total, probably less than 10%. Since some of the "unknown" nations and perhaps a decent fraction of the Creoles were children of slaves from Upper Guinea, their influence in the region might have been stronger than detectable from the limited data available. Nonetheless, they were clearly smaller in numbers than those from Central Africa and Lower Guinea. When reviewing the notarized records, some of the Senegal slaves may have retained their names (including one woman named Fatima) and aspects of their culture probably contributed to the formation of an early Creole "slave culture" in the region.

Central Africa, whose "Congos" produced the largest African "nation" in the quarter, were of major demographic importance. At least 61 were from Central Africa, meaning at least 25% were from this region of Africa. It was possibly higher if one considers some of the "unknown" or ambiguous "nations" to be Central Africa. Overall, the Congos were undoubtedly a major presence in the area. The expansion of coffee plantations in the 1730s may have favored an even larger increase of their numbers since coffee planters are said to have favored Congos, according to Geggus. Unfortunately, the lumping together of so many Central Africans (Congos) and the few Mondongue and Loango homogenizes them. Nonetheless, some were undoubtedly from the Kongo kingdom or nearby areas. One Congo was even named Miguel, while others retained their African names (Macaya, Zomby). As speculated by others, Kongo Catholicism may have been a factor here in spreading or at least shaping local Christian practices.

Last, but certainly not least, Lower Guinea. The majority of the enslaved population appears to have roots there, as seen in the high numbers of Mines, Ibos, and Aradas. Adding the few Nagos, Oueda and Jouda to this suggests a proportion of at least 37% of the total. Again, the Creoles likely included many whose parents hailed from this region, too. As several scholars have long noted, the predominance of a cultural influence from Aja-Fon peoples likely dates to this period era in the colonial slave trade. Like other parts of the colony, the Jacmel quarter seems to have also been very much populated by captives from the Slave Coast. In addition, a significant number of Ibo and Bibi also point to the Bight of Biafra as an important source of captive labor. Arada, Nago and other groups from this period remained an important part of the slave population in the period from 1757-1791, too. Siguret's study of indigo and coffee plantations found a pronounced Ibo and Arada presence, a pattern we have also noted in Bainet in 1791.

Unfortunately, much of ANOM's collection has not been digitized and we are missing pre-1790s Bainet notarized documents. We may continue this little project by reviewing Delorme-de-Boissy files from the 1740s, which could give us better insights into the nature of the coffee boom. Its impact on slave demographics and the patterns of "nations" in the colony may challenge or support our current thinking on this matter. Data from Grand-Goave and Leogane would also be worth reviewing for a broader regional approach, beyond the southeastern corner of the colony. 

A Snapshot of Bainet's Slave Population in 1739

Though only data from the Notariat covering part of Bainet, the breakdown in African "nations" may be illustrative of broader patterns in Bainet. The first table, with numbers from an act of retrocession by Julien Pierre Perronneau in 1739, lists slaves from the estate of the deceased Dumas. While only involving 17 slaves, 11 of them adults, this may have been representative of the enslaved workforce of small-scale indigo planters in Bainet. One is struck by the tiny Igbo and Congo presence, with no group enjoying an overwhelming majority. The children, some of whom were definitely born in the colony, would bump up the Creole population. One would imagine that on an estate like this, some of the Creoles and children may have inherited or been drawn to an already established slave culture in this part of Saint Domingue. This likely reflected earlier patterns in the slave trade for this part of the colony.

The other "snapshot" of what the origins of slaves in Bainet is derived from a bail of several to Perronneau, also from 1739. Louis Le Roy leased 21 adult slaves and 7 children to Perronneau, and the majority were Creoles. And after Creoles, the only African group who numbered more than one were Creoles. Again, we see in this Creole preponderance a similar pattern with the slaves of the estate of Robert Fleuret or Alexis Saugrain. Part of this surely reflects the longer length of time some planters had owned slaves in the colony. But it may also be related to the less destructive impact of indigo and coffee on slave mortality rates, leading to a larger Creole population in some cases. Indeed, another list of slaves owned by a Perronneau near the end of the century also possessed a Creole majority.

Louis Gory and Saint-Christophe

Another surprise while perusing digitized records from 1730s Jacmel available on Family Search is a marriage contract from 1737. In that year, Jacques Begin married Marie Catherine Renard, both of Bainet. Marie Catherine, the daughter of Jacques Renard and Gregoire Godard, was also a niece of Louis Gory. Since we have never found evidence of Louis Gory marrying anyone (although early parish records from Grand-Goave have been lost, so perhaps he was married earlier before moving to Bainet), we assume Gory was perhaps a half-sibling of Jacques Renard or Gregoire Godard. The Godard and Renard connection is no surprise since Gory was the godfather to several children of Renard or Godard parentage in Bainet during the 1720s and 1730s. For instance, in 1738, he was the godfather to the child of Jacques Begin and Marie Catherine Renard. In 1723, he was the godfather to a child of Mathieu Renard. And in 1729, he was the godfather to a child of Jacques Renard and Gregoire Godard, Francoise.

Moreover, an examination of censuses from 17th century Saint-Christophe, where Jacques Renard hailed from, reveals Renard, Godard and Gorry families. In the case of the Gorry, we know Anne, a daughter of Pierre Gorry and Marguerite Moreau, married another Saint-Christophe native in Croix-des-Bouquet in 1704. When she died in 1732, she was said to have been 50 year sold, suggesting she was born around 1681. However, The 1671 census establishes that Pierre Gorry was married to a "mulatto" named Marie, not Marguerite. However, in 1671, this Pierre Gorry had 1 son and 2 daughters (and no slaves or servants), meaning that there may have been another Gorry who married Marguerite Moreau and had Anne before leaving Saint-Christophe for Saint-Domingue. Alternatively, the name may have been miswritten in the 1671 census.

Besides Pierre Gorry appearing in the 1671 census for Saint-Christophe and in the 1690 Roll (his name appears there twice, perhaps one being a son), the Godard and Renard were also on the island. A Pierre Godard appears in the 1671 census, unmarried but with a white servant. Francois Renard likewise appears. While the exact nature of the connection Louis Gory had with the Godard and Renard in Bainet is still unclear, it does appear very likely that their families were connected in Saint-Christophe. Sadly, we are still unsure about any specific African ancestry Louis Gory had, nor can we establish the origins of Marie, the black mother of his sons in Bainet. But the Saint-Christophe connection certainly seems likely based on other colonists in Bainet hailing from there. Similarly, for him to be named as an uncle to the child of Renard and Godard and as godparent to several related children means something. Perhaps Louis was the son of one of the 2 daughters listed in the 1671 census, and due to being illegitimate, he used his mother's surname? But his father may have been a Godard or Renard? Just wild speculating here, but it does all point back to Saint-Christophe. 

Dessalines in Jacmel (1801)

Whilst revisiting the records from the parish registries for colonial Jacmel, we saw Jean-Jacques Dessalines made an appearance! This must have been after successfully concluding the War of Knives against the forces of Rigaud. Dessalines was actually the godfather for a child of Terrien and Cangé origin born in the Bainet. This is perhaps not too surprising, although Henri Christophe later changed his opinions about General Pierre Cangé, who was related to these people. 

The Inventory of Philippe Latouche in Bainet (1737)

Looking at little later in the Jacmel quarter, we found a 1737 inventory for the deceased Bainet planter, Philippe Latouche, located in the Gris-Gris section. The estate held 18 slaves, no children. We assume it was dedicated to indigo and may have had some typical characteristics of similar plantations in the region during the 1730s. What immediately comes to mind is that nearly half the slaves were "Congos" with only 2 Creoles (1 from Martinique). 

The Arada were present, yes, and 2 were of unknown derivation (one not provided while the other is illegible), but the Ibo and Bambara were only represented by 1 each. We must look for more inventories from the 1730s-1750s, but the "Congos" were always a sizable part of the population. By now the "Loango" seem to disappear (or perhaps the French were already using "Congo" as a general term for Central Africans), so one wonders about the French slave traders active in Loango during this time.