The Cacicazgo of Maguana and Caonabo

The island on the Axis Mundi with San Juan de la Maguana as the center of the world (in Valmé, Atabey, Yucayequey, Caney : 6000 ans d'amenagement territorial prehispanique sur l'ile d'Ayiti / Haiti/ Republique Dominicaine).

Exploring the history of the cacicazgo of Maguana is exceedingly difficult. Since we only know of Caonabo, its leader at the time of Columbus's arrival in Hispaniola, speculation and the use of the meager details of his life are the best clues. In addition, the topography of the island, Maguana's relations with other cacicazgos and the traditions of Indian misterios which have survived in the region of San Juan de la Maguana are the other types of evidence one must consult. Besides these, the brief references in the Spanish chronicles and some of the encomienda system's records are most of what one can work with. We shall begin with the chronicles and Columbus, then shift to other types of sources to reconstruct a plausible theory for Maguana. Then, with a review of 20th century scholarship and more contemporary studies, we shall endeavor to understand the features of the Maguana chiefdom. It will be shown that Caonabo's political career and function as a stranger king made him well-poised to understand the threat posed by the Spanish to the balance of power. In truth, as a stranger who was able to achieve great political power and status, Caonabo understood better than anyone else why the Spanish were such a threat.

Non-Spanish Early Sources

First, the non-Spanish chronicles and histories. Moreau de Saint-Mery wrote that Maguana was bordered to its south by the sea, on its north by the mountain chains, on its east by the Jayna (Haina) River, and on its west by the mountains of Bahoruco.[1] For Charlevoix, the Jesuit historian, Maguana included the Cibao and its leader, Caonabo, was the most powerful monarch on the island. Supposedly, Maguana was able to, with the aid of its allies no doubt, muster 100,000 warriors led by Manicatex, a brother of Caonabo.[2] Cuneo, a much earlier source, attributed the total forces Caonabo capable of mustering to be 50,000, so one presumes Manicatoex was receiving reinforcements from a broader alliance.[3] Nau, the 19th century Haitian historian of the island's indigenous peoples, repeated the narrative of Caonabo's Carib origin. One of Maguana's provinces included Niti, too.[4] Unsurprisingly, Nau likely drew on the same sources as the earlier Francophone chronicles and texts. 

An anonymous Frenchman, who presumably drew on oral tradition, also wrote about Caonabo. In his case, the treasure of Caonabo was thrown in the river by a wife after she heard the god of the Spanish was gold. This lost treasure apparently consisted of 300 plaques of gold, 52 charges of gold, a throne (presumably a duho) and a gold table. Locals even reported that the treasure of Caonabo was still somewhere in this river.[5] However, the region around San Juan de la Maguana was perceived by some non-Spanish writers as a part of the island in which people with mixed-race Indian ancestry could be found.[6] So even into the 17th century, the area around San Juan de la Maguana had a partly recognizable indigenous heritage. Indeed, even Thomas Madiou reproduced a discourse by a commandant of San Juan de la Maguana from the 1820s which reiterated the notion of indigenous ancestry.[7] Last, but certainly not least, Robert Schomburgk visited the site of the Corral de los Indios, a ceremonial center that is often said to be the largest plaza in the Caribbean. Although Schomburgk referred to it as a "Cercado de los Indios," it is obvious he was referring to the same Corral.[8] Its tremendous size and the use of a rock with evidence for eyes and a mouth near the center of the plaza must have held some kind of cosmological or ritual significance. Despite their limitations, these pre-20th century French and English sources do give a sense in which indigenous traditions may have survived in the region of San Juan de la Maguana. Naturally, this could very well be part of the legacy of Maguana and provide possible clues to the region. Thus, the association of water with indigenous spirits in the region today could very well be an example of indigenous retentions.[9]

Spanish-Language Early Sources

Moving on to Spanish sources, the language of all the primary sources, scholars have additional details and more questions emerge. First, Columbus and others who visited Hispaniola in the 1490s provide the earliest written sources to mention Caonabo or areas allegedly part of his domains. For example, Columbus, who met Caonabo, referred to him as "a man advanced in years and of great knowledge and very keen understanding.”[10] This suggests that Caonabo was perhaps middle-aged or older by this time. He was not young or politically inexperienced, as Guacanagari of Marien may have been. In fact, Columbus's journal on the First Voyage likely alludes to parts of Caonabo's territory when referring to places east of Marien: Guarionex, Macorix, Mayonic, Fuma, Cibao, and Coroay.[11] It is highly likely that the Cibao was part of Caonabo's territory, and Mayonic could have been Columbus's garbled rendering of Maguana. In his other writings, Columbus similarly described interactions with Caonabo and the land of Maguana. For instance, he knew of "Cahonaboa" as "el cual posee tierra en que ay mucho oro.”[12] 

Elsewhere, in a memorial from 1494, Columbus referred to Caonabo as "que es ombre, según la relación de todos, muy malo e muy más atrevido.”[13] Clearly written during the period of conflict with the powerful native ruler, Columbus acknowledged the bold daring of Caonabo. This is why Columbus urged the sending of European gifts to Caonabo to help lower his guard. The giving of gifts was quickly understood by Columbus to be important in establishing close ties with the indigenous elite of the island. But on Maguana specifically, Columbus's writings report "y este Cahonabo dizen que en la tierra donde vive ay mucho oro mas es tierra muy montañosa."[14] Upon consideration of Caonabo's name, translated as "Lord of the Golden House" by Martyr d'Anghiera, the cacique's territory must have included gold-producing parts of the island. When he visited Maguana itself in 1495, Columbus noted the land's proximity to the sierras and its acequias or irrigation ditches, "como en Granada," to exploit the plentiful sources of water.[15] This reference to the use of irrigation canals or ditches is especially significant. Since the use of the same method of irrigation was used in Xaragua, whose leader at the time was a brother-in-law of Caonabo, one is tempted to consider a technological transfer from Xaragua to Maguana. Alternatively, both regions may have begun using irrigation systems much earlier. Regardless of the origin of this practice, it would have greatly increased the agricultural potential and provided higher population densities. This could explain the large number of houses in Maguana's central settlement, which Lynne Guitar claimed exceeded 1000.[16] 

In addition to Columbus, a plethora of other Spanish sources and chroniclers of the first half of the 16th century mentioned Caonabo and Maguana. For instance, Martyr d'Anghiera's De Orbe Novo gave a translation of Caonabo's name. Furthermore, based on Morales's map of Hispaniola and other sources, d'Anghiera located Maguana in Bainoa. Maguana itself was a valley through which the Bahaun River flowed. Caonabo's siege of Alonso de Ojeda in the Fort of Saint Thomas was also mentioned, including the bewildering tale of Caonabo's capture and imprisonment by Ojeda. Like Columbus, d'Anghiera also stressed that Caonabo ruled "Cipangu" (a misunderstanding on the part of Columbus for the Cibao, mistakenly identifying it with Japan). But with a much smaller estimate of warriors, Caonabo's brother was only able to gather 5000 men but they were defeated by the Spanish (with the brother's capture, too).[17] Ferdinand Columbus, the son of the Admiral, also referred to Caonabo in his biography of his father. In this case, it was to the enmity between Caonabo and Guacanagari as the former had stolen the wife of the other.[18] Although Columbus's son offered a different narrative of Caonabo's capture, the general picture is consistent with the other sources on Caonabo's destruction of La Navidad and conflict with the Spanish. Las Casas, on the other hand, provided a richer description of Maguana. For this author, Maguana was located near the Cibao and consisted of valleys, rivers, plains, and sierras. It was fertile, enjoyed a moderate temperature, and the Yaqui river passed through its territory. Maguana's name referred to the fact that it was a smaller vega than Maguá, the cacicazgo held by the family of Guarionex.[19] Las Casas even gives some dimensions for Maguana, cited by Sued-Badillo as being 30 leagues long and 25 leagues wide.[20] 

The other 16th century sources include Oviedo's Historia general y natural de las Indias and the records associated with the 1514 Repartimiento. Oviedo, who came to the island long after the demise of Caonabo, believed the cacique was of Carib origin. Moreover, he also saw the Ciguayos as subjects of Caonabo.[21] This seems unlikely if the Ciguayos were based in Samaná, closer to the territory of Guarionex. The 16th century records on the encomiendas of San Juan de la Maguana and other towns in c. 1514 also allude to some details on Maguana. Of the 1,435 Indians assigned to encomenderos there, some were the western part of the island. For example, a cacique named Baltasar de Higuamuco likely came from the territory Las Casas described as east of Guahaba. Others who likely came from the cacicazgo of Maguana in precolonial times were assigned to encomenderos in other towns. Thus, Hernando del Maguanabo, perhaps his name referring to "House of Maguana," was assigned to Diego de Ocampo in Bonao.[22] Although his following only consisted of 45 people, his name is highly suggestive of someone who may have hailed from the precolonial Maguana elite. Other familiar names among the indigenous leadership include Enrique, who later led a long-lasting revolt against Spanish authority from the Bahoruco Mountains. As the nephew of Anacaona, the wife of Caonabo, his presence in the Bahoruco area and San Juan de la Maguana must have held some appeal to indigenous people who remembered Caonabo for his fierce resistance to the Spanish.

Another cacique who may have been tied to Maguana was Manicaotex, assigned to an encomendero in  La Concepción with 79 indigenous people in his community.[23] There is no evidence this is the same person as the brother of Caonabo with the same name, but a connection is possible. In fact, the name is reminiscent of the Taino word manicato, perhaps signifying a bold leader. Another cacique who may have been originally from the area of San Juan de la Maguana (or Azua, likely part of the larger cacicazgo of Maguana) was Alonso de Ojeda. Though assigned to an encomendero in La Buenaventura, the Hieronymite Interrogatory of 1517 specifically named him as one of the caciques who conspired to flee and resist Spanish attempts at forced relocations.[24] With 135 indigenous people under his leadership, he may have been one of the more important caciques in the Maguana or Azua area.[25] 

Lingering Questions and Modern Sources

After reviewing the French and Spanish (and one English article) sources on Maguana before the 20th century, there are many questions which remain. Was Maguana's dimensions as given by Las Casas accurate? Was Caonabo a Lucayo or Carib? To what extent were the people in the Bahoruco and areas near the modern Haitian border part of his domains? And was his marriage with Anacaona a later development in his life after he consolidated his power at the head of Maguana? Undoubtedly, the marriage alliance with Anacaona strengthened his political position among the matunheri caciques of the island. One wonders if Caonabo's political rise, despite his foreign origins, was tied to a guatiao or fictive kinship link with the previous lineage of Maguana.  Or, was Caonabo a Lucayo or "Carib" related to the ruling dynasty of Maguana? The question of Caonabo's 3 or 4 brothers and the apparent succession of the throne to a brother might be an indication of maternal lineage rooted in the region. Perhaps Caonabo's branch was able to seize power through the effective military leadership of Caonabo. Furthermore, one wonders if the Uxmatex, a cacique and captain of Caonabo, was another one of his brothers.

Moving into the 20th century, several secondary sources shed further light on Maguana with the aid of ethnohistory and newer approaches to the archive. The 20^th century Dominican historian, Casimiro Moya, speculated that the territory of Maguana encompassed the Cibao, Maniey, Azua and Banique.[26] Sven Loven, author of a masterpiece on the indigenous Caribbean, seemed to prefer Caonabo as a Lucayo whose success in wars preceded his ascent to the position of cacique of Maguana. He also believed that the Corral de los Indios was a sanctuary site. The crown of Caonabo was also described as having wings and gold-encrusted eyes.[27] Samuel Wilson, based on Las Casas, recounted how Caonabo was captured and the brass bell of La Isabela that could talk.[28] Intriguingly, the fact that it took 18 months before Behechio of Xaragua tried to annex parts of Maguana after the fall of Caonabo was also important, perhaps showing how the defeat of Caonabo and his brother destroyed the paramount chiefdom's stability.[29] E.W. Stone likewise proposes the sacred spaces held by Maguana included El Cacique de Charco de los Indios, Río Chacuey, Cueva Pomier, and Pico Duarte would have enhanced the status of Caonabo.[30] 

Besides these 20th century sources, several additional scholars have analyzed aspects of Caonabo's life or the Maguana cacicazgo. Valmé, drawing on a perhaps erroneous method, estimated the Corral de los Indios site's batey, of 37,994 square meters, could have held 11,400 people. Moreover, Maguana contained more than 45 drainage basins, another sign of the area's agricultural potential and attraction to people.[31] Bernardo Vega, who drew heavily upon the map of Morales and other sources, problematically asserted a Ciguayo origin for Caonabo but failed to provide evidence.[32]  Cassá, however, theorized that Caonabo wanted to use Christian cemí power in his war against the Spanish, which could be why Caonabo was willing to accept European gifts.[33] Deagan, in her study of En Bas Saline, the probable site of Guacanagari's capital, has also cited sources on Columbus enslaving 600 of Caonabo's subjects in 1494/5.[34] 

Significantly, Jean Fouchard, the Haitian historian, also proposed that a Haitian "Chant de guerre de Caonabo" from the 19th century is an authentic specimen of indigenous literature. First published in La Selve's study of Haitian literature, the song is full of Kalinago words like boutou. There's also a proposal that Caonabo was from Guadeloupe, which is interesting since the indigenes of Guadeloupe were in contact with Puerto Rico.[35] It is not implausible for an adventuresome Kalinago from Guadeloupe or the Lesser Antilles to have reached Hispaniola, too. But the chant's fusion of mostly Kalinago words with a few examples of Taino words seems more typical of a 19th century Haitian literary style, which sometimes conflated Kalinago and Taino cultures. Thus, the song is full of words like Kouroumon and Bayakou. The song also refers to Guacanagari as a traitor, which does match how chroniclers described the animosity between Guacanagari and other caciques of Hispaniola.[36] Since the song's origins are unclear and it is unlikely to be an authentic war song from 1492 or 1493, it is perhaps better seen as an example of how 19th century Haitian authors imagined the areyto. Nonetheless, the claim of an origin in Guadeloupe for Caonabo is not outside the realm of plausibility and has at least some basis in the Spanish chronicles.

The most important sources on Caonabo, however, are the works of Keegan and Ostapkowicz. The former, author of a study on Caonabo as a stranger king, draws extensively on his own archaeological research in the Lucayan islands. Keegan has also tied the notion of Caonabo as "Carib" to a Taino mythical geography. Moreover, the references in the sources to Caonabo and his 3 brothers are reminiscent of Deminan and his 3 brothers in Taino myth).[37] If Caonabo was a wise, stranger figure whose life could parallel important figures in Taino mythology, this model may elucidate how he was able to ascend to the status of most powerful cacique on the island. Keegan even suggests that he could have been the guardian of the mythical cave of origin, Cacibajagua, if it was included in his domains.[38] Of course, we have argued against the location of Cacibajagua in the domains of Caonabo,[39] but the central location of Guacanagari and the gigantic plaza at El Corral de los Indios likely has cosmological significance that went beyond the confines of Maguana. In terms of archaeology, Keegan has identified a possible site for an important village Caonabo may have come from: the MC-6 settlement established no earlier than 1300.[40] If Caonabo was indeed a Lucayan, as indicated by Las Casas, he could have come from this important, cosmologically charged site that was linked to Hispaniola. Indeed, Maguana may have represented the center of the island and the center of the world from the perspective of the indigenous peoples, a notion also shared by Valmé.

Ostapkowicz, on the other hand, brings a keen attention to detail and textual sources with a study of Taino material culture. In her thesis, a study of the Taino duho, Columbus is cited for Caonabo's explanation that every principal cacique of the island believed that after death, people go to a valley where they see their ancestors, eat, access their wives, and more. Caonabo explained that every cacique believed the valley of the afterlife was located somewhere in their own territory, perhaps implying that Coabay was not located in a single place.[41] In her recent study of cloth and fibrous materials, Ostapkowicz delves into an analysis of various items received in tribute from Caonabo's community in 1495. A combination of belts, masks with gold parts, naguas, hammocks, cotton, and sheets of gold were collected from Caonabo's Indians.[42] The presence of much material using cloth, though not as much as the cloth and textiles found in Anacaona's storehouse, indicates the degree to which cotton and textiles were part of the wealth of a cacique. As one of the most powerful caciques, and one whose name referred to gold, it is striking how so much of the tribute collected from Caonabo's subjects consisted of cloth. While gold was used with the masks and other objects given to the Spanish, one can detect a similar sense of value and wealth in Caonabo's Maguana as that of Xaragua. Given the close ties between Xaragua and Maguana, as well as the use of irrigation canals in both chiefdoms, perhaps cotton was one of the additional sources of wealth for Maguana. Alternatively, cotton may have been given in gift exchanges between Xaragua and Maguana, with the latter possibly serving as a source of gold. 

Conclusion

In summation, the mystery of Caonabo remains. For about 500 years, writers have disagreed on his origin. Keegan's theory of a possible origin in Middle Caicos is intriguing, but of course only a speculation. The "Carib" origin theory could still be true, but academics should explore the links between Hispaniola and the Lesser Antilles. For instance, the finding of Hispaniola-styled duhos at sites in the Lesser Antilles may be evidence of elite exchange or trade, perhaps pointing to a possible Kalinago origin of Caonabo through one of these networks. Moreover, questions remain on the domain of Maguana and how the chiefdom may have looked before 1492. In terms of the chiefdom's characteristics, the existence of irrigation canals or ditches as well as control of gold-producing areas likely made Maguana a populous center of attraction for much of Hispaniola. The alliance with Xaragua, another densely populated region with ample cotton production, likely included military dimensions that may have made Caonabo one of, if not the most, powerful caciques in Hispaniola. Finally, Caonabo's foreign origins and deft navigation of the political landscape of the island made him the best positioned to understand the threat posed by the Spanish.

 

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[1]  M.L.E. Moreau de Saint-Méry, A topographical and political description of the Spanish part of Saint-Domingo: containing, general observations on the climate, population, and productions; on the character and manners of the inhabitants; with an account of the several branches of the government, Volume 1, 34.

[2] Pierre-François-Xavier de Charlevoix, Histoire de l'Isle espagnole ou de S. Domingue, Vol. 1, 81-82, 172.

[3] Carl Ortwin Sauer, The Early Spanish Main, 84.

[4] Émile Nau, Histoire des caciques d'Haïti, 116-117.

[5] Cultivateur de la Haute-Saône, Observations météorologiques et physiques sur St.-Domingue. Description du Rio-del-Oro, ou Rivière d'Or de Christophe Colomb. Découverte des mines d'or par cet amiral. Renseignemens sur les trésors du cacique Caonabo. Origine des peuples d'Amérique. Description de leur berceau. Ages des deux mondes. Numéro 6 /, 32-33.

[6]  Alexander O. Exquemelin, The Buccaneers of America, 36.

[7] Thomas Madiou, Histoire d’Haiti, Tome VI, 356.

[8] Robert Schomburgk, “Ethnological Researches in Santo Domingo,” 91-92.

[9] Martha Ellen Davis, La otra ciencia: el vodu dominicano el vodú dominicano como religión y medicina populares, 138.

[10] Christopher Columbus in Ramón Pané, An Account of the Antiquities of the Indians, 45.

[11] Christopher Columbus, The Journal of Christopher Columbus (During His First Voyage), 141.

[12] Cristóbal Colón, Textos y documentos completos: Relaciones de viajes, cartas y memoriales, 243.

[13] Ibid., 256.

[14] Ibid., 277.

[15] Ibid., 324.

[16] Lynne Guitar, Cultural Genesis: Relationships among Indians, Africans, and Spaniards in rural. Hispaniola, first half of the sixteenth century, 121.

[17] Peter Martyr d’Anghiera, De Orbe Novo.

[18] Ferdinand Columbus, The Life of the Admiral Christopher Columbus by His Son, 148.

[19]  Bartolomé de Las Casas, Apologética historia sumaria.

[20] Jalil Sued-Badillo, Caribe taíno: Ensayos históricos sobre el siglo XVI, 19.

[21] Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo, Historia general y natural de las Indias, primera parte Vol. 1, 67.

[22] Luis Arranz Márquez, Repartimientos y encomiendas en la Isla Española (El repartimiento de Alburquerque de 1514), 569.

[23] Ibid., 584.

[24] Behique Dunama, “Interrogatorio de los Jeronimos.”

[25] Luis Arranz Márquez, Repartimientos y encomiendas en la Isla Española (El repartimiento de Alburquerque de 1514), 567.

[26] Casimiro Moya, Bosquejo histórico del descubrimiento y conquista de la isla de Santo Domingo y narración de los principales sucesos ocurridos en la parte española de ella desde la sumisión de su último cacique hasta nuestros días: Epoca de la conquista y gobierno de los españoles hasta la sumisión de los últimos indios. Libro primero, Volume 1, 23.

[27] Sven Loven, Origins of the Tainan Culture, West Indies, 97, 509.

[28] Samuel Wilson, Hispaniola: Caribbean Chiefdoms in the Age of Columbus, 86.

[29] Ibid., 91.

[30] E.W. Stone, “The Conquest of Española as a “Structure of Conjuncture,”’ 371.

[31] Gilbert R. Valmé, Atabey, Yucayequey, Caney : 6000 ans d'amenagement territorial prehispanique sur l'ile d'Ayiti / Haiti/ Republique Dominicaine, 15, 181.

[32] Bernardo Vega, Los Cacicazgos de la Hispaniola, 57.

[33] Roberto Cassá, Los Tainos de la Española, 222.

[34] Kathleen Deagan, En Bas Saline: A Taíno Town Before and After Columbus, 34.

[35] Jean Fouchard, Langue et littérature des aborigènes d'Ayti, 91.

[36] Ibid., 92.

[37] William F. Keegan, Taíno Indian Myth and Practice: The Arrival of the Stranger King, 35, 45.

[38] Ibid., 46-47.

[39] Behique Dunama, “Caonao (Cahonao).”

[40] William F. Keegan, Taíno Indian Myth and Practice: The Arrival of the Stranger King, 182.

[41] Joanna Ostapkowicz, Taino wooden sculpture: rulership and the visual arts in the 12–16th century Caribbean, 518.

[42] Joanna Ostapkowicz, Anacaona’s Gift: Cotton and the woven arts of the 11th to 17th century Caribbean, 187-189.

Athebeane Nequen

One term from the Taino language of Haiti-Quisqueya which fascinates us is athebeane nequen. Used for the wife of a deceased cacique buried alive with her spouse, the term's origins are complex and confusing. Appearing in Oviedo's chronicle and, as a slightly different term (rendered as a single word, Guanahattabenecheuà) in the works of Peter Martyr d'Anghiera, the word is clearly linked to central concepts of caciques, funeral rites for the social elites of the Taino world, and gender relations. According to Oviedo, the athebeane nequen was the most beautiful wife of the cacique, bured alive with her. Expanding further, Encisco (according to Ricardo Alegria's MA thesis on the Taino cacicazgo) wrote that this wife would enter the open grave of a cacique after the period of mourning ended, right before the grave was closed again. Moreover, Peter Martyr d'Anghiera described this custom, at least in the case of Behechio of Xaragua, as including the favorite necklaces, ornaments, water and casabe. Thus, one can presume the interment of live wives of powerful caciques was accompanied by some specific type of ritual.

This leads us to our next question. What is the etymology of the term used by Oviedo and Anghiera? At first, we thought there might be a link to the cemi, Atabey, or Attabeira. Said to have been the mother of Yocahu and to possess 5 names, one can assume she was an important cemi associated with motherhood. According to Arrom's translation of  Ramón Pané, this cemi's name might be connected to the word for mother and the word for water. Was the title, as rendered by Oviedo, really a name for a wife of a cacique whose self-sacrifice was seen as related to Atabey? Of course, there are other theories. Douglas Taylor, for example, noted that in the Island Carib language, the title could have been rendered as something equivalent to the wife that goes down/sets (as in the Sun and the Moon). However, Taylor noted that the term, as rendered by Oviedo, is inconsistent with this. In addition, we even explored the chances of the nequen part of the name being similar to the word for river or stream or even as a shorted form of henequen. Neither theory can be demonstrated, although we know from Martyr d'Anghiera that names referring to rivers were sometimes used for caciques, as in Duyheiniquem for Behechio of Xaragua. Thus, the term's origin remains unclear. 

Despite these problems, we think the term for this special type of wife buried alive may have been connected to the cemi, Atabey. Since the cult of cemis ad the close association with the power and authority of caciques seems likely, it would not be a surprise for the unique burial of a living wife of a cacique to be associated with a cemi. If Atabey was the mother of Yocahu, a central cemi at least in Hispaniola, perhaps it is no surprise that a athebeane nequen is a title referring to the cemis. Naturally, firmer evidence must be found, and perhaps other examples of names or titles linked to the cemis might be revelatory here. 

Behechio in 1495

Whilst perusing old documents from early colonial Hispaniola, we came across something we somehow forgot about. According to a 1495 list of items given (and seized) by the Spaniards and brought to Spain, Xaragua's cacique, Behechio gifted gold and objects covered with gold to Cristobal de Torres. What is most interesting about this is that Behechio did not give Xaragua's better-known products, cotton or cotton goods, to the Admiral. Presumably this was due to his understanding that the Spaniards preferred gold above all. So, instead of naguas, hammocks, cotton, macanas, ropa de pluma or other objects highly valued by Xaragua's elite, gold and objects featured gold encrustrations were given. It is a pity the source does not indicate what the figure covered by gold was. Was it a cemi object? And was he simply engaging in this because the Spaniards had defeated his brother-in-law, Caonabo?

Peguero and Xaragua

Although written in the 1760s and often unclear with some of the sources for its claims, Luis Joseph Peguero's Historia de la conquista de la isla española de Santo Domingo contains some useful allusions to the history of Xaragua. While he seems to largely rely on Las Casas, Oviedo and Herrera, some of the references to Xaragua appear to be unique in Peguero's work. Keeping in mind that he incorrectly identified Anacaona as a wife of the ruler of Xaragua (and misrepresented her as a sister of Caonabo), Peguero's work is nonetheless worth a second look for those interested in Xaragua.

First, Peguero identified items besides cotton and casabe as tribute of Xaragua to the Spanish. For instance, salt and brazil wood were also identified as items of value by the Spanish. In addition, one finds specific caciques named who ruled areas where salt and brazil wood were plentiful. For the former, a cacique named Guanaconel, in the area of Neyba, allegedly ruled a domain which included a salt mine. For brazil wood, a cacique identified as Mateguana, ruled somewhere in the Banda del Sur (presumably located near the future settlement of Yaquimo?). Cabo de Tiburon and the principal lake of Xaragua also had brazil wood. An additional cacique at the time of Ovand, Aybanes, was said to have ruled the area near this large lake. 

Peguero also gives some figures for the vassal caciques of Xaragua and its soldiers. One is undoubtedly inflated, putting the number of warriors at the disposal of Xaragua at 20,000 when he first crossed paths with the Adelantado by the Neyba River. Peguero similarly suggests Xaragua had 32 cacique vassals. It's principal settlement, or capital, allegedly had multiple plazas with trees to provide shade. One is left unsure if the over 80 caciques serving under Anacaona at the time of Ovando's slaughter was perhaps due to Indians from other parts of Hispaniola fleeing to Xaragua beforehand or if this attests to the discrepancies in the Spanish sources. 

Last, but certainly not least, Peguero also wrote about Xaragua's fall. Putting the blame for the massacre on Sebastian de Biloria, who falsely accused Anacaona of plotting against Ovando, Peguero suggests Ovando late felt remorse for the brutal killings.  Indeed, Anacaona was also said to understand and speak some Spanish and harbor a legitimate desire for baptism. If Peguero's story is reliable, it would appear that Biloria had wanted Anacaona to side with him in a plot against Ovando and the colonial government. Once Ovando fell for Biloria's lie, however, her fate was sealed. Without Roldan as a counterweight to the colonial government (and despite his abuses) and with the treacherous method used by Ovando to eliminate Xaragua's political elite, the most powerful cacicazgo on the island was neutralized as a threat to the colonial system. The fall of Xaragua's capital, unsurprisingly, was followed by the defeat of Haniguayagua and La Guababa. The seed of Xaragua later arose to threaten the colonial regime for several years in the revolt of a cacique, Enriquillo, whose movement centered in the Bahoruco contributed to the depopulation of Yaquimo and Salvatierra de la Sabana. Indeed, Enriquillo, whose wife, Mensia Bauruco, was the said to have been the daughter of a cacique named Baurucos. Enriquillo was said to have under his command 6 captains with 70 warriors each, plus Tamayo. 

Of course, Peguero also wrote about each of the other cacicazgos and their dissolution. Some general comments on the "Taino" can also be found. Echoing chroniclers like Las Casas, we learn of the Taino penchant for trade and exchange (as well as the use of eggs, corn and supposedly cacao in buying and selling). The Taino calendar system, apparently lunar and beginning the year in spring, was also discussed. The stars, believed to be deceased Indians and bright stars former caciques, snippets of Taino cosmology are revealed in a way that is somewhat more respectful than the condescending remarks that focus on Taino idolatry and superstition. 

Careybana

Although this is purely speculative, one wonders if the place name, Careybana, may have simply meant a flooded or wet plain. Identified in the Spanish chronicles as an area situated on a plain with a large concentration of people in the cacicazgo of Xaragua, the first part of the name, Carey, bears a slight resemblance to a Palikur word for a flooded plain. According to Launey's book on the Palikur tongue, kariy means flooded plain. While Palikur is an Arawakan language distantly related to Taino, we suspect carey and kariy might be related terms. Sadly, we could not find any similar words in Island Carib, Garifuna, or other Arawakan languages. In the Arawak of Suriname, however, Goeje did record kalhao or kalho as words for grass. Perhaps it is far more likely that Careybana simply meant a wet plain where seaturtles could be easily caught near the coast, assuming carey is really the Taino word for sea turtles.

Anacaona, Poème Dramatique

Anacaona, poème dramatique by Burr-Reynaud, Frédéric Burr-Reynaud and Dominique Hippolyte is yet another play inspired by Haiti's indigenous past and the Spanish conquest. First staged in 1927, the play continues the Haitian tradition of connecting the struggles of the "Taino" with the descendants of African slaves who avenge them by defeating the French in 1804. Since it was also staged during the US Occupation, one can easily imagine the play appealing to nationalist sentiments in favor of Haitian independence and anti-imperialism, too. 

However, this short play fictionalizes aspects of the Xaragua Massacre orchestrated by Ovando. Although Ovando is portrayed as already plotting to destroy Xaragua and even convinces his officers that the Indians are plotting against them, the authors also add romance. Ovando actually falls in love with Anacaona, so completely seduced and beguiled by her charm, beauty and etiquette. Anacaona, however, cannot forget the fate of Caonabo, and only hopes to win over the Spanish with her charms to avert greater disaster. Sadly, Ovando nonetheless orders the massacres and becomes irate when rejected by Anacaona, who is later killed. 

Throughout the play, an old woman, Mataba, repeatedly warns of the Spanish plot to destroy Xaragua and enslave and oppress the Indian population. Alas, the other Indian leaders do not heed her warnings, so Mataba predicts the eventual vengeance of the indigenous population by blacks (today's Haitians). Thus, through a fraternal bond based on their exploitation and subjugation by Europeans, Haitians and "Tainos" are connected. Again, this is neither surprising, nor deviating from typical Haitian literary portrayals of the island's indigenous peoples. One can also see the authors continuing to use words derived from sources on the Kalinago, too. Thus, moutoutou, ouicou, Nonun, Savacou, Kouroumon, and other Kalinago words make an appearance. One scene even has Anacaona and her court praying to the cemis, including among them names from Kalinago (Island Carib) religion and spirituality. 

Exploring the Meaning of Xaragua

Another word from the Taino language we would like to explore is Xaragua. According to Granberry and Vescelius's Languages of the Pre-Columbian Antilles, Xaragua meant something like "Lake Country" but the authors do not present any evidence to support this assertion. However, it remains a plausible translation for the place name of Hispaniola's most powerful cacicazgo. If the gua or wa at the end of the name signifies land, then the first part of the word (xara or jara) should be the Taino word for lake. And various Spanish sources refer to the lake or lakes of Xaragua. The Diccionario de voces indígenas de Puerto Rico lists amá as the Taino word for river or body of water, but it seems the language must have included another word for lake.

Let's look at other Arawakan languages to see if xara or jara probably meant lake. In Garifuna, lake is dúnaha. In Palikur, lake is mahakwa. In another Arawakan language, Lokono, sea is bará and, according to Goeje's The Arawak Language of Guiana, lake is kiraha. In Wayuu, on the other hand, lake is lamuuna and sea is palaa. In the Kalinago tongue, one sees tona for water or river and taonabo for pond or small lake. The 17th century French dictionaries for the language are not particularly useful here. Nonetheless, one can see some degree of resemblance between the Taino Xaragua and the Palikur mahakwa or the Lokono kiraha.

Interestingly, its on the Venezuelan coast, near the mouth of the Yaracuy river, where early European sources recorded a large village or town called Xaragua. According to Nikolaus Federmann's account of his explorations of the interior of Venezuela, this town or village was called Xaragua and located on the coast or near the shore, about 80 leagues east of Coro. This is actually not too far from the modern state of Aragua in Venezuela, which happens to include a large lake (Lake Valencia) in its territory as well as river also called Aragua. It is not entirely clear who the residents of the area were (another group of Caquetios, like the ones who guided Federmann to the area or Ciparicotos, who spoke a different language than the Caquetios?), but the appearance of the word Xaragua for an area near large lakes and rivers in both Hispaniola and Venezuela is not entirely coincidental, is it? The inhabitants of the area around Lake Valencia and today's Aragua may have been Caquetios or another Arawakan-speaking group, according to Los aborígenes del occidente de Venezuela, su historia, etnografía y afinidades lingüísticas by Alfredo Jahn. If so, perhaps the Xaragua name for the more distant coastal village was possibly reflecting a much larger area of connected peoples with rivers and lakes like the Yaracuy and Lake Valencia? It is difficult to say since Xaragua was not especially near Lake Valencia.

In short, Xaragua does indeed seem likely to mean lake or Lake Country. The Lokono and Palikur examples are close enough. The Venezuelan village visited by Federmann may have been populated by a Caquetio-speaking group, though that is pure speculation on our part. In Venezuela, the village or pueblo does not seem to have been exceptionally close to lakes, but Lake Valencia and the modern state of Aragua seem to be possibly linked to Caquetio or Arawakan-speakers in the precolonial area. If so, it may be additional evidence of Xaragua implying some type of connection or relationship with lakes and large bodies of water. 

Xaragua's End..

Section of an early map of the island of Haiti

Although they are limited, it is always interesting to read additional sources that mention the end of Anacaona and the Xaragua cacicazgo. In this case, coming across an account from a 1536 will by Diego Mendez, who was present during the massacres orchestrated by Ovando, is useful. While his brief account of this egregious episode in the annals of history did not go into the grisly details, Mendez stated that 84 caciques and Anacaona were killed by the Spaniards. Diego Mendez's testimony may be somewhat limited since he returned to Hispaniola from Jamaica while the Xaragua "campaign" had already started. Moreover, he wrote it several years after the events described therein, so perhaps his numbers are a little off or inaccurate. However, it was interesting to note that he remembered Anacaona as "sovereign mistress" of the island.

Another early mention of Xaragua can be found in a letter by Dominican friars to Fray Pedro Simon de Cordoba, written in 1516 or so. According to this letter, Xaragua was considered by the Indians of the island to be the principal chiefdom due to its great and many caciques, ample food, and beautiful women. In addition, they wrote a version of Ovando's actions which suggest some interesting parts not mentioned in other sources. For instance, they wrote that the Indians of Xaragua were indeed speaking of killing Ovando. Furthermore, when he trapped several caciques inside a caney or large bohio before having them burned to death (supposedly 60, according to the letter), Ovando supposedly wore guanin that he said was meant as a gift to Anacaona. Was this sign of gift-giving or exchange with Anacaona, an example of Spaniards participating in a system of reciprocity and exchange based on indigenous value systems? Either way, it was part of Ovando's plan, which eventually succeeded and led to a slaughter of several caciques. Those who survived or fled were enslaved, including on Guarocuya, a nephew of Anacaona who was later killed in the Bahoruco area. Perhaps Don Enrique or Enriquillo, the later indigenous rebel, was named after or related to this earlier Guarocuya? 

While the letter by the friars is sympathetic to the people of Xaragua, it is also somewhat condescending, alluding to them as easily deceived. What seems more likely is that there may have indeed been some sort of plot or conspiracy to free Xaragua from the Spanish threat, but it was still in its initial stages. Perhaps Anacaona was waiting for a better time or opportune moment to start it, but Ovando decided that quick, decisive and treacherous actions could neutralize the threat right away, although Oviedo wrote that it took 6 months to pacify the western part of the island, finally ending in February of 1504. It even brought in captives or slaves, like the later campaign against Higuey. Indeed, it ensured direct Spanish control over most of what is now Haiti and the establishment of the encomienda system and Spanish towns. Presumably, the captives taken in these campaigns were more easily transferred to the mining areas or Santo Domingo while others fled to Cuba.

Guesstimating Xaragua's Population

While perusing Repartimientos y encomiendas en la Isla Española: El repartimiento de Albuquerque de 1514 by Luis Arranz Márquez, we decided to speculate on what the population of areas associated with the former cacicazgo of Xaragua may have been before 1514. Obviously, there are severe problems and limitations with the data. For instance, Anderson-Cordova's totals for the 3 areas we are considering here as part of the former Xaragua was only 3554. However, the data as presented by Arranz Márquez gives a somewhat higher total for Yaquimo, La Sabana (perhaps more autonomous due to its distance) and La Vera Paz, 3625. One must also remember that some of the indigenous population in this part of Hispaniola may have been relocated to areas closer to mining operations. While the 1517 Interrogatory found forced relocation to be something severely resisted by the Indians, causing them to rebel, flee to the mountains or threaten to commit suicide, some indigenous peoples were probably forcibly relocate during the initial phases of conquest. Of course, the brutal Spanish conquest of Xaragua under Ovando must have similarly lowered the area's population through slaughter and fleeing populations. That raises another issue, too, since some of the population may have fled to other islands or other inaccessible areas and were not formally enumerated in repartimiento statistics.

That said, looking at population data for 3 areas associated with the former cacicazgo of Xaragua in 1514 might offer suggestions for its population before 1492. We know from Spanish sources that it was considered the most powerful chiefdom on the island before the Spanish conquest. Xaragua would have been able to support a relatively large population through its use of irrigation canals, too. That would have been necessary to support Xaragua's unusually large nitaino population. Indeed, the very name Xaragua, according to Granberry and Vescelius, means Lake Country. The "Taino" are known to have relied heavily on seafood as well as some of the fauna that would have also lived in the lakes and rivers. Furthermore, according to Oviedo, Xaragua still had large villages in the 1510s. When he first visited the area in 1515, Oviedo reported large villages near Lake Azuei. While Oviedo may have exaggerated the population capacity of Taino villages or aldeas in the precolonial period, there was undoubtedly a large concentration of people in the area of Xaragua. The combination of lakes, rivers, access to the sea, irrigation, large cotton production, and larger than average "elite" population make this seem likely.

So, how does one interpret that demographic past with the sad statistics of 1514? If 3554-3625 is a rough estimate of what the Indian population of that part of Hispaniola was in 1514, then what would the population in precolonial times have been? Surely, it must have been orders of magnitude greater. While the aDNA evidence of precontact remains by David Reich et al suggest a population of the island in the tens of thousands, we find it likely that Xaragua could have supported at least two or three times more (probably even more) people before the Spanish conquest. Indeed, using the number of caciques (plus 1 nitaino) reported in the 1514 Repartimiento, one finds 85 for the region of what once comprised Xaragua. According to Las Casas, writing from memory as an elderly man, Xaragua before Spanish rule had 100-200 nitainos. Supposedly the Spaniards under Ovando's leadership also massacred around 80 nitaino when they killed Anacaona. If that is accurate, assuming Las Casas remembered correctly, but 60-70 Spaniards married women from among the elite of Xaragua in Vera Paz. Yet, in 1514, Vera Paz only had 24 caciques (25 if you count the nitaino). Yaquimo had 40 caciques while Sabana had 21. If these numbers are added up, you have a total of 86 "caciques (including 1 nitaino who functioned as a cacique). Due to the unspecified breakdown of Xaragua's caciques and the caciques to their south and southwest, we can only guess that the core of Xaragua may have had 100+ caciques. The lesser caciques may have been counted as nitainos by Las Casas, though we have no evidence for that.

Moreover, in 1514, there was an average of about 43 people per cacique in the three areas considered here as part of the chiefdom. In preconquest times, when Xaragua had more caciques and a higher population, each cacique ruling over an aldea or yucayeque probably included at least 100-150 in his community. Francisco Moscoso, in his detailed study of "Taino" demographics in Puerto Rico, reached some conclusions which may be worth applying to the Haitian case, too. For example, assuming the figure of Las Casas for an average yucayeque being around 2500 (unlikely to be true in all parts of the Greater Antilles), and each cacique ruled over an aldea, Puerto Rico's population may have reached as high as 110,000 (assuming the number of 44 caciques is accurate). If we assume that each cacique ruled an aldea of around 2500 for Xaragua in precolonial times, then we can easily reach figures of 60,000 for the "core" part of the chiefdom. For the other two sections, again assuming each cacique had a community of 2500, we would quickly reach numbers that are contradicted by the genetic data for population estimates (over 200,000 people living in western Hispaniola, or Haiti's Ouest and Sud departments).

However, applying the lower range of estimates used by Moscoso might bring us closer to the demographic realities of Xaragua. If the paramount chiefs ruled aldeas of 2500 or more but the regional caciques headed communities of 500-1000, Puerto Rico's "Taino" population may have been around 44,000. Applying those same figures to Xaragua's "core" area with 24 "caciques" (23 times 500, plus 2500 for the paramount cacique's community) gives a figure of 14,000. Of course, one must remember that the Spaniards had killed Anacaona and a large segment of Xaragua's nitaino. Perhaps the center of the chiefdom had a population greater than this. Nonetheless, a figure of 14,000 for the "core" province of Xaragua with about 24 caciques would mean each cacique ruled an average of 583 people. That is probably still too high. Including Yaquimo's 40 caciques, associating each with a community of about 500 people, leads to an estimate of 20,000, which is also likely far too high. Instead, we must apply different formulas to arrive at a possible estimate. If our 43 people per cacique in 1514 is any reliable estimate, we may be safer tripling that number in precolonial times to reach more accurate estimates. If, say, there were around 129 people per cacique before the Spanish conquest, then perhaps the total population of Xaragua would have been around 18, 207, including about 7500 people living in larger settlements associated with the most powerful caciques in Xaragua  (Behechio's settlement), Yaquimo, and the area of La Sabana. 

Overall, we are still not sure what the population of Xaragua may have been before its fall. We believe the "core" could have possibly supported a large, extensive population. That area, which presumably lost quite a few of its caciques during the violent conquest, may have had several thousands of people living there. The whole chiefdom, extending it to the southeast and southwest (Haiti's Sud) may have had over 18,000 people although that is a very rough estimate. We are assuming that the average population in an area per cacique in 1514 can be tripled to reach very tentative figures. If we went with a less conservative approach that assumed a population of 5 times as many people per cacique in the precolonial era, Xaragua may have had over 20,000 people, which is not unlikely given its influence and wealth. Unfortunately, the lack of a more detailed breakdown or reliable accounts of Xaragua make all this guesswork. It is also possible that the system of repartimientos elevated the number of caciques in some areas (Yaquimo) or lowered it in others, or perhaps some nitainos became caciques in the Spanish system.