The Cacicazgo of Maguana and Caonabo

The island on the Axis Mundi with San Juan de la Maguana as the center of the world (in Valmé, Atabey, Yucayequey, Caney : 6000 ans d'amenagement territorial prehispanique sur l'ile d'Ayiti / Haiti/ Republique Dominicaine).

Exploring the history of the cacicazgo of Maguana is exceedingly difficult. Since we only know of Caonabo, its leader at the time of Columbus's arrival in Hispaniola, speculation and the use of the meager details of his life are the best clues. In addition, the topography of the island, Maguana's relations with other cacicazgos and the traditions of Indian misterios which have survived in the region of San Juan de la Maguana are the other types of evidence one must consult. Besides these, the brief references in the Spanish chronicles and some of the encomienda system's records are most of what one can work with. We shall begin with the chronicles and Columbus, then shift to other types of sources to reconstruct a plausible theory for Maguana. Then, with a review of 20th century scholarship and more contemporary studies, we shall endeavor to understand the features of the Maguana chiefdom. It will be shown that Caonabo's political career and function as a stranger king made him well-poised to understand the threat posed by the Spanish to the balance of power. In truth, as a stranger who was able to achieve great political power and status, Caonabo understood better than anyone else why the Spanish were such a threat.

Non-Spanish Early Sources

First, the non-Spanish chronicles and histories. Moreau de Saint-Mery wrote that Maguana was bordered to its south by the sea, on its north by the mountain chains, on its east by the Jayna (Haina) River, and on its west by the mountains of Bahoruco.[1] For Charlevoix, the Jesuit historian, Maguana included the Cibao and its leader, Caonabo, was the most powerful monarch on the island. Supposedly, Maguana was able to, with the aid of its allies no doubt, muster 100,000 warriors led by Manicatex, a brother of Caonabo.[2] Cuneo, a much earlier source, attributed the total forces Caonabo capable of mustering to be 50,000, so one presumes Manicatoex was receiving reinforcements from a broader alliance.[3] Nau, the 19th century Haitian historian of the island's indigenous peoples, repeated the narrative of Caonabo's Carib origin. One of Maguana's provinces included Niti, too.[4] Unsurprisingly, Nau likely drew on the same sources as the earlier Francophone chronicles and texts. 

An anonymous Frenchman, who presumably drew on oral tradition, also wrote about Caonabo. In his case, the treasure of Caonabo was thrown in the river by a wife after she heard the god of the Spanish was gold. This lost treasure apparently consisted of 300 plaques of gold, 52 charges of gold, a throne (presumably a duho) and a gold table. Locals even reported that the treasure of Caonabo was still somewhere in this river.[5] However, the region around San Juan de la Maguana was perceived by some non-Spanish writers as a part of the island in which people with mixed-race Indian ancestry could be found.[6] So even into the 17th century, the area around San Juan de la Maguana had a partly recognizable indigenous heritage. Indeed, even Thomas Madiou reproduced a discourse by a commandant of San Juan de la Maguana from the 1820s which reiterated the notion of indigenous ancestry.[7] Last, but certainly not least, Robert Schomburgk visited the site of the Corral de los Indios, a ceremonial center that is often said to be the largest plaza in the Caribbean. Although Schomburgk referred to it as a "Cercado de los Indios," it is obvious he was referring to the same Corral.[8] Its tremendous size and the use of a rock with evidence for eyes and a mouth near the center of the plaza must have held some kind of cosmological or ritual significance. Despite their limitations, these pre-20th century French and English sources do give a sense in which indigenous traditions may have survived in the region of San Juan de la Maguana. Naturally, this could very well be part of the legacy of Maguana and provide possible clues to the region. Thus, the association of water with indigenous spirits in the region today could very well be an example of indigenous retentions.[9]

Spanish-Language Early Sources

Moving on to Spanish sources, the language of all the primary sources, scholars have additional details and more questions emerge. First, Columbus and others who visited Hispaniola in the 1490s provide the earliest written sources to mention Caonabo or areas allegedly part of his domains. For example, Columbus, who met Caonabo, referred to him as "a man advanced in years and of great knowledge and very keen understanding.”[10] This suggests that Caonabo was perhaps middle-aged or older by this time. He was not young or politically inexperienced, as Guacanagari of Marien may have been. In fact, Columbus's journal on the First Voyage likely alludes to parts of Caonabo's territory when referring to places east of Marien: Guarionex, Macorix, Mayonic, Fuma, Cibao, and Coroay.[11] It is highly likely that the Cibao was part of Caonabo's territory, and Mayonic could have been Columbus's garbled rendering of Maguana. In his other writings, Columbus similarly described interactions with Caonabo and the land of Maguana. For instance, he knew of "Cahonaboa" as "el cual posee tierra en que ay mucho oro.”[12] 

Elsewhere, in a memorial from 1494, Columbus referred to Caonabo as "que es ombre, según la relación de todos, muy malo e muy más atrevido.”[13] Clearly written during the period of conflict with the powerful native ruler, Columbus acknowledged the bold daring of Caonabo. This is why Columbus urged the sending of European gifts to Caonabo to help lower his guard. The giving of gifts was quickly understood by Columbus to be important in establishing close ties with the indigenous elite of the island. But on Maguana specifically, Columbus's writings report "y este Cahonabo dizen que en la tierra donde vive ay mucho oro mas es tierra muy montañosa."[14] Upon consideration of Caonabo's name, translated as "Lord of the Golden House" by Martyr d'Anghiera, the cacique's territory must have included gold-producing parts of the island. When he visited Maguana itself in 1495, Columbus noted the land's proximity to the sierras and its acequias or irrigation ditches, "como en Granada," to exploit the plentiful sources of water.[15] This reference to the use of irrigation canals or ditches is especially significant. Since the use of the same method of irrigation was used in Xaragua, whose leader at the time was a brother-in-law of Caonabo, one is tempted to consider a technological transfer from Xaragua to Maguana. Alternatively, both regions may have begun using irrigation systems much earlier. Regardless of the origin of this practice, it would have greatly increased the agricultural potential and provided higher population densities. This could explain the large number of houses in Maguana's central settlement, which Lynne Guitar claimed exceeded 1000.[16] 

In addition to Columbus, a plethora of other Spanish sources and chroniclers of the first half of the 16th century mentioned Caonabo and Maguana. For instance, Martyr d'Anghiera's De Orbe Novo gave a translation of Caonabo's name. Furthermore, based on Morales's map of Hispaniola and other sources, d'Anghiera located Maguana in Bainoa. Maguana itself was a valley through which the Bahaun River flowed. Caonabo's siege of Alonso de Ojeda in the Fort of Saint Thomas was also mentioned, including the bewildering tale of Caonabo's capture and imprisonment by Ojeda. Like Columbus, d'Anghiera also stressed that Caonabo ruled "Cipangu" (a misunderstanding on the part of Columbus for the Cibao, mistakenly identifying it with Japan). But with a much smaller estimate of warriors, Caonabo's brother was only able to gather 5000 men but they were defeated by the Spanish (with the brother's capture, too).[17] Ferdinand Columbus, the son of the Admiral, also referred to Caonabo in his biography of his father. In this case, it was to the enmity between Caonabo and Guacanagari as the former had stolen the wife of the other.[18] Although Columbus's son offered a different narrative of Caonabo's capture, the general picture is consistent with the other sources on Caonabo's destruction of La Navidad and conflict with the Spanish. Las Casas, on the other hand, provided a richer description of Maguana. For this author, Maguana was located near the Cibao and consisted of valleys, rivers, plains, and sierras. It was fertile, enjoyed a moderate temperature, and the Yaqui river passed through its territory. Maguana's name referred to the fact that it was a smaller vega than Maguá, the cacicazgo held by the family of Guarionex.[19] Las Casas even gives some dimensions for Maguana, cited by Sued-Badillo as being 30 leagues long and 25 leagues wide.[20] 

The other 16th century sources include Oviedo's Historia general y natural de las Indias and the records associated with the 1514 Repartimiento. Oviedo, who came to the island long after the demise of Caonabo, believed the cacique was of Carib origin. Moreover, he also saw the Ciguayos as subjects of Caonabo.[21] This seems unlikely if the Ciguayos were based in Samaná, closer to the territory of Guarionex. The 16th century records on the encomiendas of San Juan de la Maguana and other towns in c. 1514 also allude to some details on Maguana. Of the 1,435 Indians assigned to encomenderos there, some were the western part of the island. For example, a cacique named Baltasar de Higuamuco likely came from the territory Las Casas described as east of Guahaba. Others who likely came from the cacicazgo of Maguana in precolonial times were assigned to encomenderos in other towns. Thus, Hernando del Maguanabo, perhaps his name referring to "House of Maguana," was assigned to Diego de Ocampo in Bonao.[22] Although his following only consisted of 45 people, his name is highly suggestive of someone who may have hailed from the precolonial Maguana elite. Other familiar names among the indigenous leadership include Enrique, who later led a long-lasting revolt against Spanish authority from the Bahoruco Mountains. As the nephew of Anacaona, the wife of Caonabo, his presence in the Bahoruco area and San Juan de la Maguana must have held some appeal to indigenous people who remembered Caonabo for his fierce resistance to the Spanish.

Another cacique who may have been tied to Maguana was Manicaotex, assigned to an encomendero in  La Concepción with 79 indigenous people in his community.[23] There is no evidence this is the same person as the brother of Caonabo with the same name, but a connection is possible. In fact, the name is reminiscent of the Taino word manicato, perhaps signifying a bold leader. Another cacique who may have been originally from the area of San Juan de la Maguana (or Azua, likely part of the larger cacicazgo of Maguana) was Alonso de Ojeda. Though assigned to an encomendero in La Buenaventura, the Hieronymite Interrogatory of 1517 specifically named him as one of the caciques who conspired to flee and resist Spanish attempts at forced relocations.[24] With 135 indigenous people under his leadership, he may have been one of the more important caciques in the Maguana or Azua area.[25] 

Lingering Questions and Modern Sources

After reviewing the French and Spanish (and one English article) sources on Maguana before the 20th century, there are many questions which remain. Was Maguana's dimensions as given by Las Casas accurate? Was Caonabo a Lucayo or Carib? To what extent were the people in the Bahoruco and areas near the modern Haitian border part of his domains? And was his marriage with Anacaona a later development in his life after he consolidated his power at the head of Maguana? Undoubtedly, the marriage alliance with Anacaona strengthened his political position among the matunheri caciques of the island. One wonders if Caonabo's political rise, despite his foreign origins, was tied to a guatiao or fictive kinship link with the previous lineage of Maguana.  Or, was Caonabo a Lucayo or "Carib" related to the ruling dynasty of Maguana? The question of Caonabo's 3 or 4 brothers and the apparent succession of the throne to a brother might be an indication of maternal lineage rooted in the region. Perhaps Caonabo's branch was able to seize power through the effective military leadership of Caonabo. Furthermore, one wonders if the Uxmatex, a cacique and captain of Caonabo, was another one of his brothers.

Moving into the 20th century, several secondary sources shed further light on Maguana with the aid of ethnohistory and newer approaches to the archive. The 20^th century Dominican historian, Casimiro Moya, speculated that the territory of Maguana encompassed the Cibao, Maniey, Azua and Banique.[26] Sven Loven, author of a masterpiece on the indigenous Caribbean, seemed to prefer Caonabo as a Lucayo whose success in wars preceded his ascent to the position of cacique of Maguana. He also believed that the Corral de los Indios was a sanctuary site. The crown of Caonabo was also described as having wings and gold-encrusted eyes.[27] Samuel Wilson, based on Las Casas, recounted how Caonabo was captured and the brass bell of La Isabela that could talk.[28] Intriguingly, the fact that it took 18 months before Behechio of Xaragua tried to annex parts of Maguana after the fall of Caonabo was also important, perhaps showing how the defeat of Caonabo and his brother destroyed the paramount chiefdom's stability.[29] E.W. Stone likewise proposes the sacred spaces held by Maguana included El Cacique de Charco de los Indios, Río Chacuey, Cueva Pomier, and Pico Duarte would have enhanced the status of Caonabo.[30] 

Besides these 20th century sources, several additional scholars have analyzed aspects of Caonabo's life or the Maguana cacicazgo. Valmé, drawing on a perhaps erroneous method, estimated the Corral de los Indios site's batey, of 37,994 square meters, could have held 11,400 people. Moreover, Maguana contained more than 45 drainage basins, another sign of the area's agricultural potential and attraction to people.[31] Bernardo Vega, who drew heavily upon the map of Morales and other sources, problematically asserted a Ciguayo origin for Caonabo but failed to provide evidence.[32]  Cassá, however, theorized that Caonabo wanted to use Christian cemí power in his war against the Spanish, which could be why Caonabo was willing to accept European gifts.[33] Deagan, in her study of En Bas Saline, the probable site of Guacanagari's capital, has also cited sources on Columbus enslaving 600 of Caonabo's subjects in 1494/5.[34] 

Significantly, Jean Fouchard, the Haitian historian, also proposed that a Haitian "Chant de guerre de Caonabo" from the 19th century is an authentic specimen of indigenous literature. First published in La Selve's study of Haitian literature, the song is full of Kalinago words like boutou. There's also a proposal that Caonabo was from Guadeloupe, which is interesting since the indigenes of Guadeloupe were in contact with Puerto Rico.[35] It is not implausible for an adventuresome Kalinago from Guadeloupe or the Lesser Antilles to have reached Hispaniola, too. But the chant's fusion of mostly Kalinago words with a few examples of Taino words seems more typical of a 19th century Haitian literary style, which sometimes conflated Kalinago and Taino cultures. Thus, the song is full of words like Kouroumon and Bayakou. The song also refers to Guacanagari as a traitor, which does match how chroniclers described the animosity between Guacanagari and other caciques of Hispaniola.[36] Since the song's origins are unclear and it is unlikely to be an authentic war song from 1492 or 1493, it is perhaps better seen as an example of how 19th century Haitian authors imagined the areyto. Nonetheless, the claim of an origin in Guadeloupe for Caonabo is not outside the realm of plausibility and has at least some basis in the Spanish chronicles.

The most important sources on Caonabo, however, are the works of Keegan and Ostapkowicz. The former, author of a study on Caonabo as a stranger king, draws extensively on his own archaeological research in the Lucayan islands. Keegan has also tied the notion of Caonabo as "Carib" to a Taino mythical geography. Moreover, the references in the sources to Caonabo and his 3 brothers are reminiscent of Deminan and his 3 brothers in Taino myth).[37] If Caonabo was a wise, stranger figure whose life could parallel important figures in Taino mythology, this model may elucidate how he was able to ascend to the status of most powerful cacique on the island. Keegan even suggests that he could have been the guardian of the mythical cave of origin, Cacibajagua, if it was included in his domains.[38] Of course, we have argued against the location of Cacibajagua in the domains of Caonabo,[39] but the central location of Guacanagari and the gigantic plaza at El Corral de los Indios likely has cosmological significance that went beyond the confines of Maguana. In terms of archaeology, Keegan has identified a possible site for an important village Caonabo may have come from: the MC-6 settlement established no earlier than 1300.[40] If Caonabo was indeed a Lucayan, as indicated by Las Casas, he could have come from this important, cosmologically charged site that was linked to Hispaniola. Indeed, Maguana may have represented the center of the island and the center of the world from the perspective of the indigenous peoples, a notion also shared by Valmé.

Ostapkowicz, on the other hand, brings a keen attention to detail and textual sources with a study of Taino material culture. In her thesis, a study of the Taino duho, Columbus is cited for Caonabo's explanation that every principal cacique of the island believed that after death, people go to a valley where they see their ancestors, eat, access their wives, and more. Caonabo explained that every cacique believed the valley of the afterlife was located somewhere in their own territory, perhaps implying that Coabay was not located in a single place.[41] In her recent study of cloth and fibrous materials, Ostapkowicz delves into an analysis of various items received in tribute from Caonabo's community in 1495. A combination of belts, masks with gold parts, naguas, hammocks, cotton, and sheets of gold were collected from Caonabo's Indians.[42] The presence of much material using cloth, though not as much as the cloth and textiles found in Anacaona's storehouse, indicates the degree to which cotton and textiles were part of the wealth of a cacique. As one of the most powerful caciques, and one whose name referred to gold, it is striking how so much of the tribute collected from Caonabo's subjects consisted of cloth. While gold was used with the masks and other objects given to the Spanish, one can detect a similar sense of value and wealth in Caonabo's Maguana as that of Xaragua. Given the close ties between Xaragua and Maguana, as well as the use of irrigation canals in both chiefdoms, perhaps cotton was one of the additional sources of wealth for Maguana. Alternatively, cotton may have been given in gift exchanges between Xaragua and Maguana, with the latter possibly serving as a source of gold. 

Conclusion

In summation, the mystery of Caonabo remains. For about 500 years, writers have disagreed on his origin. Keegan's theory of a possible origin in Middle Caicos is intriguing, but of course only a speculation. The "Carib" origin theory could still be true, but academics should explore the links between Hispaniola and the Lesser Antilles. For instance, the finding of Hispaniola-styled duhos at sites in the Lesser Antilles may be evidence of elite exchange or trade, perhaps pointing to a possible Kalinago origin of Caonabo through one of these networks. Moreover, questions remain on the domain of Maguana and how the chiefdom may have looked before 1492. In terms of the chiefdom's characteristics, the existence of irrigation canals or ditches as well as control of gold-producing areas likely made Maguana a populous center of attraction for much of Hispaniola. The alliance with Xaragua, another densely populated region with ample cotton production, likely included military dimensions that may have made Caonabo one of, if not the most, powerful caciques in Hispaniola. Finally, Caonabo's foreign origins and deft navigation of the political landscape of the island made him the best positioned to understand the threat posed by the Spanish.

 

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[1]  M.L.E. Moreau de Saint-Méry, A topographical and political description of the Spanish part of Saint-Domingo: containing, general observations on the climate, population, and productions; on the character and manners of the inhabitants; with an account of the several branches of the government, Volume 1, 34.

[2] Pierre-François-Xavier de Charlevoix, Histoire de l'Isle espagnole ou de S. Domingue, Vol. 1, 81-82, 172.

[3] Carl Ortwin Sauer, The Early Spanish Main, 84.

[4] Émile Nau, Histoire des caciques d'Haïti, 116-117.

[5] Cultivateur de la Haute-Saône, Observations météorologiques et physiques sur St.-Domingue. Description du Rio-del-Oro, ou Rivière d'Or de Christophe Colomb. Découverte des mines d'or par cet amiral. Renseignemens sur les trésors du cacique Caonabo. Origine des peuples d'Amérique. Description de leur berceau. Ages des deux mondes. Numéro 6 /, 32-33.

[6]  Alexander O. Exquemelin, The Buccaneers of America, 36.

[7] Thomas Madiou, Histoire d’Haiti, Tome VI, 356.

[8] Robert Schomburgk, “Ethnological Researches in Santo Domingo,” 91-92.

[9] Martha Ellen Davis, La otra ciencia: el vodu dominicano el vodú dominicano como religión y medicina populares, 138.

[10] Christopher Columbus in Ramón Pané, An Account of the Antiquities of the Indians, 45.

[11] Christopher Columbus, The Journal of Christopher Columbus (During His First Voyage), 141.

[12] Cristóbal Colón, Textos y documentos completos: Relaciones de viajes, cartas y memoriales, 243.

[13] Ibid., 256.

[14] Ibid., 277.

[15] Ibid., 324.

[16] Lynne Guitar, Cultural Genesis: Relationships among Indians, Africans, and Spaniards in rural. Hispaniola, first half of the sixteenth century, 121.

[17] Peter Martyr d’Anghiera, De Orbe Novo.

[18] Ferdinand Columbus, The Life of the Admiral Christopher Columbus by His Son, 148.

[19]  Bartolomé de Las Casas, Apologética historia sumaria.

[20] Jalil Sued-Badillo, Caribe taíno: Ensayos históricos sobre el siglo XVI, 19.

[21] Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo, Historia general y natural de las Indias, primera parte Vol. 1, 67.

[22] Luis Arranz Márquez, Repartimientos y encomiendas en la Isla Española (El repartimiento de Alburquerque de 1514), 569.

[23] Ibid., 584.

[24] Behique Dunama, “Interrogatorio de los Jeronimos.”

[25] Luis Arranz Márquez, Repartimientos y encomiendas en la Isla Española (El repartimiento de Alburquerque de 1514), 567.

[26] Casimiro Moya, Bosquejo histórico del descubrimiento y conquista de la isla de Santo Domingo y narración de los principales sucesos ocurridos en la parte española de ella desde la sumisión de su último cacique hasta nuestros días: Epoca de la conquista y gobierno de los españoles hasta la sumisión de los últimos indios. Libro primero, Volume 1, 23.

[27] Sven Loven, Origins of the Tainan Culture, West Indies, 97, 509.

[28] Samuel Wilson, Hispaniola: Caribbean Chiefdoms in the Age of Columbus, 86.

[29] Ibid., 91.

[30] E.W. Stone, “The Conquest of Española as a “Structure of Conjuncture,”’ 371.

[31] Gilbert R. Valmé, Atabey, Yucayequey, Caney : 6000 ans d'amenagement territorial prehispanique sur l'ile d'Ayiti / Haiti/ Republique Dominicaine, 15, 181.

[32] Bernardo Vega, Los Cacicazgos de la Hispaniola, 57.

[33] Roberto Cassá, Los Tainos de la Española, 222.

[34] Kathleen Deagan, En Bas Saline: A Taíno Town Before and After Columbus, 34.

[35] Jean Fouchard, Langue et littérature des aborigènes d'Ayti, 91.

[36] Ibid., 92.

[37] William F. Keegan, Taíno Indian Myth and Practice: The Arrival of the Stranger King, 35, 45.

[38] Ibid., 46-47.

[39] Behique Dunama, “Caonao (Cahonao).”

[40] William F. Keegan, Taíno Indian Myth and Practice: The Arrival of the Stranger King, 182.

[41] Joanna Ostapkowicz, Taino wooden sculpture: rulership and the visual arts in the 12–16th century Caribbean, 518.

[42] Joanna Ostapkowicz, Anacaona’s Gift: Cotton and the woven arts of the 11th to 17th century Caribbean, 187-189.

Queen Anacaona

I am unsure about the source of this clip, but I found it interesting as one of the more serious Haitian videos on the island's indigenous past. It's designed to be short, simple, and respectful of the "Taino" past on Haiti. There are some issues or areas that undoubtedly require more updated information and nuance (like the population of the island in 1492 or the question of gender relations), but this is interesting. I'd love to see a serious source for the claim of some of the population sizes of villages or towns, too. 

Anacaona, Poème Dramatique

Anacaona, poème dramatique by Burr-Reynaud, Frédéric Burr-Reynaud and Dominique Hippolyte is yet another play inspired by Haiti's indigenous past and the Spanish conquest. First staged in 1927, the play continues the Haitian tradition of connecting the struggles of the "Taino" with the descendants of African slaves who avenge them by defeating the French in 1804. Since it was also staged during the US Occupation, one can easily imagine the play appealing to nationalist sentiments in favor of Haitian independence and anti-imperialism, too. 

However, this short play fictionalizes aspects of the Xaragua Massacre orchestrated by Ovando. Although Ovando is portrayed as already plotting to destroy Xaragua and even convinces his officers that the Indians are plotting against them, the authors also add romance. Ovando actually falls in love with Anacaona, so completely seduced and beguiled by her charm, beauty and etiquette. Anacaona, however, cannot forget the fate of Caonabo, and only hopes to win over the Spanish with her charms to avert greater disaster. Sadly, Ovando nonetheless orders the massacres and becomes irate when rejected by Anacaona, who is later killed. 

Throughout the play, an old woman, Mataba, repeatedly warns of the Spanish plot to destroy Xaragua and enslave and oppress the Indian population. Alas, the other Indian leaders do not heed her warnings, so Mataba predicts the eventual vengeance of the indigenous population by blacks (today's Haitians). Thus, through a fraternal bond based on their exploitation and subjugation by Europeans, Haitians and "Tainos" are connected. Again, this is neither surprising, nor deviating from typical Haitian literary portrayals of the island's indigenous peoples. One can also see the authors continuing to use words derived from sources on the Kalinago, too. Thus, moutoutou, ouicou, Nonun, Savacou, Kouroumon, and other Kalinago words make an appearance. One scene even has Anacaona and her court praying to the cemis, including among them names from Kalinago (Island Carib) religion and spirituality. 

Xaragua's End..

Section of an early map of the island of Haiti

Although they are limited, it is always interesting to read additional sources that mention the end of Anacaona and the Xaragua cacicazgo. In this case, coming across an account from a 1536 will by Diego Mendez, who was present during the massacres orchestrated by Ovando, is useful. While his brief account of this egregious episode in the annals of history did not go into the grisly details, Mendez stated that 84 caciques and Anacaona were killed by the Spaniards. Diego Mendez's testimony may be somewhat limited since he returned to Hispaniola from Jamaica while the Xaragua "campaign" had already started. Moreover, he wrote it several years after the events described therein, so perhaps his numbers are a little off or inaccurate. However, it was interesting to note that he remembered Anacaona as "sovereign mistress" of the island.

Another early mention of Xaragua can be found in a letter by Dominican friars to Fray Pedro Simon de Cordoba, written in 1516 or so. According to this letter, Xaragua was considered by the Indians of the island to be the principal chiefdom due to its great and many caciques, ample food, and beautiful women. In addition, they wrote a version of Ovando's actions which suggest some interesting parts not mentioned in other sources. For instance, they wrote that the Indians of Xaragua were indeed speaking of killing Ovando. Furthermore, when he trapped several caciques inside a caney or large bohio before having them burned to death (supposedly 60, according to the letter), Ovando supposedly wore guanin that he said was meant as a gift to Anacaona. Was this sign of gift-giving or exchange with Anacaona, an example of Spaniards participating in a system of reciprocity and exchange based on indigenous value systems? Either way, it was part of Ovando's plan, which eventually succeeded and led to a slaughter of several caciques. Those who survived or fled were enslaved, including on Guarocuya, a nephew of Anacaona who was later killed in the Bahoruco area. Perhaps Don Enrique or Enriquillo, the later indigenous rebel, was named after or related to this earlier Guarocuya? 

While the letter by the friars is sympathetic to the people of Xaragua, it is also somewhat condescending, alluding to them as easily deceived. What seems more likely is that there may have indeed been some sort of plot or conspiracy to free Xaragua from the Spanish threat, but it was still in its initial stages. Perhaps Anacaona was waiting for a better time or opportune moment to start it, but Ovando decided that quick, decisive and treacherous actions could neutralize the threat right away, although Oviedo wrote that it took 6 months to pacify the western part of the island, finally ending in February of 1504. It even brought in captives or slaves, like the later campaign against Higuey. Indeed, it ensured direct Spanish control over most of what is now Haiti and the establishment of the encomienda system and Spanish towns. Presumably, the captives taken in these campaigns were more easily transferred to the mining areas or Santo Domingo while others fled to Cuba.

Compas for Anacaona

Although not the best musical tribute to Anacaona (that honor belongs to "Anacaona" as sung by Cheo Feliciano), it is interesting to hear a compas-styled Haitian song named for the cacica. 

Xaragua

How Samuel M. Wilson mapped the area of Xaragua in Hispaniola: Caribbean Chiefdoms in the Age of Columbus. 

The history of Xaragua, perhaps meaning Country of the Lakes, remains elusive. Despite its recognition by authorities such as Las Casas as the zenith of the Taino chiefdoms on Hispaniola, and perhaps in the entire Caribbean, we know little about it besides what the Spanish chronicles have described. Indeed, with the exception of Behechio and Anacaona, we know nothing about its previous rulers. Furthermore, archaeological research in Haiti has been less rich than other parts of the Greater Antilles, so who knows what may be buried under Leogane and Port-au-Prince that could shed light on the indigenous past of the region? However, since Xaragua was recognized as having the most refined manners and language, the most beautiful women, served as the "court" of the island, perhaps uniquely practiced irrigation, produced the best cotton and batatas, and included the largest number of nobility or nitaino, one cannot help but think of what the sources on Xaragua reveal about the nature of Taino cacicazgos or polities. Despite the paucity of our sources, a perusal of Xaragua may reveal greater dynamics and accomplishments of Taino civilization.

First, Xaragua's demographics and resources. According to Oviedo, the area around modern-day Lake Azuei included several villages. Indeed, as late as 1515, when he visited the area, it was still full of large villages. These villages, according to Oviedo, fed on the marine life that lived in the lake, since this was a major source of protein in the Taino diet. In addition, the Taino villages in proximity to sources of water, like Lake Azuei and other bodies of water, facilitated the use of ditches for the irrigation of their conucos. The proximity of seafood protein, bodies of water, and irrigation increased the density of population. This, in turn, meant the caciques of Xaragua were in a more powerful position since they could draw on the tribute of their subjects for resources, trade, and redistribution through areytos and other communal services. This large, densely populated cacicazgo could support a large class of nitaino, too, perhaps over 100 or 200, if Las Casas is to be trusted. In fact, according to Oviedo, the main village of the rebel cacique, Enrique, could have held 1500 residents in previous times before the decline of the indigenous population. If that figure is reliable for a Taino village near a lake, then Xaragua's population may have included villages with perhaps several thousands of residents living around and near Lake Xaragua. This sustained the large population of "lords" (in the Spanish parlance of the time) which could be supported through the labor of the rest of the community, a sign of relative wealth and abundance with sufficient resources. If, as d'Anghiera claimed, the caciques assigned occupations to his subjects, such as fishing, hunting, and farming, the caciques of Xaragua must have benefited from a tremendous population to extract labor services or tribute from. The nitainos could have been subordinates who also measured property of estates or cacicazos, since land was likely held by the family unit or village. The surplus production of the chiefdom probably facilitated the rise of more specialized behiques and schooling for elites who learned the history of the chiefdom through songs and poems. This, in turn, must have led to more refinement in language and courtly manners, the organization of areytos, and, perhaps, the cacicazgo's ability to attract dependents, alliances through marriage, or trade. 

Moreover, d'Anghiera alluded to Anacaona's village near the Xaragua capital which served as a storage center for her treasure or wealth, which consisted of finely made wooden stools or duhos plus everyday bowls, vases and pottery. The finely crafted duhos she gifted to Bartolome Colon were supposedly produced in La Gonave, by women specialists. Considering the amount of time and skill that went into producing the finest duhos, often of guayacan and featuring gold incrustations and intricate patterns and animal or human features, Xaragua was capable of producing one of the most highly valued objects in the Taino sociopolitical system, duhos. Indeed, Xaragua's fine cotton, later an item of tribute to the Spanish after Behechio agreed to render tribute to the Adelantado, must have been cultivated in relatively large amounts and used to produce naguas, hamacas, items for everyday use, and for trade with other cacicazgos, on the island and perhaps in Cuba and beyond. If Careibana, for instance, was a port with a large population, perhaps Xaragua sent and received canoes bringing items of trade. This seems rather likely, since the Spanish remembered the Taino as fond of trade or exchange. Furthermore, Oviedo mentioned a lake which contained fine salt, probably exploited and exchanged by the Taino from its origin in the Bainoa province before 1492. One could see Xaragua's salt, cotton, surplus casabe, and fine duhos as items of trade and gifts for guanin or other imported goods. This, in turn, enhanced the cacicazgo's position since the finest cotton goods were used for chiefly adornment and naguas, just as the more elegant duhos, an item of particular ritual and spiritual importance attached to the caciques, could have been gifts or objects of exchange between Xaragua and other chiefdoms. Indeed, the rich resources of the cacicazgos that sustained a refined elite could also have served the cacicazgo in its relations as other caciques were taught areytos or the aristocratic manner of Xaragua in exchange for allegiance, tribute, or alliance. This is the only way Xaragua could have possibly reached over 200 nitainos. One, perhaps, sees a glimpse of this in the lavish pomp, ceremony, areytos and feasting for the Adelantado and Ovando when they visited Xaragua's royal capital. If Xaragua was capable of organizing large festive dances, feasts, and entertainment that even included a mock battle (perhaps meant as a message to the Spanish of their military potential?) for the Guamiquina of the Christians, then they were clearly able to draw from vast resources. Indeed, if wives of caciques, such as at least one of Behechio's, could be buried with their deceased husband, the Taino society was able to sacrifice the lives of women, a sign they could afford to lose the labor of women so vital in the production of casabe. Caciques were also buried by being wrapped in cotton bandages, another sign of the extensive resources of the Taino who used cotton for burial purposes, cemis, and clothing. The Taino likewise had sufficient leisure time for the construction of plazas for the batey, which in Xaragua, could have likely included more than one plaza. Alas, any evidence of batyes in Xaragua may be lost under Port-au-Prince or Leogane.

The nitainos and lesser caciques would have been included in meals, eating from the fine ware of the Xaragua caciques as well as, through marriage, receiving favor or potential connections as kin of the next heir. Indeed, Behechio was said to have had at least 30 wives. These women, presumably all kin of lesser caciques and allies of Behechio, gave him tremendous power and connections around the island. First, in marriage, lords often had to give stones, shells, and guanin to the fathers, according to Las Casas. Behechio undoubtedly had access to great wealth to be able to marry so many women. His wives' relatives may have felt invested in the cacicazgo through kinship ties sealed by marriage, the sharing of Xaragua areytos, and redistribution of the cacique's goods when he or she died (their property was split between relatives and affiliated visitors). Besides, through the marriage of his sister to Caonabo in Maguana, a powerful cacique who was perhaps from the Bahamas, Behechio ensured Xaragua's influence extended into the eastern part of the island. For example, when the Adelantado first crossed paths with Behechio, it was on the Rio Neyba. According to some, such as Hermann Corvington, Behechio was actually en route to engage the Spaniards in combat. Others, like chronicler d'Anghiera think Behechio was on a military campaign against recalcitrant rebels or perhaps to pacify a province that was once loyal to Caonabo, already killed by the Spanish conquerors. Either way, Behechio's alliance with Maguana had given it some influence to the east. Further, if succession was matrilineal, a child of Caonabo and Anacaona could have become a heir or successor to Behechio. This would have made Caonabo, not native to the island, more secure as the Xaragua chiefdom could potentially have been ruled by his progeny. 

Hence, marriage alliances must have played a great role in cementing alliances and increasing the investment of lesser caciques and nitainos in the success of a matunheri cacique like Behechio. This was perhaps also done in the west, in Haniguayaba and possibly as far as Cuba. In the west, according to Las Casas, the cacique of Haniguayaba acted as independent lord because of his distance from Xaragua. However, there is an implied fealty or at least semblance of subordination to Behecio even as far west as the "boot" of Haiti. Perhaps some of Behechio's 30 wives' families included caciques and nitainos from these western provinces, who would also have been drawn into Xaragua's cultural orbit through its elegant court, lavish areytos, and food surplus. Indeed, this seems to have been the case in the modern Sud-Est of Haiti, too, where Yaquimo and other regions were part of Xaragua's sphere of influence. In fact, aligning with Xaragua may have given lesser caciques and nitainos the protection they needed from other communities. If, as claimed by Las Casas, Taino chiefdoms often went to war over land, seafood resources and over failed promises to deliver a bride, a powerful cacique like Xaragua could have supported dependents. 

Clearly, Xaragua's control of its resources, its ability to cultivate dependents, and the highly refined nature of its court must have made it a paramount chiefdom of the island. The alliance with Caonabo, albeit rather late in the precolonial period, likely led to it becoming the dominant cacicazgo on the island. Shifting alliances aside, Behechio's court must have represented the zenith of the island's indigenous civilization. And due to the close association between religion and power and religion and culture, one may speculate that some of the myths and traditions recorded by Fray Ramon Pané in the other part of the island reflect at least some of Xaragua's myths and traditions. If the areytos and some of the cemis of Xaragua were influential across the island, then surely Pané's brief account offers some insights into the nature of Xaragua, too. After all, d'Anghiera reported that the areytos were part of the preserved traditions at the houses of the caciques, where behiques trained their sons. Due to its wealth, cultural power, and the probably higher number of behiques who may have been partly freed from everyday labor, one suspects that Xaragua influenced other cacicazgos through its spiritual practices and behiques. 

Unfortunately, the finest cacicazgo was defeated with little (overt) resistance. After Caonabo's heroic decision to destroy the Europeans left at La Navidad, he was later trapped and defeated. Why wasn't Behechio involved in Caonabo's battles with the Europeans? As the most powerful cacique, one would think he was certainly aware of the Spanish and their misdeeds and exploitation of indigenous people in other cacicazgos. Did he really think they would never come to Xaragua? The Spanish sources suggest Anacaona was responsible for Xaragua's rapprochement with the Spanish, although one must question their narratives. After all, Anacaona's husband had been killed by the invaders and her homeland's autonomy was next on the chopping block. We are inclined to believe that Anacaona was perhaps plotting something against the Spanish, although it seems unlikely that Roldan and his band of robbers would have been the allies to use against the official colonial government. Either way, Behechio and Anacaona agreed to pay tribute in cotton and casava bread. This happened even as Behechio and Anacaona could have likely murdered the entirety of the Spanish company of the Adelantado. Perhaps Anacaona, after seeing the destruction wrought by the Spanish in other parts of the island, hoped for a situation in which the cacicazgo of Xaragua would survive by paying tribute and, over time, revolting once familiarity with European weapons and technology was achieved. Is this why she was so intrigued by the caravel of the Spaniards? Or, perhaps, was a fatalism spreading due to the prophecy given by a cemis that clothed strangers would conquer them? Either way, Xaragua's lamentable end was achieved when Ovando massacred perhaps 80 elites and killed Anacaona, destroying the most powerful cacicazgo of Hispaniola. With this ignominious massacre and deception, Xaragua's capital was replaced by Spanish towns in which, as recalled by Las Casas, at Vera Paz, 60 or 70 European males were said to be married to women from the elite.

Works Consulted

Anghiera, Pietro Martire d'. De Orbe Novo: The Eight Decades of Peter Martyr D'Anghera. New York ; London: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1912.

Casas, Bartolomé de las. Apologética historia sumaria . [3. ed.]. México, 1967.

 

Cassá, Roberto. 1990. Los Tainos de La Española. 3a ed. Santo Domingo: Editora Buho.

Fernández de Oviedo y Valdés, Gonzalo, José Amador de los Ríos, and Madrid R. Academia de la historia. Historia general y natural de las Indias, islas y tierrafirme del mar océano. Madrid: Impr. de la Real academia de la historia, 1851.

Granberry, Julian, and Gary S. Vescelius. Languages of the Pre-Columbian Antilles. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2004.

Keegan, William F., and Florida Museum of Natural History. Taíno Indian Myth and Practice: The Arrival of the Stranger King. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2007.

Moscoso, Francisco. Tribu y clases en el Caribe antiguo. San Pedro de Macorís, República Dominicana: Universidad Central del Este, 1986.

Nau, Emile. Histoire Des Caciques D'Haïti. 2. éd. publiée avec l'autorisation des héritiers de l'auteur par Ducis Viard. Paris: G. Guérin, 1894.

Oliver, José R. Caciques and Cemí Idols: The Web Spun by Taíno Rulers Between Hispaniola and Puerto Rico. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2009.

Stevens Arroyo, Antonio M. Cave of the Jagua: The Mythological World of the Taínos. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988.

Vega, Bernardo. Los Cacicazgos De La Hispaniola. 3. ed. Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 1990

Wilson, Samuel M. Hispaniola: Caribbean Chiefdoms in the Age of Columbus. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1990.

Anacaona as Lwa

Although her account is so brief and problematic, L'Ayiti des indiens: textes d'historiens by Odette Roy Fombrun includes a short account of a Vodou service to Anacaona as a lwa. Visiting an area in the mornes, the habitation Badè, which she did not specify the location of, Roy Fombrun saw someone possessed by Anacaona. In addition, the lakou featured a "maison" of Anacaona and honored her every year in early December. Unsurprisingly, when Anacaona possessed or mounted someone, they adopted the attitude of a queen. She received offerings of perfume and flowers, too. The other detail Roy Fombrun reported is that Anacaona was represented by a painting placed against a ship symbolizing Agwe. Apparently the painting of Anacaona was supported by an image of Erzulie Freda, which might explain why the offerings to Anacaona were the same as those of the other lwa. Perhaps this lakou's commemoration of Anacaona, like in the 21 Divisions in the DR, associated her with water (hence the Agwe connection) and with the beauty and sensuality of Erzulie Freda? At the tiny "maison" of Anacaona at this lakou, offerings of clothes were made to the cacica. Furthermore, as if to prove that this area of Haiti was populated by descendants of Indians, Roy Fombrun remarked that the inhabitants of the area en route to the lakou had Indian features. 

What particularly stands out to us is the final comment of the author. She claims Gerard Fombrun owned a cigar store Indian that had been found in a houmfort. This indicates that, like some Espiritismo groups and in 21 Divisions Vodu, some Vodou temples in Haiti were using Native American statues imported from the US and incorporating them into ceremonies for Indian spirits. Like their Dominican counterparts, the particular temple visited by Roy Fombrun apparently honored Anacaona but in a way that suggests she was given some of the attributes of Erzulie Freda. The association with Agwe may be a nod to the similar association of Indian spirits with water in Dominican Vodou. However, this is the only account we have encountered suggesting such a thing. Usually water spirits like the Simbi have African antecedents or origins. However, in this case, it is possible that Anacaona was incorporated as a lwa based on Erzulie Freda and there may have been an influence from 21 Divisions. The fact that Gerard Fombrun apparently possessed a cigar store Indian that was once in a houmfort tells us that the incorporation of Indian spirits into Haitian Vodou may have been a little more widespread than one thinks, too. Geo Riply's work on Dominican Vodou suggests a Dominican influence here. Indeed, the Indian Division is associated with Saint Nicholas, whose feast day happens to be the same day Anacaona is commemorated at the site visited by Roy Fombrun. Moreover, Martha Ellen Davis's work indicates a preponderance of Indian spirits in the Dominican Southwest, probably the region close to the area visited by Roy Fombrun.

Sadly, without knowing more about the specific details of the area visited by Roy Fombrun, all we can say is that Anacaona was, or perhaps still is, honored in Haitian Vodou to some unknown extent. It appears to be in a way very similar to that in the Dominican Republic, which makes it likely that the area visited by Roy Fombrun was probably near or not too far from the Dominican Southwest. The offering made to Anacaona in a "grotte" does bring to mind Taino customs, although this worship of Anacaona undoubtedly blends African influences with whatever vestiges of Taino spirituality survive. And while there remains more work to be done on this, perhaps Haitian Vodou traditions also associated Indian spirits with the water. We have the evidence of Deita Guignard's La Légende des Loa: Vodou Haïtien that Maitre Clermaille was supposedly an Indian of the island, a Taino. However, earlier traditions recorded by Simpson contradict that, suggesting General Clermeil or Clermaille was believed by northern peasants to have been a cruel Frenchman. Others write that he was the father, not the husband, of his daughter, also associated with the sea and people with light skin.