Showing posts with label Lysius Salomon. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Lysius Salomon. Show all posts

Tuesday, July 14, 2015

Romulus


Romulus, first published in 1908, is Haitian novelist Fernand Hibbert's fictionalized version of the 1883 siege of Miragoâne during the Salomon presidency. Recently translated into English for the first time by Matthew Robertshaw, the novella explores life in the Haitian port town before and after the unrest. As the translator's introduction elucidates, an appeal to discourse is one of the messages of the novel, written at a time of rapidly declining Haitian political stability. Using the politically turbulent period of Salomon's presidency (and the dangers of absolutism and corruption), Hibbert's novel subtly comments on the instability of Haiti in 1908, such as the lack of a Haitian middle-class or commerce class, for instance (often with a sense of humor, too, particularly in the first section of the book, which introduces Romulus, the town, and the pace of life). 

Furthermore, Romulus, the titular character, a police commissioner in Miragoâne, exploits his position for personal gain, as does the Commandant and local merchants, to smuggle goods custom-free through the port, thereby depriving Haiti of revenue. Romulus, and his children through two 'wives' or women, symbolize Haiti (black and mulatto are his wives), and his family, by extension the entire city of Miragoâne, represent a troubled country. However, when relatively free from Port-au-Prince and the 'Restorer,' Salomon, life in Miragoane appears idyllic and lively, because the author compares the town to a beautiful women, yet its corrupted, overtaken, and besieged as a result of the exiles returning from Jamaica, led by Boyer-Bazelais (whose death is fictionalized in this tale) and his Liberal principles. 

Of course, some of his supporters do not even understand the political reasons why they oppose Salomon (Romulus included), and Boyer-Bazelais is operating on the assumption that all the towns of Haiti will rise up in opposition to the tyrant Salomon, including Jacmel, the 'Iron Coast' and Jérémie, where the exile revolutionaries also landed. In short, the Bazelaists planned poorly, and Boyer-Bazelais himself is depicted as foolisly relying on Providence for his movement to succeed. Later, he comes to realize that the true beginnings of liberal government in Haiti will not manifest until a popular demand by the people themselves calls for it, which implies the growth of a middle class and Haitian economic development, which will force politicians and the military to recognize them. 

This in directly tied with the political philosophy of non-involvement, characterized by the Haitian elite Mr. Trévier, an exporter of coffee and logwood (also friend of Romulus and Merlin, a Haitian caught up in the intellectual and political fervor of Bazelaisism) who refuses to get involved in politics, preferring to engage in business and commerce to slowly and gradually support Haitian merchants and capitalists, thereby paving the path for a larger middle class-class (which is an idea recognized by Haitian intellectuals of the late 19th century and early 20th century as one of the reasons Haiti's political system was so turbulent and weak). Yet this path is not a solution to Haiti's woes because, as a result of the political instability and siege, the exile revolutionaries requisition some of his goods and all of his assets are lost in the fires and battles that consume the city. Even the military, the only "organized structure" of Haiti, to paraphrase Trévier, cannot ensure stability for business.

Thus, I read the novel as offering a reconciliation of sorts, between political idealism and revolutionary movements (which, unlike Bazelaism, actually reach out to the masses)  and economic self-determination. Oddly, the author of the text wrote this at at time when foreign economic penetration of Haiti was so completely entrenched, one has no idea how such a goal would be achievable in the early 20th century, and a more radical approach of empowering the peasantry directly is certainly not explored in this text. 

As for the structure of the novel, it makes quite the rapid transition from its early chapters, which focus on Romulus and introduce the town, and then the several chapters on the battles, bombardments, or casualties of the conflict. Including numerous historical figures, Hibbert has an annoying penchant in this novel for long lists of influential exiles and locals who joined the revolutionary movement. I am not sure why he does this, but the translator retains it. Perhaps it is to show how elite-dominated the movement was, thereby limiting its success? I am also perplexed by Hibbert's choice of title, and the brief allusion to Cinette, who dies suddenly. Unless her death is an ominous sign of the forthcoming revolutionary movement, it is out of place.

Regardless, the novel is an interesting exploration of Haiti's political discord with a focus outside of Port-au-Prince. Even at a time when Haiti's export economy is portrayed as healthy, conflict over political office, the spoils of corruption, etc. ruin the chance to develop the economy. Moreover, as a novel first published in 1908, Hibbert succeeds in painting a portrait of provincial town life, with negative as well as positive attributes. Romulus, his large family (which is related to everyone in  Miragoâne by blood or godparents), the influence of the Catholic Church, political favoritism or corruption, as well as the strict class divide reveal an important era in Haitian history, one in which the US Occupation swiftly followed years of Haitian political fratricide. 

Favorite Quotes

"In those days,  Miragoâne was a prosperous and lively town."

"Romulus's defining characteristic consisted in this: he preferred high society. He was perfectly willing to commit himself against a man from the country, no matter how honest, if the man was in a dispute with a notable from the city--in this way Romulus was the most abject of scoundrels."

"Oh! That Romulus, he knew how to sway a person with his political rhetoric. He'd speak of generosity while at the same time working for his own good at the expense of the public. He was quite a modern man."

"Since Dessalines, people had kept trying to restore this poor country, a country that only wanted one thing: to be left in peace."

Friday, July 25, 2014

Lysius Salomon Overview


President Salomon (1879-1888) and his Ministers, predominantly Freemasons. Salomon, despite being a "National" Party leader, perhaps did more than other 19th century heads of state to weaken Haitian sovereignty. By establishing the National Bank (with French capital controlling it), Salomon's government instituted a foreign-controlled bank that refused development loans and challenged Haitian economic self-rule. On the other hand, Salomon's presidency did bring more teachers to Haiti, as well as integrate the country with the international mail system. His daughter (via his step-daughter, thereby making her the granddaughter of Salomon's wife!), Ida Faubert, became a well-known poet in France, too. 

Salomon also bears importance in Haitian history for the 'color question' and competing narratives of Haitian history. Revived as a manje milat by certain noiriste thinkers of the 20th century, it is important to read historian David Nicholls to demolish that myth. Salomon was married to a French woman, had mixed-race children, sought French teachers to propagate French culture in Haiti, and had no problem selling out Haitian sovereignty to protect his power at all costs (including reaching out to France and perhaps the US for a protectorate to defend his regime from Liberal opposition). Although Salomon's family was of importance as a black elite in the South of Haiti, and Salomon supposedly honored the legacy of Dessalines in the 1840s when that hero of Haitian independence was vilified by mixed-race writers of the era, he himself rejected labels thrust upon him by black Nationals. 

At the end of the day, questions of color and political party labels used by the Haitian elite meant little, since both Liberals and Nationals were only competing over who would share the spoils of the state, and both black elites and mulatto elites were Eurocentric with little interest in sharing power with the urban poor or the peasantry (the vast majority of the population). To his credit, as finance minister under Soulouque, Salomon did attempt to improve prices paid for peasants' products, only to face stiff resistance from Europeans and local export traders. Furthermore, Salomon's years in exile exemplify the importance of political elite exile communities in shaping Haitian politics, often with aid from the British, French, and other imperial powers of the Caribbean. Jamaica is perhaps the best example of an island hosting large Haitian exiles, including the Liberal opposition led by Jean-Pierre Boyer-Bazelais (and supported by the British, who also opposed Salomon for refusing to compensate a British national, which failed to unseat Salomon and resulted in bloodshed, targeting of Haitian-owned businesses in the cities tied to Liberals who supported the failed coup.

Keep in mind that the 1880s was a turbulent period where increasing foreign penetration of the Haitian economy was about to give way to foreign-owned firms and retail outlets gradually replacing natives, just as the agricultural economy was in decline due to lower productivity for cash crops, lower prices for Haitian exports, and numerous methods of taxation and theft by speculateurs and foreign merchants to cheat the peasantry out of pay. Along with this simultaneous decline of the economy and burgeoning foreign intervention, sincere attempts to usher in modernization, a fair tax system, and improve agriculture and industry (the overwhelming majority of the skilled workers and industrial labor were run by Europeans (such as Italians) or immigrants, like West Indian and French Caribbean settlers) fell flat. Indeed, I would go as far to say that active attempts to ensure a weakened Haitian state and economy through imperial pressure, foreign capital's control of the National Bank, and smuggling was done in part to ensure the 'first black republic' would remain subordinate. 

Sources