Wednesday, July 17, 2013

Prince Saunders and the Haytian Papers (1816)


"Descendants of Africans, my brethren, the friends of humanity have asserted that we are susceptible of improvement like the Whites; our traducers affirm the contrary; it is for us to decide the question; it is by the wisdom of our conduct, our success in the arts and sciences, that we shall secure the triumph of our respected and illustrious patrons, and confound, forever, the malice and unfounded assertions of our implacable enemies" (223).

Perusing the Haytian Papers, translations of Haitian edicts and documents under King Henri Christophe by Prince Saunders, an African-American educator, one comes across in Saunder's introductory comments allusions to the remarks of white racists that none of the kingdom's writings were penned by blacks or men of color! To white supremacists and pro-slavery folks, the very idea of an independent black state with literate people of color writing their own laws was impossible! The Code Henri immediately also goes into detail the progressive, anti-oppressive laws regarding labor relations: "The proprietors and farmers of land are bound to treat their respective labourers with true paternal solicitude; an obligation which it is greatly for their own interest to fulfil in its utmost extent." Code Henri includes requirements for hospitals on plantations, medical service, and the right of government officials to mediate conflicts between workers and landholders. Chapter II's Art. XVII. also empowers the state to force one into labor: "The law punishes the lazy and vagabond, among whom are comprehended labourers of both sexes who shall quit the habitations in which they have domiciled, in order to reside in towns or other places where they are forbidden to settle: penalty, Art. 114. Titre 8." Although perhaps a little too confining in the movement of ex-slaves, and setting them to a work schedule from daylight to sundown may have been too reminiscent of slavery, clearly the laws (at least written laws, how they were enforced would be an even more interesting question) were far more progressive and interested in the welfare of the majority of the population.

Other documents contained therein include correspondence between Christophe and Leclerc, the former stating he cannot recognize the authority of a person he does not know and lacks recognition from governor Toussaint Louverture (8). Another, Narrative Of the Accession Of Their Royal Majesties To The Throne Of Hayti," endeavors to explain how Christophe rose to position of king. It includes a scathing comment on the French as "Vandals who have ravaged every country into which their well-known footsteps have strayed" (55). As one would expect, such a document is full or propaganda and hyperbole, which comes out strongly its it description of the Haitian navy as the "terror of tyrants" or whitewashes the dark collaborations of Christophe with others against Dessalines. The document also alludes to Citadel Henry and Sans Souci as a beautiful town built to great expense. The writer apparently thinks highly of Abbe Gregoire, too, particularly for his Literature of the Negroes and openly avenging the blacks for their wrongful suffering because of the racist beliefs of France (84). The short-lived return of Rigaud and internal dissension against Petion naturally occupies a lot of pages, as well as the latter's willingness to entertain compensation for France come into the propaganda.

Additional documents provide another look at how the kingdom of Christophe was conceived, with a royal family, Grand Council, Privy Council, Great Officers, the four ministers, etc. The document also endeavor to justify a monarchy with allusions to the "paternal monarchial government" associated with Montesquieu, while simultaneously recognizing the federative system of government of the United States as another model. Praise for Haiti and the land and people as sufficient for a kingdom also comes out through great lines such as this, "We say nothing as to the same martial valour and heroic character of the Haytian people: its glory is known throughout the world!" The "Manifesto" of Christophe also has some things to say about Toussaint Louverture:

Always intent upon the work of restoration, the Governor, Toussaint Louverture under his paternal administration, had reinstated, in full force, law, morals, religion, education, and industry; agriculture and commerce were flourishing. He favoured the white colonists, particularly the planters. Indeed, his attentions and partialities had been carried to such a length, that he was loudly blamed for entertaining more affection for them than for those of his own colour. Nor was this reproach without foundation; for, a few months before the arrival of the French, he immolated his own nephew, General Moyse, who had disregarded the orders he had given for the protection of the colonists. That act of the governor, added to the great confidence he had placed in the French authorities, was the principal cause of the feeble resistance the French encountered in Hayti (158).

Christophe's state also declared, "We solemnly declare, that we will never become a party to any treaty, to any condition, that may compromise the honour, the liberty, or the independence of the Haytian people; that, true to our oath, we will sooner bury ourselves beneath the ruins of our native country, than suffer an infraction of our political rights" (182).

Finally, the "Reflections of the Editor" has some rather strong words for Petion, who is accused of negotiating Haitian independence for a colonial relationship with France (certainly not true), while later documents allude to the ancient Egyptian, Ethiopian and other black ancestors of Africa whitewashed by racist detractors of the blacks and proponents of slavery (219). The documents end on a rather high note, calling for education in the arts and sciences to improve Haiti and in the process prove again the equality of the black race to the whites. Unfortunately, though such government records are revealing of the atmosphere of Christophe's court at the time (in particular, their interests, priorities, and propaganda), they reveal too little about the lives of the subaltern masses in Christophe's kingdom, though evidence from Dubois and other secondary sources indicates the spread of education, among thousands of Haitian children in Christophe's kingdom. Prince Saunders, clearly compiling these documents to show the British and other readers the progress Haiti made under Christophe, was a firm believer in Haiti as the paradise for blacks in the hemisphere, choosing to live in Haiti even after the fall of Christophe and Boyer closed all the schools, according to this. That he was an educator and helped to establish Christophe's schools, oversaw them and assisted in bringing British teachers and specialists (Saunders also introduced vaccination into Haiti, beginning with Christophe's children) adds credibility to his Haytian Papers, as well as revealing to depths to which he himself would later identify as Haitian instead of choosing a life of 'freedom' in the antebellum US. Indeed, Fanning's research reveals the extent to which many free blacks of the US looked to Haiti as a model and potential home, so Prince Saunders was not alone in settling in Haiti or serving to spread education and uplift the people.

4 comments:

  1. Strange how much Saunders looked like James Baldwin! You did a great job finding that drawing. The rest of the post, to me at least, seems to be an attempt to reassert the usual myths about the tyranny of the regime. "Although perhaps a little too confining in the movement of ex-slaves, and setting them to a work schedule from daylight to sundown may have been too reminiscent of slavery, clearly the laws (at least written laws, how they were enforced would be an even more interesting question) were far more progressive and interested in the welfare of the majority of the population." All laws are enforced to varying degrees based on who's doing the enforcement so I don't doubt if you look hard enough you will find abuses. The weakness of your perspective is that it fails to compare the system on hand with what existed at the time around the world or even in the other parts of Haiti. Your post would have benefited by comparing the code to similar laws in England and other places for dealing with vagrancy. Familiarity with England's Poor Laws would have been enough to open your eyes to the reality of the times. The problem wasn't how long they worked but their desire to recreate something like the life they had left in Africa.
    You assert the following without stating the evidence for your denial of Saunders' veracity. "Finally, the "Reflections of the Editor" has some rather strong words for Petion, who is accused of negotiating Haitian independence for a colonial relationship with France (certainly not true)," What's your evidence that this statement is untrue. After Christophe's death that's exactly the type of relationship Haiti entered into with the French on the initiative of Petion and his heir. "As one would expect, such a document is full or propaganda and hyperbole, which comes out strongly its it description of the Haitian navy as the "terror of tyrants" or whitewashes the dark collaborations of Christophe with others against Dessalines" The extent of Christophe's involvement in the murder of Dessalines can be determined based on wether he had Capois La Mort assassinated before or after Dessalines died.
    Although Christophe was highly critical of Dessalines' perceived shortcomings as a ruler I don't find it credible that he would have entrusted Petion and his friends to do the dirty deed and set up the structure of the future regime with all the real power in their hands and Christophe as a mere figurehead. Everything I know about the man speaks against such passivity. According to something I read, Saunders was the son-in-law of the famed African-American shipbuilder Paul Cuffee, if true, Christophe missed a great opportunity to build that Haitian navy the "terror of tyrants". I must say that I'm disappointed with this post. For a post on an educator you should have said something about how common or rare the enterprise Christophe set out was for the time and the rest of Haiti.

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    1. Yeah, he kinda does look like James Baldwin. The image is from a public domain version of 'Haytian Papers' one can download on the internet as a pdf. I think I got it from google books, and if not, then another site (maybe from a university library, I don't recall exactly at the moment). Either way, the book is public domain and should be accessible. The image is right before the beginning of the text.

      My last intention was to perpetuate myths of an abusive, unjust regime. I thought I gave a more balanced look based on the writings of Saunders and the Haitian officials translated by him, since I do mention their support for education and progressive legislation. You're right about Britain and anti-poor laws there (and pretty much everywhere on the planet, really), which is probably something I should insert into the post so that Christophe's state is placed in a context of it's era. I suppose my point is, well, how much were these laws put into practice? That question is difficult to answer when all I have is official documents and correspondence (some of which is propagandizing), though I am sure it was enforced to some degree.

      As for the Christophe and Petion claims, my main source is Laurent Dubois and an article by David Nichols on Vastey. If I remember correctly, Nicholls states that Petion never made any move to make Haiti a French colony again in a political sense, but was willing to compensate planters for recognition. Yes, he paved the way for Boyer to accept to pay an unjust and absurd imdemnity, but I don't think it's fair to say Petion wanted Haiti to be a formal French colony again. That seems to be more likely propaganda and bias from Christophe's court, which Prince Saunders clearly knew about during his time in Haiti. Dubois is the one who asserts Christophe was in cahoots with Petion and others behind the plot against Dessalines.

      The fact that he returned to Haiti even after Christophe's death and Boyer's regressive closings of schools and repressive rule says a lot about Saunders and his firm belief in Haiti. I want to write posts about other African-Americans of the antebellum period who went to Haiti, but, alas, a lot of the research is either non-existent or in it's early stages (except for Fanning, who wrote an interesting thesis examining African-American immigration to Haiti during the Boyer years from a political and economic perspective). I didn't know Saunders was the son-in-law of Paul Cuffee, another interesting person!

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    2. Paul Cuffee died in 1817, about a year after Saunders met Christophe, I'm not saying that Saunders was, in fact, his son-in-law when he met Christophe, or if he ever married into the Cuffee family since I can't find the source for that claim. According to Wikipedia he left his heirs the then princely sum of $20,000, in order to leave one's heirs an equivalent amount in 2011 you would have to have over $300 million. "If I remember correctly, Nicholls states that Petion never made any move to make Haiti a French colony again in a political sense, but was willing to compensate planters for recognition. Yes, he paved the way for Boyer to accept to pay an unjust and absurd indemnity, but I don't think it's fair to say Petion wanted Haiti to be a formal French colony again. " The fact that Christophe's press published the humiliating terms being negotiated between Petion and France might have had something to do with it. After the publication of these documents even France's foreign minister disavowed their intent.The actions of Boyer in 1825 tell me that he and his boss were not averse to stabbing the Haitian nation in the back. Haiti got a worse deal than she would have gotten if it had been a formal colony since France and her Haitian helpers, could siphon the nation's wealth without a formal commitment to rebuild its infrastructure. The problem with your post is that I don't see what your view is on these issues. If I wanted the views of Dubois or Nichols I would have consulted their works.

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    3. Wow, that's some nice change I would love!

      Good point, I am often reluctant of making my own strong views without reading a lot of the primary sources. I am making my way there, and hope to read an essay by Vastey and other accounts by Haitian writers for another look at Christophe and the kingdom. I am in agreement with you, however, Christophe's state was far more progressive in many substantive ways (education, healthcare, hospitals, attempts at agricultural innovation, favorable labor laws with protections for workers) while Boyer closed down schools, ruled like a dictator, and, as Schoelcher noted, tried his best to keep the majority of the Haitian population ignorant and submissive to his rule. No wonder the people of Santo Domingo began to hate Boyer's rule. I must admit, I do want to read his Code Rural, I had access to an English translation at one point.

      I am also in reading Moreau de Saint-Mery, but I cannot read French and have yet to uncover an English translation.

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