Gilbert Tonner

Although Le Zinglin was not the first comedic journal to appear in Haitian history (Le Cancanier and Oswald Durand's Les Bigailles predated it by a few decades), the short-lived journal (1890-91) included Henri Chauvet, who would make history through Le Nouvelliste. What struck me, however, was the ample use of illustrations in Le Zinglin, mostly comic strips satirizing local news, social mores, gender roles, and, although never directly, the state. The journal's cartoonist, Gilbert Tonner (a pseudonym, according to Jean Desquiron), produced most of the comics, usually written in French or French and Haitian Creole. 

Considering the low literacy rate in the city during the 1890s, presumably the journal was mostly addressed to upper-class and educated middle-class readers, and the use of Creole in the comics is usually restricted to characters from the lower classes (who are also depicted with darker skin, it would seem). Nevertheless, the journal also published a play by Henri Chauvet which extensively used Creole, and, as the name of the paper would suggest, local themes occupy an important role.

For these reasons alone, Le Zinglin is an interesting paper in the history of Haitian journals. Amply illustrated, use of Creole, it also appears to have been the first satirical journal to use cartoons. Considering the intended audience for the journal, some of the writers and readers must have traveled to France and absorbed influences from Western comics and caricatures. Indeed, the negative portrayals of Haiti in Cham's caricatures must have been known, 

Although the quality of the papers when digitized by the Center for Research Libraries has blurred or damaged some of the cartoons, I think Gilbert Tonner's style improved over time, particularly in its depiction of the human form. His cartoons also depict road scenes, pathways to Petionville or other areas of Port-au-Prince, and animals, restaurants, domestic scenes, or ships. He, like most 19th century cartoonists, places dialogue below the panels or at the bottom of the image, while relying on physical humor or absurd satire to convey comedic effect. For example, the lack of ice in Port-au-Prince heat fuels more than a few of the strips.

Unfortunately, I am not yet able to identify Gilbert Tonner. And no other newspapers, with the expection of Haiti illustrée, during this time used several pictures. So, I am unable to identify any other 19th century Haitian cartoons. However, by at least the 1930s, comics appear in Le Nouvelliste and caricatures almost certainly did not disappear complete from Haitian newspapers. Tonner's mixture of French and Creole might have been unique, however, and in some cases, quoted proverbs or hinted at a critique of dominant social relations. 

In the future, I hope to explore the history of comics and cartooning in Haiti and elsewhere in the Caribbean. In between Gilbert Tonner (or is it Toner?) and Zobope, a comics journal from the 1940s launched by Georges Remponneau and other artists (including Bloncourt, according to an article from Conjonction), what else transpired in the development of the comic strip in this Caribbean republic?

Farewell, Fred Voodoo

I finally read Amy Wilentz's commendable Farewell, Fred Voodoo. Unfortunately, it lacks the biting punch of Jonathan M. Katz's investigative journalism on the subject, but compensates by bringing great affection, a longer history of commitment and interest in Haiti, and providing portraits of some of the leading figures in the reconstruction effort with great depth. Indeed, I had no idea who Megan Coffee is, the power of Digicel in Haiti, or the nuances of Sean Penn's work in Haiti. If you do not expect something of great academic or historical meaning, this is a well-written love letter to the people of Haiti. Alas, Wilentz probably repeats some historical errors (can one really say Haiti has never had a 'good' government?) and at times I wish she delved deeper into her thoughts on Aristide, but she has written an excellent text on the relief efforts, the innate problems of how humanitarian aid and NGOs are part of a long history of globalization and exploitation in Haiti.

The Big Truck That Went By: How the World Came to Save Haiti and Left Behind a Disaster

I finally read journalist Jonathan M. Katz's heartfelt and enlightening perspective on the international community's response to the diastrous 2010 earthquake that destroyed Port-au-Prince. Although a journalist, Katz clearly wrote a well-researched account of the numerous follies of the West's perception of Haiti, how NGOs, Western states, and the media contributed to the problem, and how Haiti's politically stability and democratization was further weakened as a result.

Katz, narrowly escaping from AP's Petionville house when the earthquake struck, followed developments closely. He notes how the media, NGOs, and Western governments exaggerated the extent to which rioting and social unrest would happen in the earthquake's aftermath, rightly criticized the influence and power of foreigners like Sean Penn who disseminated false information, as well as noting the problematic militarized distribution of aid from the US (which, assuming riots and unrest, likely slowed down the pace of rescue efforts and aid to the hundreds of thousands who lost their lives and homes). Katz also challenges the hypocritical stance of the US and the international community at large regarding corruption in Haiti, which was the rationale used by various agencies to argue against direct aid to the Haitian state.

Agreeing with Katz, I find it hard to see how not directly channeling aid to the Préval government would help, since the anti-corruption government agency in Haiti (as well as numerous other departments, institutions, and jobs) were sorely lacking in cash necessary to operate successfully or rebuild their destroyed offices. Thus, Western hypocrisy regarding widespread corruption in places like the US weakened Préval's and the Haitian state's ability to direct reconstruction and services in the worst humanitarian disaster to ever hit the hemisphere.

In addition, Katz makes it quite clear how most of the billions of aid raised by donor countries and financial institutions never found its way to Haiti, instead staying mostly within donor countries, dispersed through NGOs (which used much of the funds for costs of operation, paying for their own comfort, etc.), spent irresponsibly by US institutions, fed into UN organizations in Haiti, and under control by a foreign-dominated management group. In addition, the Collier report, favored by Clinton, Haiti's business elite, a South Korean garment factory operator, the UN, and other influential people continued an old pattern of failed strategies to challenge poverty in Haiti. Indeed, as Katz reminds us, the garment factory industry (or sweatshops, since most garment factories in Haiti don't comply with workers' right standards or the Haitian minimum wage law) never paid enough to lift workers out of poverty, led to an concentration of people in Port-au-Prince (fueling the creation of large slums), and left when wages rose and the workers became more skilled. Clearly, the Clintons, Sean Penn, the Martelly government, Boulos, some NGOs, and many donor countries saw an opportunity to make money off human suffering, which is exactly what happened.

Although lacking the term used by Naomi Klein, clearly there is an undercurrent of her work in Katz's coverage of the undemocratic, foreign-led transition of power in Haiti (as well as the eventual establishment of a tax-free garment factory in Caracol, far away from Port-au-Prince). In addition, Katz is not afraid to attack imperialistic bullying and coercion by the US and other donors, who used the threat of stalling aid and needed reconstruction efforts to ensure an obedient Préval. Undoubtedly, Haitian sovereignty was not a priority for most of the international community in the aftermath of the earthquake, a persisting problem that reared its ugly head in the farce of an election that led to Martelly's election. However, Katz is quick to note a corrupt land deal that led to hundreds of thousands being pushed in tarps out of Port-au-Prince (in a floodplain!) and other instances of Haitians colluding against their sovereignty and economic well-being.

All in all, Katz's book is an accessible, highly readable account of disaster capitalism and how neoliberal-oriented development in 'the republic of NGOs' has contributed to a catastrophe almost as horrifying as the earthquake itself. From cholera to a quasi-Duvalierist state, the reconstruction efforts to build back better in Haiti will likely take several decades to rectify.

The Agronomist

I recently re-watched The Agronomist, a documentary on the life of a radio journalist from an elite Haitian background whose radio station criticized government abuses and oppression of the Haitian people. I first saw the powerful film at a Catholic church, predominantly white, where they were trying to increase knowledge of Haiti to their congregation because the church's sister parish was in Haiti. Dominique was also the first film director of a Haitian film about Haitians, so his importance as a pioneer in Haitian cinema cannot be overlooked, either. The only problem with the documentary is that Wyclef Jean is part of it, and it's hard to take him seriously about Haiti after this great piece in The New York Times demonstrated how his charities in Haiti were mismanaging funds, corrupt, and never finished construction projects. Jean even had his charity pay him a hefty sum for a benefit performance. Such a person who would take advantage of his own people for profit, even though he's already relatively successful, deserves no respect. But I digress. Perhaps my main reason for appreciating the film is the power of the medium of radio. My great-aunt, God bless her soul, always listened to the radio and told me tales of how central radio was for Haitians as a source of news, entertainment, and commentary. She even told me about hearing of the assassination of Martin Luther King on Haitian radio, and I am sure witnessed many other great moments. Consequently, the significance of a critical, free radio in Haiti, exemplified by Dominique and his wife's radio station and commentary, illustrates his important role in fomenting resistance and an informed Haitan public. Indeed, upon Dominique's return to Haiti, he's greeted by large crowds of supporters at the airport, following him on foot from the airport to the station, one of the documentary's most moving scenes.

Another reason I appreciated this documentary is for illuminating the negative role of the US via military occupation, in supporting the Duvaliers and the transitional military government against the democratically-elected president, often through the CIA. Of course, the documentary is from an era where Aristide was rightly associated with the interests of the poor majority, but looking back in 2013, Aristide would seem to turn out much like his predecessors. Nevertheless, the film is an emotional tour de force on the role of a free press for maintaining an informed public and holding the government accountable. Historical precedents from Haitian history date back to the 1820s, when Boyer had Felix Darfour murdered for criticizing his colorist and oppressive rule in the newspapers and sending a petition to the government. And this was when the overwhelming majority of the Haitian populace could not read newspapers or petitions, not like radios which democratized the dissemination of knowledge more so than the written word. In fact, one could see another parallel in Cedras and Boyer as brutal, mulatto heads of state, too. Moreover, Dominique established ties to peasant associations, which I believe to be the best way to support Haiti's rural poor: assist cooperatives, unions, and other associations in their struggles against the predatory Haitian state and the interests of sweatshop-pushers from the US brands. One could also see the importance of having a non-corporate media, too, since most American newspapers and tv news are now owned and controlled by a handful of people with corporate interests that will, inevitably, intersect in their coverage and perspective on the news.

Let's all pray for a free press as internet news and alternatives to corporate media continue to grow.