Blackness in Hispaniola

I am quite fond of Haitian History's insightful and brief review of the many faults of Henry Louis Gates' approach to blackness and relations between Haiti and the Dominican Republic. Undoubtedly, the most serious mistake in the documentary series is the fixation with a US-based understanding of 'blackness' to elucidate 'blackness' in Latin America. Moreover, as Haitian History says, Gates never defines 'blackness' in the series. In addition, the episode on Hispaniola just lacks nuance, research, and makes false claims (such as one denying Dominican recognition of Afro-Dominican agency and contributions, even going so far as to claim there are no statues of black heroes in the DR).

Byron's Symbolic Blackness and Ethnic Difference in Early Christian Literature

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I finally perused Gay L. Byron's Symbolic Blackness and Ethnic Difference in Early Christian Literature. Unfortunately, the book was a little underwhelming after waiting several months to read it, though some of that was due to my high expectations. In addition, the book was too thin and short to properly address some of the deeper questions of race and 'blackness' in early Christian discourse. However, Byron's strength lies in challenging some of the previous assertions about notable cases of 'blacks' in patristic writings, exegesis, Biblical passions and commentary, and monastic writings based on the desert fathers of Roman Egypt.

First, one must ascertain whether one agrees with the collective 'black' group of Egypt, Ethiopia, and blackness for analyzing the discourse on race, color, and ethnic difference in ethno-political rhetoric of early Christianity. Some, for instance, might take issue with Byron's inclusion of Egyptians as 'black.' I can see why one would, particularly given a later chapter's focus on how monastic communities in Roman Egypt distanced themselves from "Ethiopians" (remember, Ethiopians in this context refers to dark-skinned people from Africa, not modern Ethiopia). However, if one remembers that blackness can be broad and reads the Greco-Roman and Christian sources, one could find numerous examples of pre-Christian Greco-Roman literature and Christian writings that refer to Egyptians as blacks or associate them (alongside Ethiopians) with ethno-political rhetoric that clearly lumps them as a collective 'black group.'

In that sense, I concur with Byron including Egypt as part of this trend in Greco-Roman literature around the Mediterranean, because we have examples from Herodotus, Aristotle, a plethora of Greco-Roman writers, Greek Alexandrians, and Christian references that clearly distinguish Egyptians from a presumably 'white' or intermediary color non-Egyptian peoples of the circum-Mediterranean used to refer to themselves (if Suetonius can compare Egyptians and Ethiopians to demons and emblems of darkness, clearly both groups were perceived as 'black' to varying degrees).

Upon establishing the veracity of Byron's categorizations, one can assess the remainder of her claims. She is certainly well-read in the necessary secondary sources on Greco-Roman and Christian views of blackness in Late Antiquity (she's clearly read Thompson, Brakke, Snowden, and a myriad of other classicists and specialists). Undoubtedly, negative views of blackness in the Greco-Roman world proliferated throughout the Mediterranean and shaped how Christian and Jewish communities perceived dark-skinned people, too. Indeed, as Thompson and others have established, Greco-Roman views of blacks (be they Egyptian, Ethiopian, or black, melas) as representatives of the extreme ends of the earth, blackness equated with immorality, lust, and evil, or ugliness and the use of color symbolism to associate blackness with moral inferiority, criminality, unpleasant odors, and other stereotypes influenced patristic literature and Christian thought.

Indeed, as Byron intriguingly demonstrates, native Egyptians in Roman Egypt were marginalized, excluded from Roman citizenship, and elite Jews, Romans, and Greeks living in Alexandria all adopted a condescending and superior attitude to Egyptians. Furthermore, Egyptians were equated with geographical extremity, mythic idealization, described as dark-skinned or black, and equated with evil, heresy, and sin by Jewish and early Christian communities. These numerous parallels with pejorative and negative views of Ethiopians or blacks by Greco-Roman figures from Juvenal to Church Fathers with views of Egyptians certainly helps make the case for viewing them as a whole rather than separate groups in relation to lighter-skinned Greeks, Romans, and Near Eastern populations.

Let's look at Byron's take on some examples of Christian adoption and adaptation of broader Roman world views of blackness and how that shaped Christianity. For instance, the use of blackness, Ethiopians, and Egyptians as polemical devices in the work of Tertullian, who used the notion of Egypt and Ethiopia as sinful lands to discourage Christians from attending spectacles (or other events popular among pagans in the Roman Empire. Writers such as Jerome refer to Ethiopians and blacks as being 'blackened' by their sins while Origen looks at the black bride in Song of Songs as a metaphor for the Gentile Church, which, becomes beautiful and white through conversion and baptism.

So ethno-political rhetoric of Christian authors could reflect poorly on blacks (as sinful, heretics such as the Arianist or Nestorian 'heresies,' and lustful as in the stories of Egyptian monastic communities and their fear of Ethiopian demons symbolizing lust and temptation) or actually use them (Egyptians, Ethiopians, and blackness) to express the inclusive, universal extent of Christian salvation for the world (such as in the work of Augustine, Origen, or even the Moses the Black stories about his successful incorporation into Egyptian monastic communities in Upper Egypt, which apparently was only one of many examples of blacks joining Christian monks in Late Roman Egypt). This is not too surprising, and something observable in non-Christian Greco-Roman literature (Pliny and a few others write positively of blacks, despite the difference in what Thompson refers to as black deviance from the somatic norm of the Roman world).

Where it differs, however, is in how Christianity was, by its very nature, inevitably tied to the idea of universal salvation through the proselytizing efforts of early Christians such as Paul. Blacks could assimilate in the Roman world (such as the writer, Terence, of Carthage), just as in Christianity ('blacks' in Egyptian monasteries or Egyptian Christians themselves were proof of black inclusion, as were the tales of the Ethiopian eunuch from Acts 8:26). Christianity's radical equalizing message about the disappearance of status, ethnic difference, and slave or free in the eyes of God, however, was of a far more egalitarian message than anything found among the pagan elite of the Roman Empire.

If differences such as Gentile or Jew, Scythian or barbarian, slave or free, ultimately did not matter before Christ, Christianity offered a far more fulfilling and welcoming space for ethnic difference than it is given credit for. Of course, rhetoric is different from reality, and clearly social divisions within Christian communities based on ethnic difference, class, and status shaped the evolution of the faith (and it's numerous heresies, divisive church councils, etc.), as one would expect. But the promise of universalism and Christian redemption meant even the blackest of Ethiopians could be washed 'white' or have a 'white soul' if they accept Christianity.

Thus, despite some ugly color symbolism and discomforting ethno-political rhetoric, it is known for certain that some Christian writers did not mean literal 'black' populations when using Ethiopians, Egyptians, and blackness as metaphors for sinfulness, lust, or demons. It nevertheless can be used to suggest blackness is demonic or aesthetically inferior, but as Origen's commentary on the black bride shows, Christianity was 'black' in its early years but purified and washed white by orthodox, non-heretical practices and inclusiveness. If even the blackest Ethiopians and whitest Scythians were eligible for redemption, then all corners of the oikumene and everything in between are welcomed to Christian fraternity.

Now, what I wish Byron had demonstrated in these chapters is a dedication to unveiling the etymology of blackness as a sign of moral shortcomings and evil in the Christian context. Did this just arise from Zoroastrianism and previous religions, or perhaps something embedded in ancient religious thought (an association of blackness with evil, moral darkness, and ugliness?). Of course, we know that in ancient Egypt blackness was associated with fertility and divinity, but how did the predominantly "anti-black" view of darkness spread in the Roman world?

I also believe Byron's work was weakened by a lack of attention to the question of Egyptian perceptions of their southern neighbors during the Christian era. Or a better answer as to the composition of many of the monastic communities of Egypt (where these 'desert fathers' fostered the model for Christian monasticism that would later spread to the 'West') instead of saying some were lowly Copts at the bottom of Egyptian society whereas others were Hellenized elites. The cosmopolitan, unstable, and multiethnic Upper Egypt-Nubia border deserves a more detailed description and overview to properly place Egyptian views of 'blackness' in Late Antiquity in the proper context. Byron is probably right that the violent raids and burglaries committed by invading Blemmyes and other 'black' peoples ransacking Upper Egypt in the late Roman period shaped the later recordings of stories attributed to monks of facing temptation and danger from "Ethiopian demons" (the declining Roman empire, encroaching barbarians, loss of security, and seemingly chaotic end of an era may have fueled fears of 'blackness' from the south of Egypt that led to 'anti-black' sentiment).

What was the 'racial climate' of Roman Egypt during this period of Blemmyes' and Nubian military threat? Clearly the situation on the ground was more complex as some Nubians continued to worship the old gods such as Isis at the temple at Philae, while others would adopt Christianity or even join the monks! How can one accurately describe Egyptians using ethno-political rhetoric in Christian writings against other dark-skinned people (even if they clearly saw themselves as distinct from their southern neighbors in 'racial' or 'color terms' remains controversial given the adoption of Greek and the Greek "Ethiopian" to describe black neighbors). Not to revive the endless debate on the 'blackness of ancient Egypt,' but certainly the question of 'defensive othering' as a possibility should be considered in the trend of Egyptian monastic stereotypes of ugly, smelly, demonic blacks?

Of course, the question of malodorous black women tempting Egyptian monks speaks more to their attraction to black women (though women were rare and all generalized as the embodiment of physical pleasure and lust by monks, which meant women of all colors were also smelly), but the question of gender dynamics, self-denigration of blacks to be fully incorporated (Moses the Black was taunted, insulted, and mocked for the color of his skin to test virtues of a monk, such as apathy and patience, but what does it say about Late Roman Egypt if 'blacks' were really seen as inferior? It's probably not meant to be taken literally and these stories of Anthony and Moses the Black were not recorded until decades or centuries after the historical figures lived, but it provides some insight onto how ethno-political discourse used the political and social realities of the day to represent some 'higher truth.'

Overall, Byron's text is thought-provoking and a worthwhile read, but too short and avoids answering some larger questions. Byron had no interest in psychoanalysis of some of these patristic writers or other classical sources, but more inclusion of psychoanalysis and theories of race, ethnic difference, and Afrocentrism would have added more nuance to the discussion. Now I have a better understanding of some of the torment Moses the Black was subjected to (or at least how later accounts described it as such) and other aspects of the Ethiopian Eunuch, but still believe a fuller discussion of 'race' in the Nile Valley, specific mention of Nubian Christianity, and Aksumite conversion to the faith would shape 'blackness' in Christian thought. That is the next frontier, I suppose, a fuller and more integrative look at African Christianity in Egypt, Nubia, and Ethiopia, which could shed light on how those territories were used or rendered symbolically in Western Christian thought. Another question, how pervasive were elite Roman and Greek views of 'blackness' in Egypt then? Was there a trickle down effect of certain color symbolism and stereotypes ideologically throughout the expanding Christian world?

Some Videos Relating to Japanese Perceptions of Blacks

Here are some videos to check out pertaining to 'blackness' in Japan and how stereotypes of the Black Other persist today. To be honest, if I could get me a piece of that pie (selling commercialized, stereotypical notions of blackness), you damn skippy I would be in Japan right now! Perhaps I'll try my luck in East Asia one of these days and sell myself as a cultural ambassador or interpreter for the Japanese appetite for stereotypes of blackness? Check out this video about Japanese women's interest in hip-hop culture and that style's own troubled notions of 'blackness.' I believe this kind of stuff, this fascination with blackness on their own terms, is part of the appeal of Jero, the African-American (also of Japanese descent himself) singer of enka whose persona and dress is clearly influenced by hip-hop and 'blackness' in the US yet also a product of Japanese traditional music and culture. Blackness in this case is similar to the case of Dante, the black commercial actor. His blackness functions as a prop, a visual sign of a different type of Other. This type of Other, in order to be popular, must follow stereotypes of hip-hop and the black male other, although agency of these two guys must be seen as a reality, too. In this interview Jero claims "hip-hop" clothing is his style and utterly him, so who knows, maybe it wasn't just a marketing prop. 

The African Diaspora in the Western Hemisphere

The total population for people of African descent in the Americas is quite substantial. Far more than enough needed to envision a unified, Pan-Africanist state within the hemisphere rather than to Africa. Haiti, in the 19th century, offered itself as a beacon for freedom as well as citizenship to people of African and indigenous descent throughout the Americas if they settled on Hispaniola. Indeed, an estimated 6000 (perhaps even higher) African-Americans (as well as people of African descent from other areas of the Americas, though their numbers are not known) settled in Haiti. Some of their descendants still live on the island, especially in Samana in the Dominican Republic, but most returned to the United States due to the language divide, lack of opportunities under Haiti's autocratic president, Boyer, and religious divides. Some descendants of these free black Americans became prominent Haitians, just look at the career of Haitian intellectual Jean Price-Mars. However, due for multiple factors, some beyond the control of Haiti, large-scale immigration from other corners of the Americas never materialized beyond that of African-Americans during the 1820s. Interestingly, some white Americans, including Lincoln, were considering sending freed blacks all to Haiti as a quasi-Liberia 2.0 venture to rid the United States of all peoples of African descent. Obviously, that didn't happen and would have been very difficult to do. Furthermore, before the Civil War, some Southern planters and politicians were actually pushing for incorporating what is now the Dominican Republic and Cuba into their slave labor empire, which would have complicated everything else in the Caribbean before the rise of well-known US imperialism during the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

I am not calling for a return to a similar ideology whereby everyone of African descent is encouraged and given incentives to immigrate to Haiti or another Caribbean island (though, that could be useful for bringing more skilled professionals to Haiti and help restore Haitian agriculture if they work cooperatively with Haiti's poor...). I do believe, however, that increased collaboration between different areas and populations of mostly African descent would be beneficial to our mutual struggles against racism and poverty. We know that the Black International has existed since at least the 19th century, and that Pan-African Congresses have met that included peoples of African descent throughout the Caribbean and United States. In addition, people of African descent throughout the Americas have evinced signs of cooperation and mutual influence through music, literature, and political organizing. African-American music from the United States, for instance, has influenced the rest of the diaspora both in this hemisphere and in Africa, truly contributing to what should properly be termed, the Black Atlantic. Hip-hop, jazz, funk, soul, and doo wop can be found in Afro-Colombia, Brazil, the Caribbean, and across Latin America. Likewise, Afro-Caribbean and Afro-Latin music forms and rhythms from Cuba, Brazil, Haiti, and Jamaica have profoundly shaped African-American jazz, hip-hop, and funk, so the Black Atlantic's cohesion through music is bidirectional. Moreover, black resistance to slavery, whether through militant, violent means, or other forms of abolitionism, has fascinating parallels across the Black Atlantic. Likewise, the African-American Civil Rights Movement and Black Power era profoundly shaped black consciousness and political activism in Brazil, the Caribbean, and apartheid South Africa (Black Consciousness Movement, look it up!). Indeed, some of the strategies and tactics adopted by states for redistributive policies have spread to Latin America, with affirmative action in Brazil being a great example (although affirmative action in the US is partly based on a similar policy in India for Untouchables). In literature and the arts, we also see a conspicuous display of interaction between artists (Jacob Lawrence's series on Toussaint Louverture, for instance) and writers, especially those influenced by or working in conjunction with the Harlem Renaissance and negritude. Claude McCay, a well-known Harlem Renaissance writer, was of Jamaican heritage. Langston Hughes worked with Nicolas Guillen, an Afro-Cuban poet. And Hughes was a friend of Jacques Roumain, Haitian Communist, novelist, and poet, eventually translating one of his best novels.

If we who are darker than blue are facing similar challenges and also using similar ideas and tactics to cultivate black pride and overcome racism and other forms of oppression, why not collaborate more often through better permanent coalitions and organizations? We know that Pan-Africanism has several things working against it. Essentializing millions of people and assuming that racial identification with 'blackness' alone is not enough to unite and maintain a permanent coalition. That's why forms of black cultural nationalism which seek to unify us based on mythology or romanticized notions of an African past will never work. Furthermore, racial classification systems in parts of Latin America and the Caribbean differ, so most Afro-Brazilians, for instance, or Afro-Colombians, the third largest national population of African descent in the Americas, may not identify as "black." However, their experiences of exclusion from higher education, government posts, higher rates of poverty, and the denigration of people of African descent through negative stereotypes, Eurocentric ideals of beauty, and cultural supremacy of those of European descent give us a common enemy, racism. There is one established advocacy group in Washington, the TransAfrica Forum, partly led by Randall Robinson, which does endeavor to push Congress for effective anti-racist legislation and policy regarding Africa and the African diaspora. Organizations like TransAfrica need permanent, international affiliations and chapters to ensure continued political solidarity of people of African descent. Like Marcus Garvey's UNIA, which had chapters throughout the Americas, if a strong network and coalition existed, we could organize boycotts, push for similar redistributive economic and social programs, and further our unity with other people of color by dismantling white supremacy. This would only further the instrumental role of African-American internationalism in resisting American imperialism and supporting human rights internationally. In fact, African-Americans, the NAACP, and the black press were huge in documenting human rights abuses and criticizing US imperialism during the occupation of Haiti in 1915-1934. African-Americans were/are also vocal critics of European and American imperialism in Africa and the African diaspora. So why not work together to further solidify our bonds and interconnectedness for human rights?