Hicks explores the lives and obstacles faced by black working-class and poor women living in early 20th
century New York City. Focusing on the settlement houses, two prisons,
and examining the Progressive-era reformists, Hicks elucidates the
Victorian-rooted ideas of sexuality and femininity that lay at the root
of the masculinization of black women and the attempts to regulate black
women in the urban North. She also critiques the underlying racism of
both white reformists and the black middle-class, which supports an
elitist ideology of racial uplift predicated upon the moral inferiority
of working-class blacks. These working-class and poor Negroes from the
South must receive guidance and training to survive in the dangerous
urban North, but also, blacks themselves are unprepared for city living
because they are morally and culturally deficient. This presumed
inferiority of black migrants of lower socioeconomic status was linked
to patriarchal ideals of racial uplift and the politics of
respectability, which attempted to challenge the lack of respect
bestowed upon black women as ladies by embracing middle-class values
extolled as virtuous among whites of the Victorian era. This required
edifying lower-class blacks in proper sexual propriety, moral uplift,
and patriarchal, heterosexual family units that would ensure an end to
the presumed lasciviousness of black women and limit their criminal
instincts.
The
cause of moral uplift and training for young black women was championed
by black and white reformists and activists, such as Victoria Matthews,
a black woman who opened settlement houses for young women, the White
Rose Home. Others, such as Grace Campbell, an African-American probation
officer and state worker, offered guidance to young black women coming
out of Auburn and Bedford, two prisons disproportionately populated by
black women. Social scientists and others, such as Frances Kellor and
woman judge Jean Norris also participated in this elitist, top-down
movement to improve the alleged inferiorities of African-Americans.
Norris, for instance, sympathized with the plight of young black women
coming from the South who found poverty, low-wage domestic service,
sexual harassment, and crime, but was blind to the attitudes and
activism of African-American. She assumed that blacks were not concerned
with or active in protecting and inculcating the proper values in their
female kin, turning a blind eye to community churches, institutions,
and families struggling to protect and control these young women.
Frances Kellor, a University of Chicago social scientist, also studied
the effects of exploitative employment bureaus which lured young black
women to the North, often leading to conditions conducive for crime
because of low wages and the dangers of urban life. However, Kellor also
blamed these young women’s predicament on themselves based on slavery’s
alleged weakening of African-American’s moral fiber, resulting in a
culturally inferior people unfit for urban life. Interestingly, while
acknowledging the sexual predation of black women from white male
employers, she still blames them for lacking virtue, believing in the
Jezebel stereotype of black women.
Another
fascinating part of the text is her analysis of the 1900 New York City
race riot. She reveals the police’s discriminatory policies for charging
black women for rapes. Black women in the streets, seen talking to men,
or being in the street late at night were assumed to be soliciting, and
police brutality recognized no gender differences in victims. The 1900
race riot engulfed the Tenderloin area of lower Manhattan in violence as
a white mob indiscriminately attacked blacks after Arthur Harris killed
a plainclothes police officer who struck his common-law wife, May
Enoch, before attempting to arrest her for soliciting. Instead of seeing
the race riot as a conflict of interracial masculinity, Hicks’s
analysis reorients the riot to illuminating the vulnerability of black
women to police brutality and violence in the urban North without
depicting black women as solely victims. Working-class and poor black
women reclaimed respectability and their own self-worth as first-class
citizens after the riot regardless of the black elite and whites
thought. Black women also embraced respectability while simultaneously
expressing themselves as sexual beings, resisting state laws such as
“wayward minor” statutes that allowed parents, legal guardians, and the
police to arrest and incarcerate young women for parental disobedience
and presumed deviance, and challenging the discriminatory labor
practices that precluded them from other forms of employment via crime
and theft.
Hicks
also offers new insight onto older claims on the acceptance by
lower-class blacks of homosexuality, or out-of-wedlock pregnancies. For
instance, Mabel Hampton, a lesbian who was imprisoned for heterosexual
soliciting, stated that all-women rent parties and lesbian scenes in
1920s Harlem were done in secret. Thus, despite the rather openly
lesbian lyrics of songs such as Gertrude Ma Rainey’s “Prove It On Me
Blues,” lesbians could not wear slacks in the streets en route to these
parties because their same-sex desires would then be obvious to men.
Furthermore, Hampton ended her career in dancing because men were always
making sexual advances on women, and there were few bars and dance
clubs where women could openly express their same-sex desire. Hence,
Hicks concludes that lesbians were even less accepted in Harlem than gay
men, regardless of socioeconomic status. Obviously, this has
ramifications for scholarship on homophobia in black communities which
has stated that historically, the black working-class was more accepting
of non-heterosexual behavior than the middle-class of Harlem. Of
course, one must engage in additional research before making such a
broad claim, especially about generalizing black communities’ attitudes
toward LGBT members of their neighborhoods. Indeed, some claim that
since white police forces have allowed red-light districts to persist in
some communities, particularly black neighborhoods, these
state-sanctioned zones of vice would likely have included homosexual and
heterosexual prostitution. Since black communities could not remove
red-light districts in Harlem and other low-income black neighborhoods,
residents had less power to monitor or eradicate sex workers, which
presumably has made black communities more accepting of certain
nontraditional sexual arrangements or relationships.
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