Tuesday, January 3, 2012

The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao


The family claims that the first sign was that Abelard's third and final daughter, given the light early on in her father's capsulization, was born black. And not just any kind of black. But black black--kongoblack, shangoblack, kaliblack, zapotecblack, rekhablack--and no amount of fancy Dominican racial legerdemain was going to obscure the fact. That's the kind of culture I belong to: people took their child's black complexion as an ill omen (248).

Junot Diaz's The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao is a fascinating novel I have read about 3 or 4 times now since senior year of high school. Diaz's tale of Dominican-American experience takes us back to the source, Trujillo's brutal dictatorship, which exalted the cult of Trujillo to define a nation for much of the 20th century. By tracing Oscar's origins back through his mother's family's Fall due to Trujillo's sexual appetite and the fuku, a curse. Since Junot Diaz explores the Dominican-American experience, or Diaspora, issues or race and color predominate throughout the text. The narrator, Yunior, uses ebonics and phrases often associated with inner-city youth of African-American descent, such as the common use of the word nigger and Negro. Oscar, his mother, Belicia, and his sister, Lola, also share dark skin and, in the case of Oscar and other Dominicans, possesses a "Puerto Rican 'fro." Belicia Cabral, Oscar's mother, is also described as very dark-skinned, though coming from an elite father with a 'demi afro' and a mulatto mother. Her dark skin was considered a sign of ill omen after birth, which says a lot about Dominican attitudes toward race and blackness. Indeed, as Diaz himself reveals in a interview, self-loathing of our blackness is "the darkness that binds us," the us being people of African descent throughout the Caribbean and the United States. This loathing of the blackness that nearly all Dominicans possess also requires an understanding of the role of Haiti, a black neighboring nation whose dark shadow becomes the Other for Dominican national narratives, usually composed by white elites. Thus, the image of Haiti in The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao features prominently in the prejudice that dark-skinned Dominicans like Oscar's mother face.

Trujillo's call for the genocide of suspected Haitians in 1937 along the border between Haiti and the Dominican Republic demonstrate antihaitianismo at its best. At least 10,000 Haitian-Dominicans were killed  with machetes for being unable to pronounce perejil without thick Haitian accents. The very fact that Dominican soldiers committing these atrocities had to ask victims to say a Spanish word before killing them shows that the differences between Haitians and Dominicans are not as deep as one would think, especially in the border region. Indeed, the border between Haiti and the Dominican Republic was never really defined until the Trujillo years, which led to an expulsion of Haitian farmers and workers due to fears of 'Haitian imperialism.' Exactly how could Haitian peasants working in the Dominican Republic change the racial composition and bring savagery to a nation of millions of Afro-descended people is never explained, but fears of the 'blackening' of the already black and brown Dominican Republic were the justifications for Trujillo's actions. With Negrophobes like Balaguer in his administration, who is "considered our national 'genius'" (90). Intellectual Dominicans of white descent such as Joaquin Balaguer used their control of information and manipulation of history to portray Haiti as an all-black, voodoo threat to the Spanish Catholic culture of the Domincan Republic. Elite narratives of Dominicanness then permeated popular culture, manifesting in literature, language, television, etc. Even dark-skinned Dominicans and Dominicans of Haitian descent, such as Trujillo himself, "a portly, sadistic, pig-eyed mulato who bleached his skin..." (2) internalized these views of blackness that date to the colonial era.

In addition to the dominance of European-derived elites and Catholicism in defining Haiti as the Other, examples of Haitian occupation and invasion of the Dominican Republic from the 19th century are revived in national narratives to justify excluding Haitians. For example, many Dominicans, of the popular and elite classes, see Haitian imperialism in everything Haitians and Haitian-Americans do. Thus, protection of Dominican nationality requires refusing to grant citizenship rights to people of Haitian descent born in the United States, by swearing they no existe, like Lola's friend Leticia, a Dominican of Haitian descent (26). Anti-Haitian and antiblack Dominican writers twist the actual history of the Haitian "occupation," which lasted only from 1822-1844 with a few Haitian attempted invasions by later 19th century leaders. Oh, and Toussaint Louverture and Dessalines' invasions of Santo Domingo in the early 19th century as well, are oft-cited examples of Haitian imperialism and attempts to 'Ethiopianize' the Dominican Republic. Haitians 'invaders' had popular support at a time from the populace, and received no resistance when Jean Pierre Boyer, president of Haiti came to Santo Domingo in 1822. Indeed, the Haitian occupations of Santo Domingo in this period emancipated the remaining slaves on the island, redistributed land, and had popular support from the black population. In fact, the Haitian state relied on Dominicans (the Dominican Republic did not exist at this time, so one should not use that term) for military forces. The mulatto elite of Haiti, who spearheaded the occupation, focused on French republican goals of limiting the power of the Catholic Church, and creating a state that could serve as a buffer in the case of French invasion (a realistic threat prior to French recognition of Haiti in 1825). The liberation of Dominican slaves (occurred under Toussaint and Boyer), the incorporation of Dominican blacks into the Haitian military and the records of praise songs to Boyer for liberating the slaves, shows that the Haitian occupation, though far from perfect, initially had some popular support.

Whites of Santo Domingo, however, immediately fled the island and refused to recognize the authority of black (actually, mulatto Haitians, who foolishly made French the official language and tried to raise taxes to pay the indemnity to France) Haitians. These former colonial elites' struggle to maintain a Eurocentric, Catholic Spanish orientation of the nascent Dominican national consciousness led to the rewriting of history. Even in thecontemporary Dominican Republic, Dominicans still invoke Haitian invasions when they encounter Haitian workers in Santo Domingo. Indeed, one character in the novel, when attacking people from the Cibao region of the island for their regional pride, was "convinced masked imperial ambitions on a Haitian level" (107). Moreover, Oscar's great-grandfather's family contributed to the 1937 massacre by giving horses to Trujillo's forces. So Oscar's grandfather's family, coming from light-skinned elites with education and property, participates in the self-loathing of dark-skinned peoples who are their servants, relatives, and friends. Oscar's grandfather, however, does treat those with machete wounds afterward, and his wife hides the servants (215). Trujillo's genocide forever changes the "country's historically fluid border with Haiti--which was more baka than border..." (224). This fluid zone, with a reference to baka, a creature of Dominican/Haitian Vodou exemplify the mixed character of all border regions, and the mixed character of Dominican national identity as well.

The aforementioned Belicia's dark skin demonstrates the antiblack prejudice of Dominicans and Dominican-Americans. Belicia is so dark that nobody on her father's side of the family would take her (252). She only lived because a dark-skinned woman named Zoila (possibly Haitian) rescues and feeds her with her own milk (253). Her mother's relatives only take Beli in later to possibly receive money from the Cabral family (which by this point had fallen from grace after Abelard refused to let Trujillo rape his oldest daughter), and once it's clear that they will not receive any money, sell her as a criada or restavek in Outer Azua, an impoverished region of the country. The use of the word restavek, a Haitian Creole word for a child slave, demonstrates another similarity between both nations, where slavery survives and often only for the darkest-hued members of both Haiti and the Dominican Republic. Haitian braceros on the sugar cane plantations are often mentioned  in the novel as well, with obvious symbolism of slavery and racism. Indeed, when Beli's beaten body is discovered in the canefields by Dominican musicians, one of the possible negative things she could be is haitiano (in the same company as ciguapas and baka, mythological beings of the supernatural) (151). Furthermore, during the savage beating she received from Trujillo's sister's goons, Yunior writes, "They beat her like she was a slave. Like she was a dog" (147). Once again, Haitians are a stand in for slavery, dark skin, and the supernatural, all qualities which can likewise be found in Dominican history with slavery, racism, and the exclusion of blacks from political power. Interestingly, Belicia herself internalizes the loathing of Haitians (really the loathing of herself since she's just as black). After her father's light-skinned cousin frees her from slavery in Azua, she is sent to an elite private school where everyone excludes her because of her skin. Even the Chinese girl with no friends because of her nonwhite, foreignness, points out her blackness. Belicia falls for the most handsome boy in school (obviously white with no traces of African blood and blues eyes), demonstrating Dominicans' exaltation of the whiteness and white features that few Dominicans have. Belicia also shares Dominican animosity toward Haitians, referring to peddlers on the streets of Santo Domingo as "maldito Haitians" in spite of her own blackness (273). Later, at a upscale restaurant in the zona colonial of the city, the waiters give Oscar and his family strange looks (presumably because of their dark skin, causing Lola to warn her mother, "Watch out, Mom, they probably think you're Haitian," to which she replies, "La unica haitiana aqui eres tu, mi amor" (276). Clearly both Lola and Belicia are dark-skinned, and could be mistaken for "haitianas," yet Belicia's disparaging remarks and beliefs toward Haitians prevents any positive self-identification of her own African ancestry, which she conspicuously wears on her skin.

The image of Haiti as a symbol of 'African savagery' and blackness manifests in the lives of Oscar, his sister, and his mother. All are clearly of African descent themselves, but a certain adoration for their European heritage and whiteness, forever unattainable because of their dark skin (or Oscar's kinky hair), leads to self-destructive behavior and the construction of a fantasy. Indeed, Dominicans like Oscar's mother are pissed to be called morena, preferring indio or india despite their dark skin and African features. Due to the negative conceptualizations of Haiti and blackness that date from the colonial period and epochs of slavery, its no wonder that so many dark-skinned individuals would rather identify themselves with fictive indigenous Taino ancestry or Spanish blood. It also becomes obvious why Oscar embraces science fiction and fantasy, the genres based, which is evident in Caribbean societies themselves as a practically unreal place where poverty, extreme economic inequality and the cultivation of the cult of Trujillo and other dictators who exploit African-derived religions (Papa Doc in Haiti) to support their rule define the 20th century. The Caribbean is a world where different races, cultures, and epochs blend, where Santo Domingo appears to be a modern city, but immediately outside of the city one feels like being in a time machine to see unimaginable horrors long thought to have died. Since Diaz does not attribute this self-loathing solely to Dominicans, it is clear that the novel's message of self-acceptance and defeating the fuku is for everyone, not just dominicanos. Indeed, Diaz begins the novel with Yunior writing, "The Puertorocks want to talk about fufus, and the Haitians have some shit just like it. There are a zillion of these fuku stories" (6). This is a pan-Caribbean thing that affects everyone, including the Diaspora that interacts with African-Americans and other Latino ethnic groups in Paterson, NJ. Perhaps Lola says it best, "Ten million Trujillos is all we are" (324). Dominicans, oppressed by Trujillo, also share the same self-loathing, preference for fantasy to make sense of their world. Like Trujillo, they then create a society fundamentally absurd and fantastic, such as Trujillo's Dominican Republic where his megalomania and love for culo defined the nation. The image of Haiti provides the stereotypes of blackness which become 'Othered' in the Dominican Republic. The great irony of it is how similar both nations are, and part of a Caribbean history that shows the unity of all peoples of African descent through similar experiences of slavery and colonialism.

13 comments:

  1. "Her mother's relatives only take Beli in later to possibly receive money from the Cabral family (which by this point had fallen from grace after Abelard refused to let Trujillo rape his oldest daughter), and once it's clear that they will not receive any money, sell her as a criada or restavek in Outer Azua, an impoverished region of the country." I don't know about the Dominican Republic but in Haiti restaveks are not slaves and can't be sold or purchased. They are children whose parents can't feed them either on a temporary or permanent basis. The child's parent can pull him/her from the home where he/she works for payment in kind, for any reason. How tough is it to be a restavek in Haiti? It depends on the family you end up working for, if they are good people they may invest in your future and educate you to your full potential, if they are not you might catch hell. People who claim that restaveks are slaves need to explain how come the restavek ceases to be a slave as an adult.

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  2. Interesting. Have you read the Cadet book? I read somewhere that the author is actually not writing a memoir but a fictionalized version of a restavek's life. Regardless, you make a good point, that the condition of restavek children varies depending on what family takes them in. What are your thoughts on Diaz's work, by the way?

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  3. I haven't read Diaz. I think Cadet's book is sensationalized garbage that distorts reality. What do I mean by that? He tells us that he was "sold" to this lady who once was his father's lover, at the tender age of 3 and she allowed him to call her mommy! The moment I read that I smelled a rat. A haitian householder would allow a restavek to call her mommy, no way. Cadet tells us that he went to school during the day, day school took up to eight hours in the day. School started at 8AM and ended at 4PM. Homework had to be done by 6PM due to frequent power shortages, that's practically the whole day, so when did he get put to work doing what restaveks do? I couldn't help detecting a note of skepticism in your comment that what I wrote above was interesting, if I'm correct I'd like you to think about the fact that there are no adult restaveks. Who forced their "owners" to emancipate these "child slaves" that they paid good money for? Are there any laws in Haiti that recognize the right to own anybody? No. Who would have dared to propose such outrageous thing? The Haitian peasant is poor but he is not submissive. The Cacos and the Piquets were the haitian equivalent of the French jacquerie i.e. peasants ready and willing to take up arms against their oppressors. You wrote something on the song Caroline Acao, that song's eponymous heroine was the wife of the peasant leader Jean Jacques Acaau. here is a link to an article: http://fondationmemoire.tripod.com/id18.html on him and the role he played in during the struggle to overthrow Boyer. Sorry, it's in French. I can't stand Cadet, to me he is a poverty pimp. The Haitian peasant would never allow his child to be sold into slavery. Did you get enough information to write something on P. Saunders and the education system Christophe was planning?

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    1. You must read Diaz, I think he does a good job challening colorism and racism among Dominican-Americans in this novel and his short stories, although he sometimes continues to use violence against women in disturbing ways. His use of "Haiti" is quite interesting and of great symbolic significance.

      As for Cadet, I remember reading an excellent review by an academic published in some peer-reviewed journal that called it out for being a pseudo-memoir, and so no disagreement there. I wasn't trying to sound skeptical, just recognizing how varied the experience of restaveks can be. I will read the article you linked, I've studied Spanish and Portuguese and from a relative a little French, so I might be able to work out what most of it means (and if not, there's always Google translate!). I always thought Mimi Sheller was the only person to really study Jacques Acaau, since I have not come across any other scholarly work that goes into detail on the piquet revolts. Thanks!

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    2. And no, alas, I have not had a chance to conduct research on Prince Saunders and Christophe, though I will try soon. I was reading a Zadie Smith novel, watching tv, and then reading an Agatha Christie novel.

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    3. I see that you are totally ensconced in the academic milieu, you don't believe something unless it's in a peer-reviewed journal. Watch out for group think. What am I saying? Group think is exactly what these things are for. I prefer to use simple minded questions such as, what becomes of an adult restavek, to figure out that they can be called slaves only if hyperbole is what you are after. I don't doubt that Diaz has interesting things to say but based on the quote that got me to write these comments I don't think the man knows what he is talking about or worse, he is engaging in the same nonsense Cadet is. Mimi Sheller's book on democracy sounds interesting but it's ridiculously expensive. I just read the introduction to her Citizenship From Below: Erotic Agency And Caribbean Freedom and found her annoying, way too much academic jargon for my taste. Have you read it? Do you know where I could get hold of her Democracy After Slavery book in pdf format free of charge?

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  4. I am most definitely ensconced in the academic milieu, though of course that doesn't always make what a scholar or writer in a peer-reviewed source say 'true' or accurate. I think I just lean toward the academic texts because they're more likely to have verifiable sources and, though this is a little naive, lean toward more objective scholarship, even though such a thing is probably non-existent.

    Alas, I wish I had any book by Sheller on pdf, I only found Democracy After Slavery from a University library. It is, at times, very full of typical academic jargon and, I hate to admit it, but I skipped over the Jamaica section of the book, but definitely worth reading. She clearly leans to the left and her interpretation of Haitian history in this period is very empowering to subaltern forces as well as suggestive. I want to get my hands on Citizenship from Below, but I think the only chapter I would read is the one on Haitian masculinity in the postrevolution period of the early 19th century.

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  5. The following story is a much more nuanced and truthful take on the restavek system in Haiti. people like Junot Diaz should stick to things they know. http://www.dadychery.org/2010/02/17/a-valentine-for-my-restavek-mothers-and-the-stolen-children-of-haiti/

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    1. Thank you.

      I perused Girard's overview of Haitian history and you were right about that beke. His unsympathetic account of Haitian history lacks nuance, doubts the abuse and violence in the American occupation of Haiti as mostly unsubstantiated, presents Boyer's incorporation of today's Dominican Republic as "imperialist invasions," and is clearly an apologist for Western interests and Eurocentrism. It was a disgusting book, quite reminiscent of older history books written by white authors looking at Haiti, as this seemingly cursed place that tumulted from 'pearl of the Caribbean' to third world hellhole. Indeed, Girard even seems to express 'shock' in his tone when describing Haitian resistance to the benevolent imperialism of the US which built more roads and hospitals, all with Haitian taxes! Girard is a piece of work...

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    2. He argues that all claims of abuse during the US Occupation of Haiti were unsubstantiated expect for one occasion, where the American military officer was punished and removed. He also claims Haiti never paid most of their indemnity to France and therefore the French indemnity could hardly be a significant factor in explaining Haitian 'underdevelopment.' Girard seems to stink of that white supremacist colonial framework/state of mind so common among white settler societies.

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    3. We see eye to eye on Girard but I lay the blame for Haiti's plight on its ruling class. Boyer got the ball rolling by stabbing the nation in the back by agreeing to pay anything but a nominal indemnity to salve French ego. His stupid emigration policy vis-à-vis Black Americans and the destruction of Christophe's stab at universal education pretty much sealed the fate of Haiti. The 1843 "revolution" whose demands accorded with what that monarch tried to do showed that a constituency did not exist among Herard and his liberal friends to establish a legitimate system that would have called upon and channeled the talents of the people. Unlike you I don't have a problem with eurocentrism if by that term is meant such things as christianity, technological progress, secularism etc. All religions are ridiculous as far as I'm concerned so why favor one over the other? Mimi Sheller claimed that Christophe's schools were meant to educate only the elite, this is nonsense. Another bit of nonsense in her book is her idea that democracy implies the subordination of the military to civilian rule. Hitler was a civilian and the wehrmacht was subordinate to him, so much for that argument! On page 100 of her Democracy after Slavery she completely misses the pun in the following sentence: "Vous signer nom moi, mais vous pas signer pieds moi" she seemed to think that nom and pied were the source of the pun when in fact the pun is the similarity to a creole speaker between signer(sign) and scier(to saw). What the peasants were in fact conveying was that as long as their feet weren't sawed off they would go where they pleased. Overall, she did a decent job.












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    4. I think Girard and myself concur on the elite's role in ruining Haiti, but Girard nevertheless whitewashes European and American economic/military imperialism and the role of the West in keeping Haiti poor. When I call him Eurocentric, that's what I meant, he whitewashes European/Western imperialism, he endeavors to lessen the negative blow of European hegemony on some peoples in the world.

      I concur on the merits of Sheller's book, it's overall a decent read on that key period in Haitian history. I think her point on the subordination of military institutions to civil ones is more of a correlation rather than causation, since civil institutions can clearly become despotic, use extreme violence, etc. in the same way that the military can act.

      Also, I perused the racist filth, "Written in Blood," an out of print book on Haitian history and noted a correlation in how Boyer and Soulouque rose to power. According to "Written in Blood," Boyer was the head of the Presidential Guard and held the National Palace after Petion died, while the Senate wanted to choose Borgella to be the next president. Because he already had control of the Senate and the Presidential Guard, Boyer rather easily claimed the presidency. Of course, I'm not sure if this is true, since elsewhere I've read it seems like Boyer was chosen as successor by Petion.

      Isn't Soulouque's rise to power the same? Service in the Presidential Guard and proximity to the National Palace made his transition easier to president and later emperor of Haiti? Of course, Soulouque was supposedly chosen as a puppet by elites, while Boyer was not, but interesting parallel in their careers prior to becoming presidents.

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    5. Why use "eurocentrism" when "racist" is what you mean? Girard is in a long line of apologists for western racism. He gives Bonaparte a pass for trying to re-enslave the free people of St-Domingue with the absurd claim that he believed Toussaint planned to declare the colony independent and become a vassal of the British in an article he wrote for the journal of Haitian Studies, which can be located on JSTOR. That racist clown failed to see that his claim about what Bonaparte believed was at odds with the basic facts making the expedition possible. In order to send his army to St-Domingue he needed and sought the blessing of the British navy. All the "Haitian" scholars failed to point out that fact, I guess, in the spirit of collegiality. I'm not sure what you are trying to get at when you compare the careers of Boyer and Soulouque. You and everybody else keep using the term "elites" I wish you'd define these elites and tell me why Soulouque wasn't part of them. As you pointed out above, his trajectory to power mirrors Boyer's. If you mean mulattoes why not say so. Mulattoes were not an elite in colonial times since their status was that of Black Americans under Jim Crow, nor were they fabulously rich. All good things came with the revolution when the Grand Blancs were liquidated as a class and their properties were up for grabs. Being more citified, people like Vastey grabbed the most with phony deeds. Dessalines was assassinated when he began to inquire into such deeds.

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