African American dancer, anthropologist, and
choreographer Katherine Dunham enjoyed a lengthy relationship with Haiti.
Beginning with her travels as a student at the University of Chicago in the
1930s, Dunham retained her connections to the island for the rest of her life.
Moreover, Haiti, the subject of her memoir, Island
Possessed, illustrates how important the Black Republic was for her approach
to dance, her comprehension of Black Atlantic dance performance and racial
pride. Dunham’s
central use of Haiti for the development of Black Atlantic dance is an example
of “Negritude Dance.” Dunham drew from folklore, anthropology, and a racial pride in which Haiti occupied a central role. Dunham’s thought influenced Haiti, too, leading to the growth of folkloric performance there and other sites in the Black Atlantic. The folk-modern dialectic and
shifts in anthropological theory about Haitian dance and popular religion,
particularly through the influence of people like Robert Redfield and Melville
Herskovits, sheds additional light on the ideological context of Dunham’s
relationship with Haiti. Furthermore, Dunham’s experiences with future Haitian
president Léon Dumarsais Estimé, Jean Price-Mars and other Haitian
intellectuals and folkloric performers, plus direct experience with Vodou initiation,
allowed her to develop a relationship with Haitian dance that challenged the
observant-participant role of ethnography, making her a pioneer in dance
anthropology.
The ideological context of Dunham’s
engagement with Haiti begins with the indigéniste
movement. Although African American intellectuals long before Dunham looked to
Haiti as a potential home, source of inspiration, and example of black
sovereignty, Dunham’s travels in Haiti included socializing and ethnographic
work alongside Haitian intellectuals like Price-Mars. Her interest in Haiti
developed in a period when more attention was centered on the island nation by
African Americans, especially during the Harlem Renaissance. During this period, writers
such as Langston Hughes, Claude McKay, and Zora Neale
Hurston wrote about Haiti.[1] These
African-American writers and activists influenced or were in communication with
Price-Mars and the young generation of Haitian intellectuals who looked to
Haitian folklore, such as Jacques Roumain. In order to resist the US Occupation
more effectively, these Haitian intellectuals believed that they had to bridge
the divide between elites and the peasant masses and reorient national identity
away from Francophile expressions.[2]
One of the significant calls of the indigéniste
movement was an explicit demand from Price-Mars that Haitian musicians,
composers, artists, poets, and novelists look to Haitian folklore as a source
for their artistic works. Through journals such as La Revue Indigène, Haitian poets and intellectuals put this into
practice by incorporating folk themes, Vodou religious references, and
self-affirming messages about people of African descent in their work.[3]
Haitian composers, such as Ludovic Lamothe, and Werner Jaegerhuber, studied
Haitian folk music and Vodou ritual song, adapting it to Western classical
styles and thereby refining it as Price-Mars had called for.[4] Haitian
indigenists believed this was necessary to cultivate Haitian national identity,
unite the country against the racist US Occupation, and develop a truly
national aesthetic. This intellectual climate shaped Dunham’s relationship to
Haiti because it was with these Haitian intellectuals she engaged in her early
trips to the island.
Over time, indigénisme
birthed the Griots, an organization rooted in noirisme, an intellectual movement that advocated essentialist
readings of race. Noirists promoted dark-skinned Haitians as the only authentic
or true representatives of Haiti.[5]
Noirists and indigenists represented the two ideologies which dominated Haitian
interest in folklore and Vodou, which was elevated to a proper
religion in the works of Price-Mars. His ethnographic work included extensive
trips among the Haitian peasantry to document their religion practices,
folklore, and demonstrate the continuity of African influences in the formation
of the Haitian people. Price-Mars showed that the Haitian peasantry were,
according to Imani Owens, “Neither primitive threat nor nostalgic anecdote to
modernity, the folk themselves are modern. By highlighting the historicity of
the folk, Price Mars is able to emphasize the material circumstances of their
lives and argue for their role in strategies of resistance.”[6] To
Price-Mars, “Tales, legends, riddles, songs, proverbs, beliefs thrive with an
extraordinary exuberance, magnanimity, and ingenuity. These are the superb
human materials from which are molded the warm heart, the multi-consciousness,
the collective mind of the Haitian people!”[7]
This revolutionary insight in Haitian social thought paved the way for
inter-class solidarity and nationalist fervor in Haiti. Thus, by the end of the 1930s,
Haitian nationalists unaffiliated with the indigénistes
were also willing to promote folklore to celebrate Haitian national identity
and promote Haiti on the international stage. Early folkloric troupes emerged at this time, and by the 1940s, folkloric performances were
actively sponsored by leaders such as Élie Lescot. A Haitian woman, Lina
Blanchet also contributed to the early Haitian folkloric movement by using
folkloric musical scores, incorporating these traditions in her piano
performances, and introducing her voice and piano students to these traditions.[8]
Clearly, folkloric dance and singing became, among the Haitian middle-class and
elite, a style appropriate for national representation. Katherine Dunham
herself appears to have influenced this shifting reception after a performance
at the Rex Theatre in 1937.[9] But
these shifts in Haitian social reception of Haitian folkloric dance and the
Vodou religion, partly a result of resurgent Haitian nationalist politics, also influenced Katherine Dunham.
In addition to the influences of Haitian
intellectual thought during the time, Dunham’s first trip to Haiti was shaped
by American anthropology of the epoch. Her research was supported by Northwestern
University’s Melville Herskovits and Robert Redfield of the University of
Chicago. After receiving funds for travel in the West Indies from the Rosenwald
Foundation, Dunham left to study dance among different
Caribbean societies in Haiti, Martinique, Jamaica, and Trinidad. Her approach
to Caribbean societies at the time bore the imprint of Robert Redfield’s notion
“folk-urban continuum” to understand cultural change.[10]
Redfield’s idealized peasant community of “utopian primitives” also shaped
Dunham’s early perspectives on Caribbean dance.[11]
However, Dunham received additional assistance from Herskovits, who helped
connect her to segments of the Haitian political and social elite. More importantly, Herskovits’s own study of Haitian rural life, Life in a Haitian Valley, was only recently
published in 1937 and shaped Dunham’s understanding of African cultural
retention in the Caribbean. For example, Herskovits noted how Vodou adherents
in Mirebalais attended ritual ceremonies, but rushed to the Catholic mass the
following morning. He also noted the European influence on the melodic line of
Haitian music. This indicates a cultural fusion of African and European customs
in Haiti which Herskovits championed for the study of African Diaspora anthropology.[12]
Dunham acknowledges her debt to Herskovits in Island Possessed but scholar Hannah Durkin argues, “Herskovits and
his contemporaries read cultural practices in historical terms, therefore
helping to reinforce an illusory concept of cultural purity and disregarding
the Black Atlantic as a key site of modernity.”[13]
Dunham, however, championed Haitian folkloric dance and black racial pride as
modern while acknowledging cultural creolization. Dunham also differed from
fellow anthropologist Zora Neale Hurston on the subject of Haiti. Hurston’s Tell My Horse, for instance, did not
criticize the US Occupation of Haiti. Furthermore, Hurston’s ethnography played
on exoticism and primitivism to depict Haitian society as occupied by liars and
seemingly justified US paternalism.[14]
Dunham, on the other hand, championed Haiti as a center for negritude and black
modernity, best exemplified through her relationship with President Estimé of
Haiti.
Negritude, for Dunham, was rooted in Estimé’s
politics, black racial pride, and humanist principles. Psychoanalyst Erich
Fromm, who helped her receive funding from the Rosenwald Foundation, paved the
way for her “receptivity to the thinking of Estimé.”[15]
Dunham’s experience with humanism from figures like Fromm and her perceptive
reading of Haitian society and politics through Estimé meant that negritude
entailed modernity and racial pride. To Dunham, Estimé “was the first in
defining the concept of negritude, the placing of the black race in its proper
perspective and accord with the rest of the world, a prise de conscience.”[16]
She also associated the ideas of Price-Mars and Estimé with Haitian economic
development and social progress, admiring the latter for reforming the Haitian
educational system and improving government services.[17]
Consequently, negritude for Dunham did not entail primitivist readings of
Haitian culture but a developed sense of racial pride and assertion of black
humanity. And Estimé, who rose to power after a democratic revolution
influenced by Haitian cultural nationalists, socialists, and black
nationalists, exemplified her grand vision. This definition of negritude
importantly evaded the racial essentialism of the noiriste camps in Haitian intellectual thought while supporting
modern reforms. The role of folklore for this conception of negritude was
intended for reasserting the dignity and equality of African and Black Atlantic
arts and dance, thereby developing a modern national consciousness and aesthetic.
Dunham’s conception of negritude clearly championed such a perspective, since
she refers to her relationship and exchange of ideas with Estimé as being “one
with the avant garde of negritude.”[18]
It was also during the presidency of Estimé
when folkloric dance skyrocketed to importance for Haitian representation on
the national stage. Aforementioned folkloric troupes and classical composers
were active in the 1930s, but under Estimé the opening up of Port-au-Prince
society to folkloric performance and the use of folkloric dance to represent
Haiti expanded exponentially. For example, in the 1940s, Port-au-Prince
nightclubs began to feature dance music based on folkloric styles and Vodou
ritual music, especially the Vodou-jazz orchestras of the 1940s. These bands,
such as Jazz des Jeunes, fused folkloric and Vodou rhythms and references with
jazz and Cuban-inspired styles to entertain and assert Haitian identity.[19]
Folkloric groups from the pre- Estimé years who represented Haiti in
international performances were also expanding, including choirs, dance
troupes, and painters associated with the famous Centre d’Art in
Port-au-Prince. The growing tourist sector fueled the expansion of folkloric performance
because, as suggested by Brenda Plummer, the development of Haiti as a major
research field in the social sciences and the search for authenticity made it
more attractive to American tourists. Haitian “primitive” and quaint customs
were no longer read as menacing and the blackness of Haitians added to the
exotic and colorful nature of the locale.[20]
Folkloric dance and Vodou ritual provided excellent opportunities for tourists
to use as a vehicle for authenticating a primitive Haiti of their imagination.
Although Estimé was personally opposed to the Vodou religion for allegedly
distracting the Haitian lower classes from addressing their real problems, he,
as part of the broader ideological shift in Haitian society, saw the value of
folkloric dance for expressing Haitian identity and boosting state revenue.[21]
In fact, Estimé further promoted folkloric performance as a symbol of Haitian
identity and progress for the Bicentennial Exposition of Port-au-Prince. A
showcase for Haiti on the international stage, Estimé razed slum areas, erected
new monuments, and featured folkloric dance, music, and arts for the
Exposition.[22] While his intent was
clearly to promote Haitian tourism, the fact that he accompanied folkloric
performance with novel urban improvement and monuments likely indicates that
Haitian politicians did not harbor any primitivist delusions. Folkloric dance
and music represented the Haitian nation, brought members of different social
classes together, and served Haitian interests in Pan-American conferences,
performances, or competitions. Indeed, folklore, according to Ramsey, “held a
privileged status under Estimé, a long-term supporter of the ethnology movement.”[23]
The Haitian folkloric movement similarly promoted local talent and created
opportunities for Haitian musicians, dancers, and painters to travel abroad,
hone their technique, and, in some cases, like Jean-Léon Destiné, perform
internationally with Katherine Dunham’s company.[24]
Moreover, folkloric performance could be used by proponents of noirisme and cultural authenticity to
critique light-skinned elites and others for not promoting Haitian identity,
negritude or social equality. Of course, this discourse was cynically exploited
by François Duvalier and other noiristes
to camouflage their own class interests as the rising middle class, but it nonetheless
reveals the counterhegemonic nature of Haitian music.[25]
However, without Dunham’s research and elevation
of Haitian folk dance abroad, the explosion of Haitian folk music in the 1940s
and 1950s would have likely been stalled or delayed. For example, Dunham
surprised Port-au-Prince high society during a dance performance at Rex Theatre
that incorporated aspects of Vodou ritual dance. According to Kate Ramsey, this
April 1936 performance, which included Price-Mars and René Piquion in
attendance, featured Vodou dance during a segment of Danse Rituel de Feu by Manuel de Falla. Dunham later performed
Haitian folkloric dance for the concert stage in 1938, under official wishes of
Haitian government, for the Haitian Coffee Fest at Howard University.[26] Dunham
later wrote that her Rex Theatre performance helped open doors for her in
Port-au-Prince’s upper-class mulatto families, as well as a becoming a partially
successful bridge for the color divide in Haitian society. Her audience
included the social elite of Port-au-Prince as well as members of the rising middle
class and intelligentsia.[27]
Thus, folkloric dance was already connecting Haitians of different class-color
backgrounds. Considering that Vodou was still penalized by the legal codes in
Haiti at the time, excepting “social dances,” Dunham’s bold move demonstrates
how negritude for her was rooted in a humanist sensibility that valorized
African-derived traditions and aesthetics.[28] Dunham’s
future US performances, which combined various Caribbean folk styles after
returning from the Caribbean, similarly stimulated interest and audiences for
Afro-Caribbean dance, although adding her formal training and
technique.[29] Thus, Dunham’s essential role
in promulgation of Haitian folklore for international audiences simultaneously
assisted Haiti on the international stage while facilitating the development of
a cultural shift in the Haitian arts world. Both Dunham and Estimé participated
in this process.
In addition, Dunham’s students, such as Lavinia
Williams, later exerted a tremendous influence on Haitian dance by teaching
formal dance technique in Haiti. Williams, invited by Estimé’s
successor, Paul Magloire, was trained in classical technique and used her
training to categorize and professionalize Haitian folkloric dance. Williams added
floor stretches, body conditioning, ballet training, and choreography classes.[30]
This made folkloric dance, though still rooted in peasant and Vodou dance and
style, even more applicable for promotion of Haiti internationally and for
tourism. Indeed, Williams hosted her own radio show in the 1950s to support
Haitian tourism. However, she also, like Dunham, ensured her students studied
the origins of each dance they performed so that they could identify rhythms
and understand the social meaning.[31] Jean-Léon
Destiné, who entered Haitian folkloric performance through Blanchet’s group,
also performed under Dunham. Destiné, like Williams, professionalized Haitian
dance, and starred in the “Shango” sequence of Dunham’s Bal Nègre.[32]
He also exemplified another trend of folkloric performance, the stylization and
professionalization which made it easier for the Haitian middle-classes to identify with without disavowing their bourgeois or European-influenced standards of
performance.[33] The desacralized Vodou
dances further facilitated Haitian elite and middle class consumption and
support by removing folkloric dance from its religious context In other words, staged folklore performance
became a specialized art that, despite drawing on the traditions of the Haitian
peasantry, was appropriate for members of the upper and middle class. Destiné’s
life in New York, associations with Harlem intellectuals such as Langston
Hughes, and his own dance troupe in New York ensured Haitian influence would
survive on African American dance troupes, complementing Dunham’s
Pan-Africanist aesthetic she pioneered in the 1930s and 1940s.[34] Destiné,
Williams, and others thereby cemented the association of folkloric performance
with national identity and racial pride, which they inherited from Dunham’s
adaptations of Haitian dance as a key node for negritude.
Dunham’s technique and performances also reveal
the significance of negritude in her ethnographic and theoretical works. Her master’s
thesis, later published as The Dances of
Haiti, categorizes and analyzes every form of dance in Haiti, including the
social, sacred, and marginal. Dunham highlights the importance of the sacred
and secular dialectic in Haitian music, while also noting the influence of
Cuban musical genres and Dominican merengue on Haitian social dance. The
Haitian adaptation of contredanse
adds other European and non-Haitian elements into Haitian dance. This
acknowledges the influence of other Caribbean, African, and European cultures
on Haitian dance, thereby avoiding the pitfalls of a romanticized peasantry
that is authentically “African.”[35]
For Dunham, nonetheless, Vodou permeated all Haitian dance due to its impact on
peasant psychology and the role of dance in its ceremonies.[36] The
congo, yanvalou, banda, petro, rara and other dances serve different social
functions which lend coherence to Haitian peasant society, whether it be
artistic expression, community solidarity, sexual, religious, or spiritual. In
short, Haitian dances served a number of social and psychological purposes, and
contained their own set of logic and categorization. The levels of
sophistication, nuance, and community built into folkloric dance were a system
worthy of study and performance in themselves. These dances, however, did not
mean Dunham rejected other influences. Her fluid conception of black dance and Africanist aesthetics was not exclusive of other
styles and recognized multidirectional waves of influence within the Caribbean
and between the Caribbean and African Americans.
Like Zora Neale Hurston, Dunham recognized the
prominence of the Caribbean as a bridge between the United States and Africa.
Haitian dance and folklore served as a bridge for African Americans, supposedly
deracinated, to reconnect with African cultural practices. Indeed, Dunham’s
African American background facilitated her access to Vodou ceremonies and
peasant homes. Perceived as a deracinated though familiar Other, her Haitian informants
inquired about African Americans and their severed ties to the world of the
ancestors.[37] Dunham additionally
received more liberties in her participation in Vodou due to her “unofficial
position as emissary of the lost black peoples from Nan Guinin.”[38] Because
Haitians and other Caribbean people were able to retain more aspects of African
religion than African-Americans, one can understand why Dunham and other
African-Americans looked to Haiti, the Vodou religion, and folklore as a
pathway to their African origins and aesthetics. Her canzo initiation in the
faith, in addition to later initiations and relationships with priests and
priestesses in the Vodou faith, even though she never experienced possession, allowed
her to personally experience ritual dances. This gave her an understanding of
how a move like the yanvalou is associated with release from emotional conflict
by establishment of contact with a superior being, using fluid movement involving
spine, base of the head, chest, solar plexus and pelvic girdle. Or how the
zepaule, using regular forward and backward jerking of shoulders and rapid
contracting and expanding of the chest, enhances self-hypnotism,
autointoxication and borders on ecstasy.[39] Naturally,
Dunham’s use of Haiti as a source of Africanity for African-Americans and her
references to Caribbean peasants as primitives suggests the influence of Herskovits
and Redfield. But, she, like Price-Mars and Estimé, wanted Vodou and folklore
to unite Haitians and contribute to modernization and economic development.
Dunham’s technique and performances exemplify
her notion of negritude. Accordingly, she devised her technique from the steps
of Caribbean folk dance, which she then filtered through classical ballet and
other perceptions. Her attachment to what she terms the collective in primitive
folk society has had the most influence on her performances.[40]
Her performance material similarly indicated the fundamental place of Haiti in
her aesthetic canon. For example, Dunham had planned to perform a ballet based
on Henri Christophe, the self-declared king of Haiti and a hero of the Haitian
Revolution. This ballet also recognized the importance of the Vodou religion in
uniting the Haitian rebels in defeating France. Although the ballet was never
performed, one cannot help thinking of William Grant Still’s Troubled Island, an opera about the
Haitian Revolution, another example of African American artists and writers
drawing on Haiti.[41]
Clearly, Haiti loomed large in the minds of African American intellectuals and
Dunham’s elevation of Haiti as a center for humanism that valorized blackness
contributed to it. Her other works, such as Bal
Nègre and its famous “Shango” sequence,
named for the orisha of the Yoruba pantheon, features the serpentine
movement of someone perhaps under the possession of Damballah. The women’s
costumes in that work also honor the dress of Haitian women, fully
incorporating the use of the dress to accentuate their twists and turns.[42] Her
Africanist aesthetic also combined styles from Martinique, Cuba, and African
American styles, but the basis of the Dunham Technique derives from the
combination of yanvalou, petro, and congo paillette with modern dance and
ballet steps.[43] The Dunham Technique
resembles Dunham’s approach to Vodou and African-derived religious traditions. As
Dunham explains in Island Possessed, her
initiation into Vodou did not preclude serving gods or spirits of Cuba and
Senegal, and she hoped to “bring some reconciliation into these wandering,
jealous siblings of different nations but of the same ancestors.”[44] Thus,
using Haitian foundations, the Dunham Technique transformed
American dance and fostered African Diasporic art. She paved the way for the
Black Arts Movement of the 1960s through an aesthetic that showed the world the
beauty of Black Atlantic dance forms, rerouting and remixing different
Diasporic communities to dance negritude.
Unsurprisingly, Dunham’s negritude humanism
also shape her social, gender and sexual politics. Negritude, as she previously
mentioned in relation to Haitian president Estimé, was a humanism based in
uplifting the impoverished masses of Haiti and asserting the dignity and beauty of the
race. Traces of this can be found in Dunham’s approach to gender and sexuality.
For instance, her dance company was a center for gay black life in Harlem
during the 1940s.[45] Queerness,
which could be expressed in Haitian Vodou, followed Dunham’s conception of
negritude as a form of free expression. Further, she created a space for black
sexual resistance through the yanvalou dance, which freed the pelvic girdle,
drawing on Haitian and West African dance.[46] Dunham
and her dancers embodied a radical shift in modern dance and ballet which
showed Africanist aesthetics that liberated body movement, for male and female
dancers. While one may criticize it for an eroticized portrayal of the black
body, Dunham used modern ballet and the concert-stage to legitimize Africanist
aesthetics as the equal of the European tradition. In addition, Dunham’s gender
shaped her dance anthropology and appreciation of negritude. As one of the
first black woman anthropologists to study the Caribbean, she engaged in
fieldwork on her own, transcended the class-color divisions within Haitian
society, and befriended women from all social circles. Indeed, Dunham learned some
Caribbean dance styles by befriending Cuban, Puerto Rican, Dominican, and
Haitian prostitutes in Port-au-Prince. These women, mostly Dominicans working
at brothels like La Paloma Blanca, taught Dunham how to dance to the rumba,
merengue, Haitian meringue, and bolero.[47] A
pan-Caribbean sound emerged from this crossroads of musical genres and
instrumentation, which Dunham observed in Haitian bamboche, or social dances.
Clearly, gender and sexuality shaped Dunham’s danced negritude, which
challenged conventional social relations and homophobia.
Ultimately, Dunham’s relationship to Haiti and
Haitian folklore was a multifaceted relationship. Dunham perhaps
betrayed a rather simplistic understanding of Haitian politics in her
comparison of presidents Estimé, Magloire, and Duvalier to founding fathers Toussaint L’Ouverture, Henri Christophe, and Jean-Jacques
Dessalines. She may have been guilty of a romanticized reading of the Haitian
peasantry as the heart and soul of the Haitian people. However, Haiti provided
a way to connect African Americans with Africa since Caribbean peoples were
perceived as having stronger retention of shared African traditions and
customs. Dunham’s ties to Herskovits, Redfield, Price-Mars, and Haitian
political figures further shaped her affiliation to Haiti while her own unique
standpoint as a woman anthropologist and dancer allowed her to develop a
different conception of negritude that showcased Black Atlantic Dance as equal
and worthy of performance on the stage. Through her scholarly work, dance
performances, and memoir, Island
Possessed, one can see how Dunham’s development of a humanist conception of
negritude embraced progressive social values that challenged Haitian class and
color hierarchies while simultaneously creating an Africanist aesthetic for
African American dancers. Her Africanist aesthetic was not opposed to the
European ballet and modern dance tradition, but incorporated Haitian dance as a
foundation while adding elements of African and other Caribbean traditions and
dance folklore. This paved the way for future movements inspired by
African, Afro-Caribbean, and African American traditions and styles without
pursuing an essentialist notion of race and culture. This proved to be
revolutionary in both Haiti and for black dancers all around the world influenced
by Katherine Dunham.
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[1] Mary Renda, Taking Haiti: Military Occupation and the Culture of U.S. Imperialism,
1915– 1940 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001), 291.
[2] Michael Largey, Vodou Nation: Haitian Art Music and Cultural
Nationalism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006), 51.
[3] David Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier: Race Colour,
and National Independence in Haiti (New York: Cambridge University Press,
1979), 159.
[4] Michael Largey, Vodou Nation: Haitian Art Music and Cultural
Nationalism, 52.
[5] Gage Averill, A Day for the Hunter, A Day for the Prey: Popular Music and Power in
Haiti (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), 55.
[6] Imani D. Owens, “Beyond
Authenticity: The US Occupation of Haiti and the Politics of Folk Culture,” Journal of Haitian Studies 21, no. 2
(2015): 350, http://www.jstor.org/stable/43741134.
[7] Jean Price-Mars, So Spoke the Uncle, trans. Magdaline W.
Shannon. (Washington: Three Continents Press, 1983), 173.
[8] Gage Averill, A Day for the Hunter, A Day for the Prey: Popular Music and Power in
Haiti, 57.
[9] Kate Ramsey, “Katherine Dunham and
the Folklore Performance Movement in Post-US Occupation Haiti,” in Katherine Dunham: Recovering an
Anthropological Legacy, Choreographing Ethnographic Futures, ed. Elizabeth
Chin (Santa Fe: School for Advanced Research Press, 2014), 58.
[10] Joanna Dee Das, Katherine Dunham: Dance and the African
Diaspora (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017), 31.
[11] Joyce Aschenbrenner, Katherine Dunham: Dancing a Life (Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 2002), 47.
[12] Melville Herskovits, Life in a Haitian Valley (New York: A.A.
Knopf, 1937), 181, 263.
[13] Hannah Durkin, “Dance anthropology
and the impact of 1930s Haiti on Katherine Dunham's scientific and artistic
consciousness,” International Journal of
Francophone Studies 14, no. 1-2 (2011): 11.
[14] Mary Renda, Taking Haiti: Military Occupation and the Culture of U.S. Imperialism,
1915– 1940, 288.
[15] Katherine Dunham, Island Possessed (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1994), 42.
[16] Ibid, 46.
[17] Ibid, 42.
[18] Ibid, 144.
[19] Gage Averill, A Day for the Hunter, A Day for the Prey: Popular Music and Power in
Haiti, 59.
[20] Brenda G. Plummer, The Golden Age of Haitian Tourism (New
York: Columbia University-New York University Consortium, 1989), 15.
[21] Katherine Dunham, Island Possessed, 26.
[22] Matthew J. Smith, Red & Black in Haiti: Radicalism,
Conflict, and Political Change, 1934-1957 (Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 2009), 107.
[23] Kate Ramsey, “Vodou and
nationalism: The staging of folklore in mid‐twentieth century Haiti," Women & Performance: a journal of
feminist theory 7, no. 2 (1995): 357.
[24] Millery Polyné, From Douglass to Duvalier: U.S. African
Americans, Haiti, and Pan Americanism, 1870-1964 (Gainesville: University
Press of Florida, 2010), 157.
[25] Matthew J. Smith, Red & Black in Haiti: Radicalism,
Conflict, and Political Change, 1934-1957, 60.
[26] Kate Ramsey, “Katherine Dunham and
the Folklore Performance Movement in Post-US Occupation Haiti,” 62.
[27] Katherine Dunham, Island Possessed, 155.
[28] Kate Ramsey, “Katherine Dunham and
the Folklore Performance Movement in Post-US Occupation Haiti,” 52.
[29] Hannah Durkin, “Dance anthropology
and the impact of 1930s Haiti on Katherine Dunham's scientific and artistic
consciousness,” 23.
[30] Millery Polyné, From Douglass to Duvalier: U.S. African
Americans, Haiti, and Pan Americanism, 1870-1964, 158.
[31] Ibid, 176.
[32] Ibid, 166.
[33] Lois E. Wilcken, "Staging
Folklore in Haiti: Historical Perspectives," Journal of Haitian Studies 1, no. 1 (1995): 108.
[34] Millery Polyné, From Douglass to Duvalier: U.S. African
Americans, Haiti, and Pan Americanism, 1870-1964, 166.
[35] Katherine Dunham, Dances of Haiti (Los Angeles: Center for
Afro-American Studies, University of California, Los Angeles, 1983), 9.
[36] Ibid, 6.
[38] Ibid.
[43] Hannah Durkin, “Dance anthropology and the impact of 1930s Haiti on Katherine Dunham's scientific and artistic consciousness,” 23.
[45] Susan Manning, "Modern dance, Negro dance and Katherine Dunham," Textual Practice 15, no. 3 (2001): 499.
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