Contemporary Dominican-Haitian Relations

Watch Bernardo Vega speak on Dominican-Haitian relations here. As Vega explains, there are very few cases around the world of an island divided into two separate states, so Dominican-Haitian relations are very interesting. As Vega states, the relations between the two states have, of course, shifted over time, and until around the 1930s, Haiti used to have a much higher population, had a stronger tourism sector (until the 1950s decline and the rise of Duvalier) was seen as more important, established, cosmopolitan and possessed a stronger economy According to Vega, the Haitian economy (in terms of exports and fiscal revenues) was "much more vibrant." Also, until 1992, Haiti also exported more textiles than the DR because of low labor costs

Moreover, Vega delivers a relatively impartial and informed summary and analysis of current relations between Haiti and the Dominican Republic. Obviously critical of the lack of Dominican recognition of citizenship or rights to education for Dominicans of Haitian descent (and the Dominican military's raids, deportations and exploitation), Vega also presents some objective facts. The current Haitian migrants do not come from the poorest of the poor, about half send remittances to relatives in Haiti, many return to Haiti at least once a year, about 75% of migrants are males, their economic impact is greater than recognized, etc. (he cites a poll from a Latin American research group). Oh, and 85% of Haitian migrants consider themselves Haitian, 61% have never been asked for papers, most prefer to marry Haitians, only 18% have been captured in migration raids. In addition, the Dominican diaspora in the US is more favorable to the plight and mistreatment of Haitians and Dominicans of Haitian descent, something which, as Vega observes, will likely shape the political discussion in future years. 

The importance of the US in shaping relations is clearly important, too. The US occupations shaped the military forces in both Haiti and Dominican Republic, as well as weakening Haitian agriculture, which led to more Haitians seeking work in the DR. The US occupation also established the pattern of migrant cane cutters in the DR from Haiti. Where I differ with Vega is in his hope of seeing Haiti as a future 'Hong Kong' or 'Taiwan' of the Caribbean for cheap assembly of textiles and other goods for foreign companies, as if that would somehow provide enough jobs and income to lift people out of poverty. I would like to see some future collaborative projects in tourism, though (something I can agree with Vega about, because Haiti and the Dominican Republic could support each other's tourism sector through closer partnerships). Since he does not delve deeper into the question of 'sweatshops' and unions, I am unsure how he can be so certain that a garment/textile industry returning to Haiti in larger numbers could build an economically stronger Haiti. I do appreciate the nuances of how Dominican individuals and companies could also profit from and help Haiti in ways that improve their own economy (he mentions one Dominican textile company that has a factory on the Haitian side of the border, employing over 3000 workers, to do the labor-intensive part of garment production, and the rest of the job is finished in Santiago and exported). 

However, without the Haitian presence, agriculture would collapse in DR but salaries would rise. Dominican employers openly favor Haitians, as Vega states, for their cheap labor. Likewise, the Dominican economy thrives from a neighboring and open market that depends on eggs, poultry and other exports of the DR. Furthermore, what of the high profits made by Dominican construction companies in post-quake Haiti, leaving out many Haitians in the reconstruction of their own country? Or the problematic legal decision of the Dominican government, defending anti-Haitian prejudice and legal repression? I think more discussion is needed on the question of unions, living wages, and restoring Haitian agriculture besides just assuming things will improve with the return of a garment sector and 'political stability.' Clearly, political stability under the Duvaliers combined with low wage 'sweatshop' garment assembly work did not improve conditions for the Haitian poor, and vicissitudes in the market as the race for the bottom roars meant foreign investors and brands quickly moved on to cheaper locales when given the chance. 

Don't get me wrong, I do appreciate and understand the need for greater solidarity between Dominicans and Haitians, but what I would love to see is more concern and collaboration between the lower classes on both sides of the border. For instance, how have Dominican garment factory workers organizing amongst themselves envision cooperative projects and campaigns with Haitian workers? Those kinds of questions seem of more import to me as a path for eradicating poverty on the entire island, as well as providing employment, strengthening tourism (in a limited, responsible way that does not lead to displacement), and combating deforestation and the decline of agriculture in a mostly agrarian economy like Haiti.