Indigenous Passages to Cuba

Jason Yaremko's Indigenous Passages to Cuba, 1515-1900 is a fascinating study of Amerindian migration to colonial Cuba. Focusing on indigenous peoples from Florida, northern New Spain, and the Yucatan, Yaremko highlights the multinational character of Cuba's indigenous past. Besides the local Taino legacy, indigenous peoples from the mainland also contributed to the making of Cuba. Yaremko's study is an early step in this process of uncovering how Cuba, and the Caribbean, have been intimately connected to indigenous peoples from the mainland in ways that shaped Cuban creolization and economic development. 

Calusa, Creek, and others in Spanish Florida frequently traveled to Havana and, in some cases, relocated permanently to the island. Close collaboration and even intermarriage between Cuban fishermen and local Indians along Florida's coast, led to long-lasting ties between indigenes of Florida and largest island in the Antilles. After Florida changed hands to the British, Florida's indigenes who had close ties to Cuba persisted in traveling to the island on their own vessels or the ships of Cuban fishermen. According to Yaremko, these Creek and other Indians came to Cuba in order to trade, pursue diplomatic interests, play the Spanish against the British, and, eventually, relocate to the island. Indeed, some of these populations ended up in Guanabacoa, one of the older, originally Taino towns. 

Besides indigenous peoples from Florida, so-called Apaches and "wild Indians" from the north of New Spain also came to Cuba. Unlike those of Florida, these Apaches or Chichimecos were involuntary migrants. Deported by the Spanish colonial government in the 18th century to pacify the region, their labor was sought in Cuba. Cuba, an increasingly important Spanish colony for its location, defensive fortifications, and growing economy, absorbed these Indians. Their manual and domestic labor was defined differently than the chattel slavery system used for those of African descent. However, the Apaches were brought to Cuba against their will.

The remainder of the book focuses on Yucatecan Maya migration to Cuba. Beginning with 16th century enslavement and the role of the Maya in early Havana's Campeche ward, the Maya have contributed to the multicultural, multinational nature of indigenous Cuba for 500 years. Archaeological and archival sources indicate a Maya presence in post-contact Taino communities, too. However, the Yucatecan Maya migration was not always one of outright slavery. The large-scale importation of Yucatec laborers after the beginning of the Caste War in Mexico was a form of indentured labor. Exploiting the women for domestic labor and the men in a variety of capacities, mainly in westenr Cuba, the indentured Maya migration was subject to various abuses and corruption from officials and private actors in Cuba and Mexico. Nonetheless, the Maya drew on their own ancient traditions and patterns of resistance to challenge their exploitation. Some of their descendants can still be found at Madruga, and we know some Yucatec Maya participated in palenque settlements, petitions, and flight to assert their rights and to honor contracts with employers in Cuba. 

Although one may wonder at times about the utility of the James Scott-inspired desire to find resistance in every aspect of the three aforementioned indigenous experiences in colonial Cuba, the history of non-Taino indigenous peoples in Cuba is an under-appreciated aspect of Cuban history. Moreover, the Cuban case may be illustrative of similar patterns for the Dominican Republic and Puerto Rico. While Cuba may have received more indigenous slaves and voluntary migrants overall than the rest of the Spanish Caribbean, there may be a similar history of Amerindian migration through slavery, convict labor, or voluntary migration. Certainly the case of French Saint Domingue indicates another tale of indigenous passages to the Antilles, albeit mostly as slaves. Despite its obvious differences with Spanish Cuba, clearly there is a larger story of indigenous movement to the Caribbean that is often left out of the picture. Now, if only we had more sources to assist with understanding the complex processes in which the Taino and Indians from other parts of the Americas interacted in the colonial era in Cuba, the Dominican Republic and Puerto Rico, we might learn something new about the multifaceted indigenous legacy. 

Houses in Motion

I'm walking a line

Divide and dissolve

Sonni Ali Ber

Adam Konare Ba's interesting study, Sonni Ali Ber, is perhaps somewhat outdated. Due to the extensive study of the epigraphic evidence and, increasingly, archaeological excavations at Gao and critical study of the Tarikh al-Fattash, Sonni Ali Ber may be guilty of perhaps overemphasizing the dichotomy of "traditional" Songhay "animism" versus Islam. That said, this remains an important work for its juxtaposition of the Songhay religious/mythical perspective on Sonni Ali with that of the portrait revealed of the man in the Timbuktu Chronicles, al-Maghili, and historical scholarship. By delving into the mythical and religious interpretations of Si Ali by those claiming descent from the great king, one can see aspects of the cultural, religious, and political values of "traditional" Songhay society that are obscured or ignored by some of the Islamic sources. Indeed, immersing the reader into the worldview and magical practices of the Sonianke shows just how strong pre-Islamic traditions and beliefs were in the foundation of the Songhay state. 

Sonni Ali, or Si Ali, became a larger than life figure through building an empire based on both his belief in Islam (not a strict or rigorous belief, however) and the political precepts of Songhay spirituality. Indeed, in the latter worldview, the king was the first priest whose position entailed intermediary roles between his subjects and the divinities and spirits. As such, Sonni Ali could not accept the supremacy of the Timbuktu ulama in matters of religion. Like all builders of strong states, he sought to subjugate the clergy (or religion) to the authority of the king. It also happened to be the political order most legitimate and favored by the Songhay masses, too, since Ali was raised in this "animistic" religion. However, like all progressives, Ali sought new ideas and practices in Islam and other cultures. His syncretistic Islam, for instance, did not reject Islamic occultist science or all Islamic scholars. Thus, Sonni Ali was able to fulfill the expected roles of a political leader according to Songhay beliefs and practices while not rejecting new ideas or concepts. 

The portrayal of him in Muslim sources often reflected either the biases of Askia Muhammad (al-Maghili) or the descendants of people who suffered from Si Ali's quarrels with Timbuktu scholars (the author of the Tarikh al-Sudan). Keeping that in mind, and drawing on references from ethnographic work among modern Songhay who claim descent from the Si dynasty, one reaches a more nuanced view of Sonni Ali. Instead of being a Kharijite or pagan, the reality was more complex in terms of the ruler's personal beliefs and practices. Furthermore, his conflict with the Timbuktu ulama and the Fulani was similarly complex. Instead of reducing the king to a cruel tyrant and even a racist, he was actually laying the foundations for the Songhay Empire that would become even grander under the subsequent Askia dynasty. Some of the Fulani, Timbuktu scholars, Mossi, and Tuareg who were obstacles to his vision of a state that dominated the Middle Niger and protected trans-Saharan trade required strong state actions to protect his subjects, reward followers and ensure a harmonious equilibrium between the people and the spirits (in accordance with Songhay religious precepts). By several measures, his state-building process was a success in that it allowed Songhay to dominate the region in the years of imperial Mali's decline.

Whether or not Si Ali really is the same personage as Zaberi, a holey spirit in Songhay religion, maybe up for debate. Similarly, we are still left in the dark about whether or not the Si or Sonni were actually descendants of the earlier Songhay dynasty. Much of this earlier history is shrouded in myth. And as explained by the author, Songhay myth often incorporated deified persons into familiar mythic personages instead of creating new divinities. The deeper antiquity of Songhay religious practices and the prominence of the Sorko in the early annals does suggest great antiquity for some of their practices. Similarities and parallels with the Hausa, Bariba, and even Yoruba through Shango (Dongo) suggest that "traditional" Songhay religion and magic is part of a plethora or related West African religious systems with deep roots. This pre-Islamic foundation of Songhay culture is still very much alive, and elements of its history can shed light on the history of the Songhay if used carefully. If one avoids the romanticizing perspective of Boubou Hama and others who sought to elevate Sonni Ali into a nationalist or even a pan-Africanist hero, one can see how the oral traditions and mystique associated with Sonni Ali in ethnographic studies can inform or complement our interpretations of the written sources. 

Mythology and Religion of the Tainos

Mitología y religion de los taínos by Sebastian Robiou Lamarche is yet another study of Taino mythology and religion that analyzes Ramón Pané. Building off the pioneering scholarship of Arrom and Robiou Lamarche's past research, the author divides Taino mythology into 4 cycles while offering plausible interpretations of various episodes. The usual themes of the gemelos divinos, the origin of women, Guahayona as a cultural hero, and perhaps astronomical significance of Taino myths are expounded with South American parallels. Unfortunately, we found this essay to be a too similar to other studies of Ramón Pané and Taino mythology to be distinctive. The useful glossary and the distinct visuals and pictures designed by the author's daughter were certainly interesting, however. In short, Taino myth and religion, at least the fragments of it recorded by Ramón Pané and revealed by ethnohistoric and archaeological analysis, demonstrate that Taino religion and cosmovision was central to the established of a hierarchical cacicazgo that developed to its greatest degree in Hispaniola and Puerto Rico. The triad of cohoba, cacique, and cemi were the lynchpins of Taino religion and myth, and all can be said to justify a political order in which the "solarized" cacique emerged supreme. Perhaps one day new sources or studies of Taino material culture and iconography can tell us more about this cosmovision.

The Indianized States of Southeast Asia

George Coedès was one of the major historians of Southeast Asia. Due to his stature in the field and importance in the study of Cambodia and Srivijaya, reading The Indianized States of Southeast Asia felt like a requirement. And despite being somewhat outdated and reflecting an older worldview and approach to historical research, Coedès wrote a very reasonable survey of Southeast Asian history based on contemporary scholarship. Of course, it was almost inevitable that the legacy of European colonialism shaped how Coedès conceived of Indianization. Although Indians did not conquer and found states in Southeast Asia, local elites adopted aspects of Indian culture or intermarried with Indians through a process unfortunately little known or understood. Nonetheless, Coedès viewed this as Indians civilizing Southeast Asians, who would have otherwise been as unknown historically as New Guinea and Australian Aboriginal populations. Hindu and Buddhist civilization, Indian-derived scripts, mandalas and the laws of Manu provided the basis for the efflorescence of various Southeast Asian states from Funan and Lin-yi to Siam and Majapahit. 

Somehow, despite his own evidence to the contrary, the author wants us to believe Southeast Asia never made any major contribution to the world and actually declined as Indianization was replaced by Islam or weakened by local cultures (the latter particularly fueled by Theravada Buddhism). This stance is definitely counter to that of more recent scholarship, which stresses local agency in the adoption of Indian culture and the role of Southeast Asians in promoting and facilitating trade in the Indian Ocean. In some respects, it reminds us of the debates on the Swahili culture of East Africa or even the kingdoms and states of Sudanic Africa and trans-Saharan trade. Colonial scholars of both Southeast Asia and Sudanic Africa sometimes approached the peoples of the two regions as empty receptacles for the "advanced" cultures and civilizations of other regions. Southeast Asia, however, was undeniably important in "Old World" exchange before most of sub-Saharan Africa. Nonetheless, we cannot help but think of the occasional parallels between both regions in their relations with the better-known civilizations to their north, the centers that allegedly "civilized" them (Islamic civilization of the Middle East and North Africa, India and China in the case of Southeast Asia). 

As a basic synthesis of about 1500 years of SE Asian history, this work is a readable summary of the known knowledge on the subject. Much of it relies on inscriptions and references from Chinese annals or later local chronicles, so it is very much a history of royal courts, elites, and Hinduism and Buddhism at the aristocratic or political elite domain. It was undoubtedly adapted to meet local needs, and was often consistent or could be consistent with local animistic traditions and beliefs in spirits residing in mountains, ancestors, and deified kings (devaraja). That said, the numerous gaps in our knowledge and the struggle to piece together a coherent narrative out of the sources then available made for sometimes speculative interpretations by Coedès. So much is unknown or guesswork based on what some inscriptions implied or how Chinese sources, which were not always reconcilable with local inscriptions or names, referred to such and such king or polity. The confused genealogies of kings, the role of matrilineal inheritance, and other factors also obscure royal genealogies and chronologies. That said, however, Southeast Asia's brilliant civilizations, such as Cambodia under the Khmer or Srivijiaya and the Sailendras at their zenith, bequeathed a glorious legacy to posterity through temples, monuments, canals, artificial lakes, and the arts, Coedès draws on the study of sculpture, literature, religious texts, and the other arts to supplement the other sources in a way that is admirable. One only wishes that the author had taken a bit more seriously the allegedly non-civilized masses or subjects and the hill peoples in the analysis for a fuller picture of how these states actually operated and integrated "Indianized" elites and commoners who may have not been influenced by Indianization until the spread of Theravada Buddism. 

Roy Haynes Flying to the Moon

An excellent jazz interpretation of one of our favorite standards. Roy Haynes approaches "Fly Me to the Moon" with grace and rigor. If only Roland Kirk received more time for a longer solo, then this could have been even better.

Ball Courts and Ceremonial Plazas in the West Indies

Although Ricardo Alegría's Ball Courts and Ceremonial Plazas in the West Indies can be rather tedious and is probably somewhat outdated by 2023, it contains a useful breakdown of the known courts and plazas in the Caribbean. Based on his earlier research, Alegría outlines the various types of plazas, their known measurements and features, and some of the distinguishing features and chronologies of their construction in the Greater Antilles. The Bahamas, Virgin Islands, and Lesser Antilles are also included, but the author did not find any convincing evidence of elaborate plazas or ball courts in the Lesser Antilles. Saint Croix's bateyes, perhaps unsurprisingly, indicate Puerto Rican influences. Cuba, on the other hand, only had evidence of ball courts in the eastern portion of the island, while Jamaica had none. Undoubtedly, Puerto Rico and Hispaniola (mainly today's Dominican Republic) loom large in the analysis. Puerto Rico contains a plethora of plazas and ball courts. The Dominican Republic likewise featured a number of well-known corrales de indios, such as that of San Juan de la Maguana or Chacuey. But much of the book's cataloging of Caribbean bateyes focuses on Puerto Rico. Due to the famous site of Caguana and the possible earliest appearance of Antillean courts in Puerto Rico sometime in the 7th century or so, this island is the key to understanding the development and spread of stone and earthwork plazas and courtyards in the Antilles.

After the catalog of known sites in the West Indies, Alegría proceeds to systematically synthesize the knowledge of ballgames using rubber balls in South America, Mesoamerica, and in Arizona, among the Hohokam. The antiquity of ballgames in South America appears rather clear, particularly in light of how widespread the game (or variants of it) is on the continent. However, the absence of archaeological evidence for ball courts or plazas of the type seen in the Antilles or Mesoamerica suggests that the Taino enclosures may have received influences from Mesoamerica. Unfortunately, the absence of evidence for Mesoamerican influences in western Cuba and Jamaica challenge this theory, but Alegría does not discount the possibility of indigenous peoples in Puerto Rico traveling to Mesoamerica. After all, the ballgame in that region appears to be oldest, with artifacts and courts themselves predating the earliest known examples in Great Antilles by several centuries. Indeed, the ceremonial and religious symbolism of the ballgame, with its lunar and solar focus, may have a parallel in the astronomical alignments of Taino ball courts and plazas. And if the Mesoamerican ballgame had already spread to Arizona by the 8th century, it is possible that it had also influenced the ballgame of Puerto Rico and Hispaniola.

Nevertheless, the question of Mesoamerican influences on Taino plazas and ball courts remains unanswered. It would perhaps be pertinent for archaeological excavations in Panama, Colombia and Venezuela to be undertaken to see if the Mesoamerican influences reached Puerto Rico indirectly via northern South America. Even if the Otomac did not construct elaborate plazas or mastered the stone carving skills of the Taino, perhaps a clue to the origins of the Antillean court can be seen via influences from Panama or Colombia. If guanin, for instance, was traded to the Greater Antilles from the region of what is now Colombia, and it is possible that some trade routes bypassed the Lesser Antilles, it is possible that the Taino "juegos de bola" may only resemble Mesoamerican courts due to South American trade partners. Furthermore, it still needs to be established that astronomical alignments of courts and plazas among the Taino possessed the same meaning as that of Mesoamerican beliefs about the sun, moon and celestial bodies. 

My Favorite Things...at the Village Gate

As devotees of the music of Eric Dolphy, any new recording of his work is worth hearing. The newly released recordings of Dolphy with Coltrane at the Village Gate are priceless musical records of one of the great partnerships in jazz. Hearing Dolphy's flute solo on the immortal "My Favorite Things" is pure ecstasy.

Bingo...Live

A live rendition of "Bingo" by Astros, a band featuring the legendary Ti-Manno. One of the classics with an amazing horn section. Mwen di bingo.

Agüeybaná el bravo

Jalil Sued Badillo's Agüeybaná el bravo: la recuperación de un símbolo is a careful study of long-lasting Taino resistance to the Spanish conquest through the life of our dominant cacique of the island. Though Agüeybaná II's cacicazgo did not completely unite the island, his leadership in the initial war of 1511 against the Spanish sparked resistance that continued for the next several years, including areas such as northeastern Puerto Rico. Sued Badillo's main scholarly contribution here is to demolish the myth that our cacique died in battle in 1511 by using archival sources and the chroniclers. After demonstrating that Oviedo never explicitly mentioned the death of Agüeybaná, and various documentary sources like probanzas indicate his survival several years later in the northeast, Sued Badillo offers a reinterpretation of the standard narrative of Carib attacks on the Spanish colony. Instead of viewing the Carib raids and invasions of the island as attacks by external Indians, they were likely heavily led by or partly orchestrated by native borincanos who had fled the Spanish for islands such as Santa Cruz and Guadeloupe. In fact, numerous documentary sources explicitly mention local Indians (indios alzados and caciques, including Daguao and an Agüeybaná) as part of the groups who attacked and burned Caparra and various Spanish settlements or estancias until 1530. 

Previous generations of historians, particularly those promoting the myth of the docile Puerto Rican or the gentle Taino, have obfuscated this history of Taino resistance through their pro-colonialist beliefs and misleading publications of documentary sources. Some historians published primary sources that were edited, removing references to Agüeybaná or local caciques involved with the so-called "Carib" attacks on the island (including the "Carib" attack that led to the death of Mexia and Luisa). In addition, since Puerto Rico's indigenous population had close ties to eastern Hispaniola and places like Santa Cruz, it is no surprise that their resistance to the Spanish relied on mobility, circulation of news, and alliances with neighboring indigenous populations who offered refuge. These neighbors, reduced to the identity of "Carib" in the Spanish sources, obscures the inter-island Taino anti-Spanish collaboration and the longstanding native borincano resistance to colonialism. Indeed, one's interpretation of the sacking of Caparra, the various entradas or cabalgadas undertaken by the Spanish, the slaving armadas launched against Santa Cruz and the Lesser Antilles, and the various indios alzados active on the island indicate how brutal and long the Spanish "pacification" of the island truly was. Taino resistance in Puerto Rico, drawing on their connections with the Lesser Antilles, was a regional war against the European invaders. With local cacique allies, however, the Spanish were able to establish a foothold and eventually, with several years of campaigns and raids, expand the encomienda and mining economy. 

Since Agüeybaná was a pivotal figure in the earliest war of 1511, and remained a relevant leader long after the battle in which he allegedly perished, it is understandable that his symbolic role as a leader of anti-colonial resistance must be recuperated. Instead of becoming an early martyr, he led resistance from his original base in the Ponce area to northeastern Puerto Rico and, perhaps, beyond to areas like Santa Cruz and Guadeloupe. As one of our heroic caciques, his relevance to Puerto Rican nationalism is to be naturally expected and merits further inquiry and respect. Unfortunately, too many historians of Puerto Rico assumed Juan de Castellanos, Antonio Herrera, or other sources were correct about the early death of the cacique in 1511. Subsequent generations of historians either promoted the Hispanic conquest or the island, celebrated Ponce de Leon, or sought to maintain the myth of hospitable, welcoming Tainos. The reality was far more complex. 

Los Reyes del Caribe

Irresistibly catchy merengue pambiche from Los Reyes del Caribe. 

Southeast Asian History

We have been thinking about Southeast Asia and how the history of Asia would look from a perspective centered on that region. In order to supplement the scraps we can recall from D.G.E. Hall, we decided to read a newer survey of the region's history, this one focusing on maritime trade. Kenneth Hall's A History of Early Southeast Asia: Maritime Trade and Social Development, 100-1500 is a good start. Unlike the earlier Hall, this work reflects the advances in archaeology in the region. That, and the generations of postcolonial scholarship on the area leads to different emphases and historical preoccupations. D.G.E. Hall was a pioneer for many reasons, but it is interesting to see how the younger generation of scholars have sought to define the region and its hugely important role in exchange networks, maritime trade, and world history.

For Hall, the history of Southeast Asia is one defined by networked relations of downstream polities connected to upriver and hinterland populations providing the desired export goods. In addition to this type of early polity, one can also find mainland and Javanese states which engaged in agricultural innovation and irrigation projects like canals and hydraulic networks. Indian and Chinese influences, particularly the concept of the mandala and Hindu, Buddhist, and Confucian religious and political models, were adopted through local agency and adapted to suit local needs. Instead of viewing early Southeast Asian civilizations like Funan as products of Indian merchants or migrants, local elites took the initiative to adapt ideas and concepts from other lands into their own political systems. According to this study, most Southeast Asian states were not highly centralized, and they placed more emphasis on manpower or access to labor than land. Hindu and Buddhist (and later Islamic) notions of sovereignty, ritual authority, and temple networks linked to the royal court allowed for rulers to assert their legitimacy through religious ideology that was built on local traditions. 

Some states, like Pagan, in Burma, relied heavily on the temples in their kingdom but learned how to limit monks from becoming too powerful through accumulation of land and allied artisans. Ingeniously, Pagan sent wealthy monks for reordination in Sri Lanka, thereby stripping them of their authority. In other parts of Southeast Asia, like Champa, which never developed into a centralized polity, or even Srivijaya, a state ruled its hinterland through provincial aristocrats, chiefs or "big men" who had to be incorporated into the state through ritual and redistribution of treasured imports. Over time, some Southeast Asian states also made inroads in terms of incorporating artisans and other non-royal locals in the administration of the state, as in Majahapit. The process appears to have been uneven, as Cebu in the Philippines was still ruled by chiefs with limited authority or in Banda, where a group of merchant origin handled trade between the more communal hinterland society and the outside world. 

In spite of the differences in scale and degree of centralization, Southeast Asian states were undoubtedly centers of commerce. As the source of some of the most prized goods in both China, India and areas to the west, it was additionally a focus of interest for its role in the movement of goods between western lands and East Asia. In this respect, Southeast Asia by 1500 was, as noted by Hall, shaped by forces of capitalism and global exchange long before European colonialism or imperialism. Southeast Asians were also pioneers in this process, too, as Malay sailors navigated across the Indian Ocean and to Chinese ports. Their vast sailing and maritime exchange networks helped lay the foundations for this Afro-Eurasian (and even into Australia and New Guinea, if one considers Sulawesi traders, for instance) network of cultural, economic, and religious exchange. We are starting to wonder if it perhaps useful to consider Bengal and southern China as part of Southeast Asia to reorient our understanding of the region's role in Asian history. Now we need some decent books covering the specifics of Pagan-era Burma, Ayutthaya, Srivijaya and Angkor. 

Tainos y Caribes

Nos ancêtres les Indiens.

Chaos

A classic from Wayne Shorter that we somehow forgot about. The All Seeing Eye never was one of our favorites from 1960s Shorter but there are gems on all of his LPs. The music of "Chaos" lives up to its title, but it's a controlled chaos featuring the inimitable Grachan Moncur III and a spirited solo from Shorter to begin. Late 1960s jazz at its best.

Rambling on Pre-Islamic Kanem Religion

Although the extant source materials are far from ideal, it is possible to reconstruct the pre-Islamic foundations of early Kanem. As a major Central Sudanic state that was already in existence by the 9th century, when its religion was described as worship of kings, attempting to recover the "pagan" foundations of the state can shed light on its early origins. Indeed, as a state with strong links with clan names that appear among Teda, Daza, Kanembu and Kanuri peoples, the origins of Kanem seem to be significantly correlated with the non-Islamic, ancient roots of these related peoples. The Zaghawa and Bideyat, also part of this larger world of Central Saharan and Sahelian "black" nomads and semi-nomads, provide even further evidence of early Kanem's foundations, particularly in the relevance of the king in ceremonis tied to rain and agriculture.

Unfortunately, the medieval Arabic sources are light on details of pre-Islamic Kanem. Written off as pagans by al-Bakri and described as worshippers of their monarchs by al-Muhallabi, early Kanem's "paganism" did not interest Muslim visitors. However, when reading later ethnographies of the Zaghawa and their pre-Islamic rituals, one may begin to see what exactly al-Muhallabi and others were describing. To be specific, it is unlikely that the people of Kanem actually worshipped the mai or king (kireh, or kakireh). Instead, royal authority was tied to rituals reflecting a larger cosmovision or worldview. The ancestors and spirits needed to receive offerings (or, sadaga, Chappelle 87). Kingship among the Zaghawa studied by Tubiana or Kanem as described by al-Muhallabi was a position closely linked to indigenous religious practices. In early Kanem, the mai and the royal lineage were necessary in rituals that led to rain and bountifulness. Without their position as sacral rulers who could lead the necessary rituals and offerings, the people may face droughts, poor harvests, famine, and other turmoil. It is in this way that the subjects of the early mais of Kanem venerated their king, who was believed to be the source of life, death, illness or good health (Hopkins and Levtzion 171). 

Therefore, it is unlikely that the kings of Kanem itself were actually the object of worship. The sacral nature of their position and their appearance in rituals designed to communicate with spirits perhaps led to the view of the king as semidivine or associated with mystical and spiritual authority. By virtue of their special position and the political and ceremonial demands, the king must be separate from the commoners or rest of society. This led to more developed forms of ritual seclusion of the king and veneration of the royal lineage. Indeed, in Borno sacrifices were offered to ancestors and alms given while the king was ritually secluded (Bjorkelo 33). One can even detect echoes of this among the Islamic Sayfawa dynasty for centuries after al-Yaqubi and al-Muhallabi wrote of Kanem. Indeed, the interest of the Sayfawa mais in performing the pilgrimage and Islamic scholarship likely resonated with pre-Islamic beliefs of the mai's position being rooted in sacral patterns. For this reason, the kings of Kanem were often ritually secluded, endeavored to avoid be seen eating, and made appearances as specific festivals or public celebrations. Indeed, Borno natives enslaved in Saint Domingue reported to Descourtilz that the mai of Borno never left the palace and those who dared to look directly at him were executed (Descourtilz 146). Remarkably, al-Umari in the 14th century also reported on rare public appearances of the mais of Kanem, who only appeared during 2 festivals (Hopkins and Levtzion 260). Consequently, Islam may have not represented so much of a rupture to this process as it could have been incorporated into "traditional" patterns of kingship established in ancient Kanem.

In addition to the ritual seclusion of kings in Kanem (and Borno under the Sayfawa), the specific reverence attached to ancestors and remembering clan affiliations through maternal lines may have been an additional remnant of pre-Islamic Kanem. According to Abraham Rosman's analysis of Kanuri social structure, clans were once very significant in the history of the Kanuri people. Kanuri were divided into jili with distinctive facial scars. Each jili had a common ancestor and a head appointed by the mai to collect taxes (Rosman 93). This system of clans and clan sub-groups, organized patrilineally but also emphasizing the maternal clan, may have been important to the ancestors of the Kanuri if they did not marry within the same clan If early clans among the ancestors of the Kanuri were similar to those observed among the Tubu and Zaghawa, then clan founders would have been of great importance for ancestral veneration. Specific clan taboos, areas for offerings, and even animals associated with the clan founder could have been major concerns in early Kanem (Chapelle 362). The mai, or head of the senior lineage and clan group, would have been at the zenith of clan leaders whose marriage alliances with other clans brought some degree of centralization and common investment from each one. The spread of these clans into Kanem, Borno and even other areas like the Tibetsi and Kawar, must have, even if fabricated in some cases, brought a degree of unity and shared belief in a shared origin defined by similar ceremonial offerings to ancestors. Women and the clan of the queen mothers of Kanem must have been important for this reason, or at least important enough to be recalled by the later editors of the Diwan for the early centuries of Kanem.

An instance of the significance of ancestral veneration and sacrifice can be found in Idris b. Ali's campaigns in Kanem. While campaigning against the Bulala,  Idris b. Ali stopped to pray at the tombs of previous Sayfawa rulers near Njimi. Although the prayers Idris b. Ali recited for his ancestors were Islamic in nature, ethnographic work on the Teda and Daza also include special reverence tied to the graves of ancestors. In addition, Idris b. Ali then gave alms and cattle after the Quran was recited at his ancestors' graves in Njimi. Through commemorating and making offerings to ancestors, one also asks for their intercession. The past rulers of the Sayfawa dynasty and the specific clans of their maternal ancestors points to the possible role of clan intermarriage with forging alliances among the various Teda, Daza, Zaghawa, Kanembu, and Kanuri groups who comprised the population of Kanem. Each clan would have been linked to ruling dynasty through intermarriage, rituals, taboos and ceremonies that brought them to the royal court and created bonds through offerings. Manan, the "pagan" capital of Kanem, possibly featured a stream, grotto, or spiritually significant place for offerings. It is likely that a form of divination ceremony took place at caves, the kurkuri of the Daju and Zaghawa mentioned by Palmer (in Bornu Sahara and Sudan 212). It is also possible that specific clans, such as the Tomagheras and others mentioned in the Diwan, may have had names derived from a wadi, or an animal believed to have assisted the clan founder. The clans could have identified their ancestor or founder with a mountain, tree, or even serpent (Tubiana 16). If so, there may have been specific clans associated with specific roles in rituals involving the king (Tubiana 45). 

The example of the rain ceremony among the Zaghawa, for instance, brought together members of various Zaghawa sub-groups and clans to a spiritually significant place for a ceremony that included the offering to a spirit and ritual feasting. A similar practice was also observed among the Keira sultans of Darfur and the rulers of Wadai, states which were also influenced by Kanem-Borno. Indeed, something similar was likely practiced in Borno, too. Muhammad Bello's letters with al-Kanemi accuses the Muslims of Borno of shirk, as they performed sacrifices at rivers and possibly even sacrificed a virgin in a river (Bello, 72). While these practices might reflect some of the pre-Islamic beliefs of Buduma, Marghi, Kotoko and "Sao peoples" who initially resisted the Sayfawa, they also resemble those practiced among the Teda, Daza, and Zaghawa. Thus, the alleged worship or sacrifices to idols in trees and rivers could have also been a remnant of Teda, Daza, and pre-Islamic Kanuri beliefs. Indeed, even if the improper practices written of by Muhammad Bello were exaggerated or perhaps a product of indigenous populations living near Borno who gradually adopted Islam, the continuity of ritual seclusion among the mais suggests a strong link to the pre-Islamic past. Yet it would be intriguing to study the words for God among the neighbors of the Kanuri to establish the origin of ramabe, a term which may have been the original Kanuri word for God (Koelle 275).  In light of these considerations, perhaps for reasons of ritual seclusion and sacred places more so than other factors, Idris b. Ali's mother had the brick mosque and palace at Gambaru constructed for his use. Njimi in Kanem, the capital after Manan, also used fired-brick for constructions that clearly designated the area of the mai as distinct.

Addressing the issue of the mune may further elucidate the matter at hand. The mune, often presented as a pagan relic that, once opened or destroyed by Dunama Dibalemi, led to dissolution and civil war among the Sayfawa (which certainly was common enough in 13th and 14th century Kanem as civil wars, assassinations, deposed mais, usurpers, and conflict with the Bulala and Sao indicate), presents a number of historical questions. Palmer, whose Sudanese Memoirs is an important yet problematic source on Borno, mentions the Zaghawa of Wadai referring to the Quran covered in skins as Mani. Moreover, the "pagan" Beli and Zaghawa allegedly believed mani was a ram stored in a cave. Even though one must use Palmer very carefully, the mune of Kanem was likely something derived from pre-Islamic beliefs yet redefined or adapted to fit Islam. Thus, Ahmad b. Furtu described the mune as something wrapped up and vital to the success of the Sayfawa. Indeed, our Bornoan chronicler compared it to the Ark of the Covenant. Thus, opening or destroying the mune was perceived by a 16th century Borno intellectual as un-Islamic. This is a testament to the degree to which pre-Islamic Kanem practices were capable of adaption to new religious and political paradigms. The mune, from pre-Islamic Kanem to the Muslims of the Sayfawa, was a talisman or highly charged spiritual object capable of reinterpretation through Islamic lens. According to Muhammad Yanbu, the mune was also carried into army and therefore associated with the military successes of the mais (Bobboyi 87).

Although there is inherent danger in relying too heavily on 20th century ethnographic studies of the Zaghawa and Tubu peoples, their ethnographic present likely illuminates aspects of early Kanem. After all, Islamization among the Tubu and Zaghawa is a late phenomenon, and they appear to have been closely linked to the major clans that contributed to the formation of Kanem. Thus, their practices of sadaga or offerings, veneration of ancestors, practice of clan totems and taboos, and belief in the centrality of the king in specific rituals tied to rain and agriculture are probable indicators of what early Kanem looked like. Thus, the early kings of Kanem were probably not objects of worship of their subjects. However, their position was closely linked to spiritual power or contact with ancestors and spirits that required offerings. Through ritual seclusion and the maintenance of specific ceremonies of rain-making or, in the case of Darfur, a festival in which the king physically engaged in a sowing festival, the kings of Kanem were the ritual center of the state. Marriages with other clans must have further cemented the unification around an early polity as other clans would have contributed participants in important state ceremonies. Early Kanem's conversion to Islam was not necessarily seen as disruptive to this "traditional" order as Islam and its message of a universal God could have been used to buttress the belief in the king's sacral powers. Thus, the mais could have continued to venerate ancestors, maintain some of the pre-Islamic customs, and incorporate Islamic scholarship and pilgrimage into their toolbelt of spiritual (and supernatural) power. Even after conversion and despite the resistance of some Tubu and Zaghawa to Islam, the maintenance of clan identities and traditions, remembered through oral history, written genealogies and chronicles, must have contributed to some degree of common identity and investment in the Sayfawa state from its core.

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Sun Ra's Tropical Excursion

A rather lovely Latin piece from Sun Ra. At first we thought it was based on the famous "Island in the Sun" but Sun Ra apparently went somewhere else with this Latin romp. Sun Ra's versatility was no joke as the Arkestra could play Disney tunes, free jazz, swing, exotica, space chants, and funk competently.