He mentions Tswana 'agro-towns' in the early 19th century, near the edge of the Kalahari, with large agglomerations (ranging in population from 10,000-20,000). However, one gets the impression that Freund does not consider these Tswana 'agro-towns' to be 'urban' in the sense that the overwhelming majority of the population in these Tswana towns were agricultural workers. Tswana society in precolonial southern Africa was based on farming and cattle, and Tswana chiefdoms usually lacked the necessary surplus to foster and support 'real' urban centers, even if some of the larger walled agro-towns had the same population as Cape Town in the early 1800s. Look up Dithakong for a good example: we see the use of stone walls and enclosures on a much smaller scale than Great Zimbabwe, and the majority of the population in this area worked on farms, watched the cattle, and foraged.
Part of the reason these agro-towns never had the stimuli to become 'true' urban centers is due to the precarious existence in the arid Northern Cape region, as well as the lack of outside trade and external factors that fuel markets, specialization, and 'urban' culture. Nonetheless, these 'agro-towns' impressed early European and Cape Colony visitors, but it seems like they came and went rather quickly over the 19th century. Like Great Zimbabwe to the north, it seems like the decline of 'agro-towns' came about as a result of depletion of the soil and natural resources, leading to the settlement to move to a new site over time (although Great Zimbabwe was inhabited for about 2 or 3 centuries before abandonment). It seems like security may have been a factor in the proliferation of these vast 'agro-towns' in 19th century Southern Africa, which makes sense if one considers the expansion of the Cape Colony and European colonial intrusions and conquests in that era, as well as destabilization across southern Africa as a result of the mfecane.
Freund also demolishes certain myths about Cairo the Victorious, saying that population estimates of 500,000 for medieval Cairo are unlikely, deciding to go with a figure of 250,000 for the zenith of precolonial Cairo's population. However, Freund makes sure to give examples of Cairo's cosmopolitanism, economic and political importance, its plethora of neighborhoods, it's multi-storied apartment housing (already in the 12th century, Cairo was developing vast block-long apartment complexes and other buildings!), exquisite mosques, and hospital, which could see up to 4000 patients a day! Freund also compares Gondar in Ethiopia to Mbanza Kongo, examines Yoruba urbanism and West African and East African cities in the precolonial era, and African cities under colonialism and independence. I'm still working my way through, but this book is full of details on urban patterns, some commentary on architecture, and urban history throughout the African continent, including Fez, Algiers, Tunis, and North African and Saharan cities as part of a broader 'African city' and 'Islamic city.'
Freund also discusses Yoruba Ibadan. Its population reached 200,000 in 19th century, the city was a network of walled compounds (based on lineage), perhaps majority of population worked on farms in fields outside the city, but there was a high degree of specialization (craft-guild production widespread in 19th century Ibadan), an important market (intraregional trade very important among Yoruba cities and towns), bustling commercial life, and a number of town rituals and festivals to mark a specific Ibadan, Yoruba urban identity); Ibadan lacked a single ruler, but was led by a federation of families that came together as equals, although a large proportion of Yoruba urban populations was enslaved. In addition, Freund devotes a whole chapter to the impact of urbanization on Black South Africans during the 19th and 20th centuries, examining cultural changes, racial segregation, art, and apartheid.
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