Gravediggaz: Niggamortis/6 Feet Deep

Great beats, great rhymes, great samples. Prince Paul's eclectic sampling and production, RZA (RZArector in this group) and the Wu-Tang influence,  and 2 other decent rappers make this an enjoyable listening. One of the guys half-raps, half-sings, like Ol' Dirty Bastard and the beats be hard. Prince Paul, known for producing for De La Soul, delivers some hardcore beats with assistance from RZA on one or two tracks. Hardcore hip-hop beats, metal/rock, jazz-rap, and boom bap beats  The witty lyricism is stunning too. If you are offended by dark lyrics espousing violence, rape, etc., this album is not for you. For those of us smart enough to realize that they're just joking and that the main reason for horrorcore is just to create a parody of gangsta hip-hop. You can't take anything seriously from this album, though for those knowledgeable of African-American culture, you will find several religious references, such as Five Percenter and Nation of Islam ideology.
Anywho, just listen to the words and laugh your ass off at the cleverness and enjoy the dark, gritty beats. Diary of a Madman is a clever song with the rappers giving their testimonies in a trial, and 1-800-Suicide is a song urging people to commit suicide. Another song, Bang Your Head, though far from metal, obviously refers to headbanging and uses distorted electric guitar samples. This album might remind you of Dr. Octagon, since both fall under the horrorcore subgenre of hip-hop...

G To the R to A to the V E to the D to the I to the G G to the A to the zigzag Z GRAVEDIGGA NIGGA SIX FEET DEEP!

Favorite rhymes:

Nowhere to Run, Nowhere to Hide
I'm obsessed, by the sounds, the track posess
Intellectual, killer, special majestical
Ropin up the devils have em hangin from my testicles
Nowhere to run to ba-bay
There's nowhere to hide

Ahh... fuckit! Another day, another ducat
From here to Nantucket MC's kick the bucket
I'm rugged ruff flow-in up till I bust
While other rappers is flatter than a white girl's butt

Constant Elevation
Diggin graves see, pays my rent for the day
Some hate the image that I must portray
Critics, say "Go to hell" I say "Yeah,
stupid motherfucker I'm already there!"
Fru-strated, mentally aggravated
to be the rebel that society created
I'm good most times but when I'm foul then I'm flagrant
Livin in the shadows like a government agent

Defective Trip (Trippin')
Some people like cheeba, some like brew,
I get mad lifted off four gallons of glue,
Pretty soon I spin like a top, In the middle of the room
And the shit won't stop!
Now What I see when I triiiiippppp.......
The rats in the basement all start to flip,
All through my building, from door to door,
I swear there's a fire, so I piss on the floor,
Now down the corridor was old fat Ned,
Schemin' on a blowjob from a crackhead,
He was like `hey wanna piece little man?'
I was like `Yo, I'm better off with my haaaannnndddd!!!!!
Oh shit, reality returns,
I need another hit but the glue won't burn,
I'm cukoo and murderous, Just plain nuts,
smokin' sodium pentathol cigarette butts,
and trippin'....

 1-800-Suicide
So you wanna die, commit suicide
Dial 1-800-Cyanide line
Far as life, yo it ain't worth it
Put a rope around your neck and jerk it
The trick didn't work
Your life was fucked up from the first day of birth
After watching Jackie Gleason walk into a precinct
Gun down the captain for no fucking reason
And get some LSD or a drink from the bar
Get behind your wheel and crash the car
Like Desert Storm, got bombs for the war
Confront an alligator, let it eat ya raw

Six fucking devils stepped up playing brave God
Had the fucking nerve to try and enta my grave yard
I'm the Ryzarector, be my sacrafice
Commit suicide and I'll bring you back to life
The first was convinced
Stuck a water hose in his mouth at full blast so his head can explode
Second said hmmmm that's good but I can top it
Put an ax up to his head and then he chopped it
Blood shot out in every direction
The rest didn't know what to do, I made suggestions
Put a slug in your mug, overdose on a drug
Wet your hair stick a knife in the plug
Or be like Richard Pryor set your balls on fire
Better yet go hang yourself with a barbed wire
Three and Four fell deep into spell and
Ran to the zoo, locked themselves in a lion's den
Number Five said it ain't worth being alive
Smoked a dust suede, mixed it with cynaide
The only one to escape was number Six
He went home
Sat in the tub and slit his wrists
Yeah, more graves to dig. Goodbye
There's no need to cry...
... cause we all die

Blood Brothers
Power equality
Allah sees equality, follow me
Law and order but I stick it in water
Many heads got slaughtered back in Latin Quarters
Like this brother named Rick was thick but got bit
by the same motherfucker that he ran with
Band of the hand the Clan's my fam
Something mom duke could never understand
From the grave to the gutter
Death to another, who tries to fuck with my blood brothers

Diary of a Madman (amazing dark beat)
Be a witness, as I excersize my exorcism
The evil that lurks within the sin, the terrorism
Possessed by evil spirits, voices from the dead
I come forth with gravediggaz in a head full of dread
I've been examined ever since I was semen
They took a sonogram and seen the image of a demon

Look deep in my eyes, you'll see visions of death
Possessed by homicide is what I'm obsessed
Giving niggaz brain dimples
Dragging they asses on my hook by they temples
The cause of death is unknown to the cops
Cause when I kill them, I'm not leavin one element to autopse
The year 84, November, day 10
Overwhelmed by the wicked inspirations of an evil djin
I realize my ideas has spawned for 400 years
Of blood sweat and tears
I saw the torture brutal murder of my father
So my brain became stained with the horror
I'm having reoccurring nightmares
Of being soaking wet, strapped down to the electric chair
I got tackled with handcuffs
And shackled in restraint
At the bottom of a holy tabernacle
They gave me nothing to eat for two weeks
And sewed my eye lids open so I couldn't sleep
About to die from thirst, that's when the minister
quenched my jaws with a cold glass of vinegar
Upon my wounds they seasoned my with salt
And nailed my hands feet to the form of the cross
AHH!! I cry
As the blood drips inside of my eye
refusing to die
Visions of hell tormented my face
So I chewed my fucking arm off and made an escape.
Three stages of pure hell
Justications of red cells
*SHH* rain drops hits the pails
Path is dull and narrow
You're stalked by a shadow
I pierced your skull with a fucking arrow
So narrow, only one could enter at a time
Stuck in the center, read the signs
A thousand doors to choose
You better hurry
Don't stop, shit is getting hot as a pot of curr
 Bang Your Head
Here comes the killer with the GraveDigga sword, gimme room
Like devils in a Ouiji board I'm spellin' doom

Thinkin' ain't a new phenom because my crew is on
Spots'll blow like nuclear bombs
With the killer instinct, rhymes are in synch
B-B-B-B-Bang your head til it shrinks!
Midnight marauder, bodies are gettin' slaughtered
Bring a cross and a bucket of holy water
You'll still'a be cajoled, 'cause the motherfuckin' Gravediggaz
Here Comes the Gravediggaz
Soft MCs you better step off
Will a villain ever learn
I'm killin like a mad germ
I burn MCs like a bad perm
Do not turn
'Cause I got you on my infrared
Once I dead
I pop 'em like a pimple's head
I get up and get down like I was gravity
Cause pains like cavity
Thick like a salary
Flow with little or no skills I kill 'em
My shoes are illa makin a mountain out of a molehill
Chill
Or your ass'll be tooken fast
Crossed in the style like Alice in the lookin glass

I don't squawk like a hawk or stalk like a stork
But walk in New York, stay away from pork
Rhymes are by passion
Don't need the hassle
Swingin everything cause I'm king of the castle
Niggas gettin boggled, it scream and squabble
Gravediggaz got the paperback novel
So line by line you should read
Take heed
Or you'll bleed and bleed and bleed and bleed
 Graveyard Chamber
I be the bushwick dutchmaster rapper
I love black women and I hate fuckin crackers

In the streets of new york
Bullshit walk, green talks
I be the giant on the top of your beanstalk
Waving down your flags
Jagged grab niggas with bloody rags
Holdin fat bags
Takin heavy drags
Then I add more shells to the mags
Shots goin off you getin caught like tag
The diamond crystal I be rippin up your flesh tissue
And have my pitbull lockin on your bone gristle
Castin shadows in every battle
I rabble words like scrabble
Drag your brain through the gravel
At the speed of sound of ryhme travel
Allow me to dabble
With a flow that’s infallable
Sendin niggas to the pearly gates
I’m psyched out
I got screws loose like Norman Bates

I stalk the face like a leopard
The microphone shepherd
Is speakin parables one and two, catch it
The brain counselor, track fertilizer,
The murdalizer
You never heard a wiser
I open heads like the archives
Allow me to explain my brain in the darkside

6 Feet Deep
I floss my teeth on the gospel tracks
I'm not an apostle, but I bring the axe to ya back
I chew and attack
Like Crest on plaque
After that, your world is flack

The Best of Max Roach: Favorite Songs and Solos

I've been listening to a lot of Max Roach lately. His material as a leader and sideman all illustrate his importance in jazz drumming. Furthermore, Roach was featured on a lot of famous albums, including Brilliant Corners, Birth of the Cool, Saxophone Colossus, Freedom Suite, Money Jungle, and numerous recordings with Charlie Parker, Dinah Washington, Charles Mingus, etc. Like early bebop drummer Kenny Clarke, Roach modernized drumming by shifting the emphasis to the cymbals instead of the bass drum. By playing the beat-by-beat pulse of standard 4/4 time on the "ride" cymbal instead of on the thudding bass drum, Roach and Clarke developed a flexible, flowing rhythmic pattern that allowed soloists to play freely. The new approach also left space for the drummer to insert dramatic accents on the snare drum, "crash" cymbal and other components of the drum set.  He also studied under the famous Haitian percussionist Ti Roro, a master of ritual Vodoun drumming. This brought in African and Afro-Caribbean rhythms into Roach's music, which is obvious on seminal records such as Bud Powell's Un Poco Loco, from the Amazing Bud Powell Vol. 1. Roach also matched his rhythmic approach with the tune's melody so his solos were quite melodic.
Since I've already written a post about his famous We Insist! Freedom Now album from 1960, which focused on African American history, the Civil Rights, and racial injustice in South Africa and abroad, I shall endeavor to highlight favorites from his early recordings, the Clifford Brown-Max Roach quintet hard-bop of the 1950s and a few 1960s LPs.

One of my favorite songs of all time, and the only instance of bebop pianist Bud Powell composing a Latin piece, Un Poco Loco, the song with the link below, features Roach's amazing drums. Playing the Western drum set and a cowbell simultaneously, Roach evokes Haitian or Afro-Cuban sacred and polyrhythmic drumming. Some argue that this song was part of a progressive change in Afro-Americans toward an international black consciousness that united blacks throughout the diaspora. Obviously such a thing existed since colonial days but in the 20th century things were accelerated by Marcus Garvey, transnational music, and immigration. Regardless, Max and Bud's solos are stimulating and even danceable. By the way, if you listen closely, you can hear crazy Bud humming the melody...

Another gem is St. Thomas, Sonny Rollins tribute to his mother's Caribbean homeland. While Sonny improvises the beautiful Caribbean melody, Roach's cute (or should I say 'tough') polyrhythmic beat makes you want to get out of your seat and dance. This is another favorite song of mine that I could listen to endlessly. Roach's melodic approach to drum solos surfaces here too, where he almost sounds like he's playing steel drums (not really but just work with me). Then he moves to the cymbals and incorporates all of the drum set and blows your mind away.

A Little Max (Parfait), a cute ('tough') Roach piece for Duke Ellington's Money Jungle is another favorite of mine. Unlike most of Duke's music, this is a trio group, consisting of Charles Mingus on bass, Max Roach on drums, and Duke Ellington on piano. Since they're bridging swing, bop, and avant garde movements, a lot of Duke's piano style is suffused with the blues. The blues is what all jazz musicians shared so it makes sense that Duke's style would be mostly piano blues. As for this song, it's a Latin piece with several opportunities for Roach to present his skills. Unfortunately, the song is less than three minutes long, but hearing Roach play along with Duke's short piano runs makes this a five-star song for me.

The real highlight of Money Jungle is Fleurette Africaine, an avant garde piece. Mingus plays a haunting floating bassline while Duke plays the melody and improvises. Whenever I hear this I think of a flower bed deep in the heart of the jungle, where few humans have ever ventured. Honestly I don't think one can even hear Roach's drumming unless you listen very closely. Here his playing adds texture to the song, like free jazz drummers who main purpose is not to maintain a swinging beat.

As for his years as co-leader of the Clifford Brown-Max Roach quintet, there are so many favorites of mine. Featuring trumpet legend Clifford Brown, Harold Land (later replaced by Sonny Rollins), Richie Powell on piano (younger brother of Bud, also passed away with Clifford Brown in a car accident in 1956) and bassist George Morrow, the quintet pioneered the style of hard-bop, which is essentially bebop with bluesier improvisations and themes and more influences from contemporary R&B. Because I'm feeling lazy, I will just post several links to my favorite songs and drum solos of the Brown-Roach Quintet. Enjoy!

Stompin' at the Savoy, a beautiful swing song referring to legendary Harlem jazz club, The Savoy, is too cute (tough). Roach's solo is short and sweet and to the point. He maintains the swing at a relaxed tempo that is danceable.

Take the A Train, written by Billy Strayhorn for Ellington, is another jazz standard. Imitating train sounds in the beginning sounds kind of corny, but this is still a great rendition. Take the A train to get to Harlem!

Cherokee, featuring one of the most famous trumpet solos of all time by Clifford Brown, is another swingin' gem. Roach plays the drums like a Native American in the beginning and goes crazy in his solo.

Jacqui is just another great song, with a cool solo from Roach

George's Dilemma has a quasi-Middle-Eastern melody and Roach playing a Latin-inspired beat.

Sandu is just another great blues with Roach's fabulous solo

Delilah is just a personal fav

Gertrude's Bounce is also a favorite and a lot of fun

Jordu is another good song with Roach playing a solo at a more relaxed tempo that quite melodic and incorporates the entire drum set

Flossie Lou is another jam of mine with a beautiful piano intro and blowing from Clifford Brown and Sonny Rollins.

Roach's African beat  on Dinah Washington's recording of I've Got You Under My Skin is amazing. Creative genius...

Joy Spring is another example of Roach's solo ability.

Daahoud is another great piece.  Great and simple drum solo from Roach

Here are a random assortment of good examples of Roach's drumming
Salt Peanuts with Max Roach, Dizzy Gillespie, Charlie Parker, Charlie Mingus, and Bud Powell, live at Massey Hall. Interesting solo from Roach at lightning speed

Wee, also from Jazz at Massey Hall with the same lineup. Caribbean-sounding melody with lots of swing. Roach's solo is similar to the one on Salt Peanuts

 Moritat (Mack the Knife) with Sonny Rollins

 Blue 7 with Sonny Rollins, from same album as St. Thomas and Moritat. Good bluesy fun

Brilliant Corners, Thelonious Monk

Bemsha Swing, another Caribbean-influenced tune referring to Barbados. Roach plays drums and tympani

 Tears for Johannesburg, a favorite of mine. Features collective improvisation, Julian Priester's trombone, and conga accompaniment for Roach's drums

 Garvey's Ghost, fascinating tribute to Marcus Garvey. Abbey Lincoln's wordless vocals, cowbell and congas, Roach on drums, Booker Little on trumpet, Eric Dolphy on alto sax. Haunting sounds

 Other favorites of mine that I couldn't find on youtube are Man From South Africa, Tender Warrior, Ba-Lue Bolivar Ba-lues-Are, If I Love Again, and Drum Conversation. Roach has so many great songs, as a composer, sideman, or leader.

Sun Ra: The Missing Link Between Duke Ellington and Public Enemy

Lately I've been listening to a lot of music. De La Soul, Gravediggaz, McCoy Tyner, Funkadelic, Django Reinhardt, Onra, and Dave Brubeck have entertained me for countless hours during the past 2 weeks. Fortunately I also made room to listen to some of my Sun Ra albums again and I don't regret it. Personally, I prefer Sun Ra's Chicago output and early New York years before he went entirely into free jazz in the mid-1960s, but I've listened to music from all three of his formative years/locations: Chicago's southside in the 1950s, New York in the 1960s, and Philadelphia until his death in the early 1990s. Ra's crazy beliefs, such as thinking he came from Saturn, and the cult-like characteristics of his Arkestra may drive some away from his music, but his Afrocentric stance on history and the future inflluenced later generations of African American musicians, including George Clinton of P-Funk fame and even contemporary Janelle Monae. Their afro-futurist themes and lyrics owe a lot of Ra's space chants, philosophy, and cosmic music titles. Moreover, Ra's innovative avant-garde big band sound and members of his Arkestra influenced other jazz musicians, such as John Coltrane, who changed his style after listening to Arkestra tenor John Gilmore. Ra also retained Ellington's colored tonality while experimenting with electric instruments, making him the first to use electric instruments in jazz. For example, he used electric bass for the 1950s Nubians of Plutonia album and incorporated electric keyboards and the prototype of the first synthesizer during his Chicago and early New York recording eras. He also explored modality, exotic/world music (mainly percussive African), and even made an excellent fusion album, Lanquidity.

Though not a big fan of free jazz, I still appreciate Ra's earlier stuff and some of his freer material from the 1960s, such as Cosmic Tones for Mental Therapy. The title refers to a concert Ra's Arkestra did in a mental hospital. As you can imagine, the craziness of Ra and their costumes made getting gigs quite difficult. Anyway,  Cosmic Tones has one of Ra's funkiest songs. "Moon Dance," featuring a groovy bassline, random electric organ parts, and an amazing drum solo, is an unforgettable journey in sound. The rest of the album is a mixture of atonal and tonal solos, marking this period as a transitional phase for Ra's music. The fantastic Jazz in Silhouette, Futuristic Sounds of Sun Ra, and Nubians of Plutonia are probably my favorites because they're more conventional hard bop yet illustrate the forward-thinking composing skills of Ra. My favorites from these 3 albums include "Nubia" for its extended drum solo and frenetic electric organ solo, "Bassisim" for awesome flutes and bass, "Watusa" which became a standard for Arkestra concerts, "The Lady with Golden Stockings for interesting drumming and blues-tinged soloing, "Ancient Aeithiopia" for Egyptian/ancient sounds, and "Saturn" for some good swinging. I also love Ra's early ballads and contemplative works, including the spacey "Tapestry from an Asteroid," "Space Jazz Reverie," the funky fusion sound of "That's How I Feel," "Kingdom of Not" for hand claps, "El is a Sound of Joy" (a reference to Chicago), "Springtime in Chicago," and the devastating blues of "Space Loneliness."

Unfortunately Ra made some bad artistic choices in the 1980s. His later material is generally harder for the average listener because of free elements, collective improvisation and absurd material, such as a Disney tribute album. Sun Ra also became well-known despite never selling platinum records. He appeared on Saturday Night Live in the 1970s, released a movie, Space is the Place, and became legendary for his concerts. I am sure that is reputation for lunacy also spread his name around the world. It's also important to recognize the musicians in his band who played his difficult compositions and endured the rules of living with Ra. They lived together in a house in Philadelphia where Ra ruled supreme. He also forbade alcohol, sex, and forced his ideology on band members. Therefore John Gilmore, Pat Patrick, Julian Priester and the myriad of other Arkestra members deserve a shout out. By the way, Patrick's son, Deval, is currenly governor of Massachusetts. Gilmore was already renowned for his sax playing and probably could've made a larger name for himself in the 1960s avant-garde scene if he went solo. Furthermore Ra was also part of New York's Village avant-garde music scene during the 1960s. He housed other musicians, including Pharaoh Sanders and played at Slug's, a famous jazz club.

In order to complete your education, here are several youtube links to favorites of mine

Enlightenment
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6BBzO-vferY

Saturn
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5_PswgsM3gE&feature=related

Plutonian Nights
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TLFh8St9Vwc&feature=related

Nubia
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W1_30n0qvOw&feature=related

Watusa
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Lt3ZMC8OAj4&feature=related

That's How I Feel
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LQmc6_w2bTE&feature=related

Nuclear War (Ra thought this would be a hit so he tried to sell it as a single to Columbia)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e6qbSHKzcmI&feature=related

Tapestry from an Asteroid
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AntrELq19X0&feature=related

Moon Dance
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8Oe2ZxahY7U
Solar Drums
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FC5oumNZZXo

Love in Outer Space
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DLGGeCxl7oM&feature=related

El is a Sound of Joy (bad video, sorry)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Qa6ti03p5qg&playnext=1&list=PLFAD9C4BED984A045&index=29

The Impact of Haiti on Afro-Cuban Racial Consciousness: Black Nationalism and Mobilization

Both whites and people of African descent invoked images of Haiti and the Haitian Revolution to weaken or strengthen nationalism in Cuba. While whites invoked Haiti to provoke fear, justify harsher slave codes in Cuba and weaken nationalism, free and enslaved people of African descent used it to positively assert racial pride, unity, and defend abolition throughout the Americas. Thus, Haiti as a symbol and historical agent promoted Afro-Cuban racial consciousness and shaped black perspectives on freedom from the early 19^th century to the early 20^th century, culminating in the 1912 Oriente province uprising.

For slaves and free people of color during the expansion of sugar plantations from 1790s to 1850s, Haiti’s impact was unquantifiable. White slaveholders feared the presence of Saint-Dominguan slaves in eastern Cuba and the dissemination of news of the black Republic, believing it would contaminate local slaves.[1] Since the reality of a slave revolution that destroyed the plantation agricultural system was realized in the Haitian Revolution, white Creoles and the Spanish colonial government were able to exploit fears of the specter of Haiti. Simultaneously, sugar planters decided to import enormous numbers of enslaved Africans for labor. When free blacks and mulattoes in urban areas began to cooperate with slaves in numerous conspiracies and revolts, the only course of action available for the colonial government was to discriminate against both slaves and free people of color as a whole. By discriminating against both blacks and mulattoes, the colonial government strengthened black racial consciousness and moved away from a three-tier racial system that separated blacks and biracial people.[2]  Afro-Cubans then appropriated the imposed collective identity to promote black causes. However, Afro-Cubans appeared to develop a collective racial consciousness prior to increasing discriminatory policies from the colonial government. For example, in several slave conspiracies, urban blacks and mulattoes were involved and named in testimonies of the accused, which means segments of the free population already identified racially with slaves or desired a common goal.[3] In the failed 1812 Aponte conspiracy, a free black carpenter Jose Antonio Aponte recruited slaves and free people of color and showed them images of Haitian revolutionaries, such as Henri Christophe and Toussaint Louverture.[4] Slave testimonies gathered in trials of suspects reveal that slaves and free people of color knew of Haitian leaders and respect and admiration for them was extensive.[5] Their testimonies also attest to Afro-Cubans invocation of Haiti as a goal, especially the desired end of “taking the land,” or forcefully seizing the land and control agricultural production.[6] Aponte and another leader, who assumed the identity of a famous Haitian revolutionary, Jean-Francois, also mobilized slaves and free people of color by telling them Haiti was prepared to provide money, arms, and soldiers for their liberation, which indicates the solidarity Afro-Cubans believed they had with Haitians based on African descent and slavery.[7] Furthermore, by assuming the identity of a Haitian revolutionary and promising aid from Henri Christophe, referred to as the “king of the blacks,” the leaders of the Aponte conspiracy based their claims on actual Haitian policies of abolition and transnational racial identity. Both Henri Christophe’s kingdom in northern Haiti and Petion’s republic in southern and western Haiti promised freedom for any slave on Haitian soil and even intercepted slave ships en route to Cuba.[8] In spite of both Haitian leaders’ promises to not interfere with slavery in European colonies, both invested in the interception of slave ships, invited free blacks from the United States to settle in Haiti[9], and granted citizenship to blacks who resided in the country for one year. Although the extent of Haitian interference with slave ships is little-known, advertising in American newspapers for black immigration and offering immediate emancipation and citizenship to any slave who reached the country demonstrates the transnational dimensions of the Haitian Revolution. As this information spread among slaves and free people of color in Cuba, imagining imminent help from Haiti did not seem so unbelievable. In addition, after the Escalera conspiracy of 1844, which prompted further racist legislation that limited the rights of free people of color, and was linked to claims by Afro-Cubans of Haitian aid, blacks and mulattoes were subsumed under the category of los negros.[10] Therefore Haiti as a historical agent and symbol invoked by Afro-Cubans propelled a new racial consciousness by uniting slaves and free people of color in collaborative conspiracies, causing the colonial government to resort to a two-tier racial system that categorized mulattoes as black.

Nascent Afro-Cuban racial consciousness developing in the first half of the 19^th century also carried over into the wars of independence and early Republic. White nationalists like Jose Marti and black intellectual nationalists and public figures, such as Juan Gualberto Gomez, stressed the interracial unity forged by the anticolonial struggle. Unfortunately, white Cuban patriots expected Afro-Cubans to express “gratitude” for the whites’ sacrifices to abolish slavery, meaning Afro-Cubans should not organize along racial lines or challenge the exclusive reality of the myth of racial democracy.[11] Despite white fears and manipulation of the image of Haiti, many blacks still identified with Haiti based on race. Even Antonio Maceo, the leading mulatto general in the Liberation Army, praised Haiti and defended it because racist colonial discourse on Haiti degraded all blacks, indicating the international context of black identity.[12] Maceo went as far as calling for a confederation consisting of Cuba, Haiti, and the Dominican Republic in the Protest of Baraguá, his formal rejection of the Pact of Zanjón that ended the Ten Years’ War.[13] The treaty, which only emancipated slaves who participated in the Ten Years’ War, obviously did not meet Afro-Cuban demands for universal emancipation. Maceo clearly believed that Haiti was essential for his conception of Caribbeanness and visited Haiti twice, seeking support for Cuban nationalist causes.[14] Maceo’s public admiration for Haiti was rather controversial as well, since the Spanish manipulation of fears of race war forced Maceo in a precarious position. Accusations of anti-white prejudice leveled against him and others of African descent did not eliminate their beliefs in political associations for blacks because for Afro-Cubans, racelessness was the ultimate goal of an ongoing process that would follow independence.[15] They challenged the myth of racial equality used by Liberals and Conservatives to justify banning racial political organizations.[16]

After independence, Afro-Cubans continued to demonstrate their racial unity through black newspapers, clubs, and even establishing the first black political party in the Americas, the Partido Independiente de Color.[17] The party was not successful electorally because the black middle-class leadership in the organization neglected Afro-Cuban peasant interests when increasing land dispossession struck blacks in Oriente. The Partido Independiente de Color was still able ignite mass black protests in Oriente anyway, though the partly quickly lost control.[18] The Afro-Cuban peasant looting and rioting was motivated by growing landlessness and poverty and targeted foreign-owned property such as Spanish-owned stores, and government buildings that symbolized the Republic’s betrayal of the black population.[19] The Liberal administration of president Gomez and the Cuban press presented the uprising as a racial war to divide the peasants and used excessive force, resulting in the indiscriminate killing of blacks in Oriente, including foreign workers from Haiti.[20] The 1912 uprising represents another form of Afro-Cuban racial consciousness even though the Partido Independiente de Color was not established enough to coordinate it and it became a leaderless series of lootings. These blacks, sympathetic to proportionate representation of blacks in the state bureaucracy at a time of increasing Spanish immigration, were destroying foreign-owned property and public offices that betrayed black economic interests in favor of American-owned sugar estates in Oriente. Prior to American foreign investment and usurpation of peasant lands, the black population in the region had acquired small landholdings and economic independence during the independence wars, leading to immigration into Oriente from western Cuba.[21] The growing American-owned sugar plantations changed it for the worse by seizing peasant and public land.[22] Due to their indispensable role as soldiers in the Liberation Army and the implementation of universal male suffrage, Afro-Cubans expected real inclusion. They were able to mobilize along racial lines but did not target white individuals. In fact, black looters often fled at the sight of Cuban soldiers and reports of white casualties were very low.[23] After the passing of the 1909 Morúa law that prohibited racial parties, which had prompted the 1912 uprising and the massacres carried out by the state, Afro-Cubans were forced to organize along class lines to challenge racial discrimination and economic exploitation. However, the racial character of class division and labor movements demonstrates the continuity of Afro-Cuban racial consciousness, which fused with national labor movements. For instance, the Afro-Cuban rejection of Haitian and West Indian imported sugar estate workers was based on class, since the lower wages the immigrants worked for depressed wages for Afro-Cubans and took away jobs that would have been available for them. In other words, Afro-Cuban racial consciousness did not preclude West Indian immigrant laborers because of their race, since black Cubans already developed a collective black identity. The image of Haiti impacted Cubans of color by pressuring them to join national labor movements that, though not racially defined, were overrepresented by blacks.

Looming over the birth and growth of black racial consciousness in Cuba, the Haitian Revolution and the actions of Haitian leaders undoubtedly shaped international black movements in the Caribbean. Peoples of African descent throughout the hemisphere used the example of Haiti to bolster slave resistance and black nationalism since the early 19^th century. Cuba provides several instances of Afro-Cuban social and political organizations that reflect the shift to a two-tier racial system imposed on the black population and used by them to provide a collective identity. Indeed, Cubans of color such as Antonio Maceo even believed in political unity with Haiti and identifying with the larger predominantly black Caribbean. Interestingly, black nationalism in Cuba echoed Afro-Cuban and Haitian slave desires of “taking the land” and collaborative slave conspiracies and rebellions off slaves and free people of color. Black nationalism influenced by positive perceptions of the Haitian Revolution evolved and spread throughout the Black Atlantic, thereby contributing to Negritude, Pan-Africanism of Garvey, and the Harlem Renaissance.

Bibliography

Fanning, Sara C. "The Roots of Early Black Nationalism: Northern African Americans' Invocations of Haiti in the Early Nineteenth Century." Slavery & Abolition 28, no. 1 (2007): 61-85.

Ferrier, Ada. "Rustic Men, Civilized Nation: Race, Culture, and Contention on the Eve of Cuban Independence." The Hispanic American Historical Review 78, no. 4 (1998): 663-686.

Ferrer, Ada. "The Haitian Revolution and Cuban Slave Society." Black Renaissance  5, no. 4 (2004): 179-212.

Ferrer, Ada. Insurgent Cuba:  race, nation, and revolution, 1868-1898. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999.

Ada Ferrer. "Speaking of Haiti: Slavery, Revolution, and Freedom in Cuban Slave Testimony." In The world of the Haitian Revolution. Edited by Geggus, David Patrick and Fiering, Norman. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2009. 223-247.

Fordham, Monroe. "Nineteenth-Century Black Thought in the United States: Some Influences of the Santo Domingo Revolution." Journal of Black Studies 6, no. 2 (1975): 115-126.

Helg, Aline. Our rightful share:  the Afro-Cuban struggle for equality, 1886-1912. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995.

Helg, Aline. "Race and Black Mobilization in Colonial and Early Independent Cuba: A Comparative Perspective." Ethnohistory 44, no. 1 (1997): 53-74.

Perez, Louis. "Politics, Peasants, and People of Color: The 1912 "Race War" in Cuba Reconsidered." The Hispanic American Historical Review 66, no. 3 (1986): 509-539.

Zacair, Philippe. "Haiti on His Mind: Antonio Maceo and Caribbeanness." Caribbean Studies 33, no. 1 (2005): 47-78.

---

[1] Ada Ferrer, “The Haitian Revolution and Cuban Slave Society,” Black Renaissance 5 (2004): 181. 

[2] Aline Helg, “Race and Black Mobilization in Colonial and Early Independent Cuba: A Comparative Perspective,” Ethnohistory 44 (1997): 54.

[3] Ada Ferrer, “Speaking of Haiti: Slavery, Revolution, and Freedom in Cuban Slave Testimony,” in The World of the Haitian Revolution, ed. David P. Geggus and Norman Fiering (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2009), 237.

[4] Ibid., 235.

[5] Ibid., 238.

[6] Ibid., 234.

[7] Ibid., 235.

[8] Ibid., 239-240.

[9] Ibid.

[10] Aline Helg, “Race and Black Mobilization in Colonial and Early Independent Cuba: A Comparative Perspective,” Ethnohistory 44 (1997): 58.

[11] Louis A. Perez, “ Politics, Peasants, and People of Color: The 1912 “Race War” in Cuba Reconsidered,” The Hispanic American Historical Review 66 (1986): 531.

[12] Philippe Zacair, “Haiti on His Mind: Antonio Maceo and Caribbeanness,” Caribbean Studies 33 (2005): 57.

[13] Ibid., 49.

[14] Ibid., 58-70.

[15] Aline Helg, “Race and Black Mobilization in Colonial and Early Independent Cuba: A Comparative Perspective,” Ethnohistory 44 (1997): 66.

[16] Louis A. Perez, “ Politics, Peasants, and People of Color: The 1912 “Race War” in Cuba Reconsidered,” The Hispanic American Historical Review 66 (1986): 531.

[17] Aline Helg, “Race and Black Mobilization in Colonial and Early Independent Cuba: A Comparative Perspective,” Ethnohistory 44 (1997): 58-60.

[18] Louis A. Perez, “ Politics, Peasants, and People of Color: The 1912 “Race War” in Cuba Reconsidered,” The Hispanic American Historical Review 66 (1986): 532.

[19] Ibid., 533-534.

[20] Ibid., 537.

[21] Ibid., 517-519.

[22] Ibid., 523-525.

[23] Ibid., 538.

Interesting Quotes I found in an essay about Basquiat

Taken from "Royalty, Heroism, and the Streets: The Art of Jean-Michel Basquiat

"Some say New York was founded as a way station to the West Indies. Nothing has changed. In the fifties the city rocked to an Afro-Cuban mambo beat. Around 1970 a new New York-West Indian dance music emerged. It was built on mambo, with jazz trombones blended in. The latinos called it salsa, tremors of which registered, as if upon a seismograph, in 1972:
Already large chunks of Manhattan have a...tropical feel. Ecuadorians are in the streets of Sunnyside; Argentinians read La Prensa on the Flushing IRT. Congas are played on the Concourse.

Afro-latinization of New York in the seventies was not only visible. It was an augury:
those who kept close to the streets...preserved the seeds of something authentic within themselves. In their refusal to act European, in their struggle to wrest some tropical essence from the stiff and aging baffles of this city, they built the foundation for what seems destined to become the next great subculture of New York.

In 1977-1980 that "next great culture" pulled into station, "hip-hop": break dancing, electric boogie, graffiti, rap. The women and men of hip-hop were Anglophonic Caribbean and mainland black as well as New York Puerto Rican. The reflected new immigration patterns since 1966. In addition, the Haitian presence burgeoned to the point where by 1985 major dance bands from Port-au-Prince routinely worked the ballrooms of Queens and Brooklyn.

A crisscross of island-mediated African influences now illuminated New York: Afro-Cuban, Afro-Haitian, Afro-Jamaican, Afro-Dominican, and Afro-Puerto Rican. Creole Africa, to the power of five, intensifying the earlier gifts of Garvey, Parker, Coltrane, and Malcolm X.

This was the New York into which Jean-Michel Basquiat was born on December 22, 1960. With a Haitian father and a Puerto Rican mother, he was part of the process.

Manhattan remains, of course, forever the island of Carnegie Hall, Lincoln Center, Wall Street, and Rockefeller Center. Above and beyond these bastions of white power, however, new foci have emerged. In Brooklyn, Queens, the Lower East Side, and Morningside Heights, multiple streams of sub-Saharan and Western influence converge at every minute of every day.

Some critics extrapolate from Jean-Michel's Haitian name knowledge of Haiti and the religion of the Haitian masses, vodun, or "voodoo" as they put it. It isn't true. Jean-Michel never traveled to Haiti. Jean-Michel never spoke Kreyol (Creole), the language of the Haitian people. He was closer to his Puerto Rican mother, Matilde.

Parker (Charlie Parker) reinstructed the whole of jazz in the Africanizing trait of suspended accentuation, "letting a couple of beats go by to make the beat stand out." Similarly, the painter staggers the phrasings of gold and blue to make his writings ride in on change and become more visible.

The drummer Max Roach is one of the giants of twentieth century music. He studied Rada (Creolized Dahomean-Yoruba) and Petro (creolized Kongo) rhythmic phrasings in Haiti and brought back these gifts to jazz. Basquiat's Max Roach of 1984 honors his vision and his style.
Only the eys of Roach appear. His body disappears in a shimmering mist of silver, absorbed in metal signatures of sound. In the history of black music the jazz battery- partially illustrated by Roach's high hat, bass drum, and snare-represents a creative regathering, as John Szwed suggests, of Western instruments within African principles of overlapping choral sounding. African-born percussionists, performing in Kongo Square, New Orleans, in the early nineteenth century achieved this crucial synthesis of time and circumstance and bequeathed it to the world.
Pink, white, and red revolve around the drums. There is underpainting, left within the red. Laura Watt, a young New York painter, remarks: "Basquiat leaves these traces to make you move, following the red around." The drums themselves bear glints of gold, as part of their importance. By this time, the lessons of Kline and the lessons of Twombly had long since done their duty. Accordingly, the abstract allusions are non-specific.

Emphasizing continuity of black aesthetic spirit as poetic virtue in American civilization, like Diego Rivera sounding Mexico's Mesoamerican roots, these works mark a climax of Basquiat's jazz historicism.

From another essay, World Crown: Bodhisattva with Clenched Mudra

Jean had always been aware that black history is written on the Sports page, its encyclopedia is the radio; it's only logical that its museum would be in the subway. He would have to create an entire body of imagery, an iconography if you will, to people this legend slipped in when History turned her back. He would draw countless black men in crowns, with titles like Famous Negro Athlete #47. With luck the crown would land on his head if he did it fast enough.

In Santeria the outlawed Yoruba pantheon was concealed in the iconography of Catholic saints to evade detection. Under the guise of Santa Barbara, the great Chango was again able to conduct the heavenly fire through his devotees. In Basquiat's paintings, the gods have been housed nearer to their proper imagery but with an important substitution: the ordeals of Charlie Parker and Joe Louis represent Basquiat himself.  

The Genius of Mingus

Charles Mingus, bassist and composer, just might be my new favorite jazz artist. The tri-racial Mingus, part white, part black, and part Chinese, was fiercely proud of his African American identity and the music of black America. As a child, his mother only allowed him to listen to gospel, and his love for the music of Duke Ellington and other swing legends was a persistent influence on his music throughout his life. Indeed, Mingus often composed songs in honor of previous jazz legends, such as 'Goodbye Pork Pie Hat,' a tribute to tenor saxophone legend Lester Young of the swing age. Mingus Ah Um and Blues and Roots contain tributes to Charlie Parker, Duke Ellington, Jelly Roll Morton, and gospel-tinged songs such as 'Better Git It In Your Soul.' Moreover, Mingus also composed civil rights/protest jazz, like my favorite drummer, Max Roach. Sharing a black nationalist outlook, the two also started their own record, label, Debut Records, founded in 1952, to challenge the white-owned entertainment industry.


Two of his protest/pro-black/civil rights songs that I consider his best are "Original Fables of Faubus," an attack on the racist segregationist governor of Arkansas who refused to integrate Little Rock Central High School. Listen to it here. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LtwxJJkMUF8
This live recording features the original vocals and avant-garde legend Eric Dolphy on alto saxophone. The  album version on Mingus Ah Um lacks vocals because Columbia refused to allow Mingus to record it with the critical and justified angry lyrics. Here's a sample of the lyrics below: 


Name me a handful that's ridiculous, Dannie Richmond.
Faubus, Rockefeller, Eisenhower
Why are they so sick and ridiculous?

Two, four, six, eight:
They brainwash and teach you hate.
H-E-L-L-O, Hello.


The song also contains musical references to famous songs, such as the spiritual 'Wade in the Water' and contains Eric Dolphy's 'free' jazz solos and rapid tempo changes. In short, this rendition of 'Faubus' is undoubtedly the best.


My other favorite song of his pertaining to racial injustice is 'Haitian Fight Song,' which is really a bluesy hard bop song from his 1957 album, The Clown. It begins with solo bass by Mingus and throughout the song, the tempo changes and the solos are all-around amazing, including an extended bass solo at the end. Mingus could only play this song when thinking about racism and poverty, and of course one can just imagine Haitian slaves singing this song during their battles with white supremacist colonial oppressors. Another reason I appreciate the song is because it truly is a tribute to the Haitian Revolution and expresses the transnational impact of it on black Atlantic consciousness. The rapid tempo changes, human-like brass that emulates shouts and screams, and the moments of calm perfectly express the emotional range of war.  


In addition to his black nationalist interests, Mingus also composed the fantastic 1963  jazz suite/symphony/ballet, The Black Saint and the Sinner Lady, which I have listened to repeatedly recently. The aural pleasure from this album is ineffable. Mingus tackles everything from classical, jazz, blues, flamenco, and Latin music to write such a stunning album. The first 3 songs, shorter pieces that repeat the same theme with additional variations, feature amazing solos, partly inspired by blues and jazz traditions, partly inspired by the avant-garde and Latin music. The flamenco guitar breaks on the final tracks provide moments of Andalusian rest from the moaning dissonances and multiple layers of sound combating for the listener's ears. Words cannot express the greatness of this music. The combination of Ellington's colored tonal big-band sounds, the contemporary avant-garde in jazz, Latin influences, and voice-like brass (perhaps another influence of Duke Ellington, from his 'jungle' period at the Cotton Club in the 1920s and early 1930s) form some of the best music you'll ever hear in your life. The variety of emotions contained within show the deeply troubled soul of Mingus, who demonstrated signs of mental illness and couldn't control his temper.


The only thing left to say is go listen to Mingus now. If you care about bass, jazz, composing, civil rights, African-American history, or just music, don't deny yourself the entertainment and terror of Charles Mingus. 

Haitian Fight Song

Another Interesting Essay I got an A on...Did it deserve an A?

A Case for Smallholder Production

            Economic policies regarding agriculture in 19^th century Latin American states that continued to inhibit economic, social, political and agricultural development remained in effect into the 20^th century. The path of development chosen by states throughout the region favored landholder elites, who possessed most of the available farming land, which was justified by governments because concentration of land among the few was believed to favor development in the long run. However, the case of the Bajío during the insurgency period of the independence wars and decades after proves that smallholder production was a viable alternative to agriculture dominated by latifundia as family-oriented rancheros seized control of haciendas such as Puerto de Nieto in the Bajío.  Smallholder production provided rural workers and farmers with land, subsistence, more egalitarian social relations and the best route to economic development, which could have prevented many of the crises of the 20^th century.

            For both rancheros and tenant farmers in Bajío and sharecroppers and worker in the province of Cautín in Chile, an equitable distribution of land among poor farming families who worked individual plots was the ideal for production. Though the Chilean case occurred in the 1950s, their petition for land redistribution for sharecroppers was justified by lack of employment, subsistence and the inappropriate use of arable land.[1] In Mexico, on the other hand, the insurgency that began with the Hidalgo Revolt of 1810 led to an increase in prices for foodstuffs and a decrease in wages, which led to many estate workers joining the insurgents’ cause.[2] Thus, in both examples, desperation and poverty motivated their respective endeavors to control production through land redistribution. By owning their own lands, or in the Bajío after 1820, when hacendado land rights were respected again, controlling production by choosing what to grow but paying rent to estate proprietors, rural workers and farmers could produce enough food for their own consumption.[3] Furthermore, the colonial tendency to hoard crops in granaries until times of drought and famine to maximize profit could not be done.[4]  Local markets in the region, Mexico City and in the nearby silver mining center of Guanajuato could import the staple crop, maize, which had replaced wheat as the most profitable crop.[5]

The distribution of land on estates similar to Puerto de Nieto also allowed modest and prosperous rancheros the opportunity to purchase tools and industrial products like textiles from Querétaro and other towns in the region, which demonstrates that combining commercial and subsistence agriculture to meet local needs promoted industrialization.[6] Clearly this class was capable of buying locally produced manufactured goods, something Latin American farmers and workers could not afford to do well into the 1900s because of low wages.[7] Moreover, ranchero farmers’ control of production reduced dependence on cash crops for external markets, which would have been better for all Latin American countries since their value in Europe and the United States changed once those regions could produce them internally.[8] Similarly, the use of the fundo, El Plumo, for raising livestock and only employing 5 to 6 families, did not utilize available land.[9] Large cattle ranches and single-crop plantations did not employ the growing landless population of Latin America, which caused rural flight into cities lacking industrial sectors that could employ migrants.[10]

            As for the traditional theory of capital accumulation among the few, smallholder production would have been better in the long run because that is the same model of economic growth of the northern United States and Canada, the most developed regions of the Americas.[11] Shown in the case of the Bajío from approximately 1810 to the 1850s, the growing industrial sectors of textiles in Querétaro and silver mining in Guanajuato, which improved through mechanization, led to one of the following scenarios of change in per capita production: small decline, modest growth or a steady rate of progress.[12] Like the northern United States, new markets with many participants led to an increase in per capita production in region of Bajío.[13] Unfortunately, Mexico lost territory to the United States and the mountainous terrain inhibited interregional economic exchange, causing a loss of land, labor and trade for the nation as a whole.[14] The concentration of wealth among elites hurt popular welfare and states throughout Latin America that were once able to produce enough for local consumption were forced to rely on food imports to feed their populations.[15] As a result of land concentration among elites, and contrary to tradition capitalist ethos, landholders had little incentive to change the system due to their profits, causing industrial and agricultural technology to fall behind American and European technology since plantations had no need to fully employ rural populations.[16] The workers that were employed could be paid through concessions, including pasture for animals.[17] This method of controlling workers and sharecroppers on estates limited their purchasing power, since those concessions could not buy new agricultural tools and manufactures.

            Another reason in favor of smallholder production is the improvement in social relations, mainly gender and labor. The more egalitarian society constructed by insurgent farmers on haciendas in Mexico still possessed inequitable distribution of land and income, but for the rancheros of Puerto de Nieto in 1820, the year Espinosa reasserted ownership, only 20 percent paid 10 pesos or less in rent, illustrating that only 14 were at the margins of subsistence.[18] The majority paid from anywhere from 11-50 pesos in rent, meaning they lived comfortably compared to their former status as landless workers on the estate. Moreover, the poorest tenants recruited by managers found seasonal labor by working for prosperous commercial rancheros so they did not have to face to starvation.[19] Besides, during the period of insurgency, 1810-1820, tenants on estates paid lower rent to rebel leaders, one of the reasons why the rebellion was supported by rural workers.[20] Above all, the rebellion gave men the chance to gain subsistence by seizing estates owned often owned by absentee elites, which is shown to be the case for Puerto de Nieto because in May 1811, 75 employees and tenants of the estate were involved in rebel attacks on the hacienda.[21] The next step for ranchero economies was an expanded role of women, who were excluded from wages during the colonial period to maintain dependency of workers on estates.[22] Though women were excluded in the Chilean petition for land reform and by the definition of the Chilean citizen as a male head with a productive job, women emerged as important rancheras in Mexico.[23] The growth of female landholders and tenants, underrepresented among the poorest of tenants, shows the full use of rural workers as tenants and led to fewer men seeking employment from estate managers because female heads of households were able to support males.[24] Finally, land redistribution of some estates was less threatening to the wealth of elites than one would think. Antonio Kind, owner of El Plumo and other fundos in southern Chile would not have suffered so much from the loss of one fundo.[25] Likewise in the Mexican case, Espinosa owned several estates and earnings from rents paid by tenants did not produce as much profit, but maintained his status as a wealthy landholder.[26]

            In short, smallholder production is more beneficial to Latin American agriculture and economies and by extension, societies and politics. Smallholders with a hand in production are less likely to be roused by the promises of extremist or authoritarian governments. The Cuban Revolution for example, Mexico under Porfirio Diaz, or Pinochet’s 1973 coup could have been avoided by more equitable distributions of income and land for rural workers. Smallholder production would have favored early industrialization and economic development as well because smallholders could have produced enough food for local and regional markets and use their surplus to purchase national manufactures, tools and textiles. Of course, land use would have been more appropriate and productive since large cattle ranches and plantations centered on single cash crops would not have been so numerous in the region. Small producers, however, did not wish to renounce patriarchal relations and their emphasis on family-based cultivation of individual plots of land conflicted with indigenous visions of land utility. The Chilean petitioners also attempted to achieve their goal through legal means, while Bajío farmers took control during the chaos of the wars of independence. Both the Chilean petitioners and Bajío rancheros resisted the state’s preference for elite and foreign interests, the two forces in Latin American economies that always determined the course of action for governments. In spite of the failed request of the petitioners and the return to ownership of Puerto de Nieto to the owner, both cases illustrate attempts to create an independent rural workforce capable of self-sustainment and the problems of export-oriented production’s bias in favor of foreign ownership and investment in land and support for elite control of agriculture.

Bibliography

            Chonchol, Jacques. “Land Tenure and Development in Latin America.” In Obstacles to Change in Latin America, edited by Claudio Veliz. New York: Oxford University Press, 1965.

            “Petition by 75 Members of a Committee of Small Agriculturalists to the President of the Republic, asking for the expropriation of the estates of El Plumo and Lobería, and Related Documents,” Province of Cautín, Chile, January 1954. Ministerio de Tierras y Colonización, Providencias 1956, Vol. 18, N. 6704, ff. 1-1v, 12-12v, 15-20.

            Tutino, John. “The Revolution in Mexican Independence: Insurgency and the Renegotiation of Property, Production, and Patriarchy in the Bajío, 1800-1855,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 78:3 (1998): 367-418.

           

---

1. “Petition by 75 Members of a Committee of Small Agriculturalists to the President of the Republic, asking for the expropriation of the estates of El Plumo and Lobería, and Related Documents,” Province of Cautín, Chile, January 1954. Ministerio de Tierras y Colonización, Providencias 1956, Vol. 18, No 6704, ff. 1-1v, 12-12v, 15-20: 412.

 2. John Tutino, “The Revolution in Mexican Independence: Insurgency and the Renegotiation of Property, Production, and Patriarchy in the Bajío, 1800-1855,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 78:3 1998: 378.

3. Ibid., 386.

4. Ibid., 404.

5. Ibid., 407.

6. Ibid., 412.

7. Jacques Chonchol, “Land Tenure and Development in Latin America,” in Claudio Veliz (ed.), Obstacles to Change in Latin America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1965), 79.

8. Ibid., 78.

9. “Petition by 75 Members of a Committee of Small Agriculturalists to the President of the Republic, asking for the expropriation of the estates of El Plumo and Lobería, and Related Documents,” Province of Cautín, Chile, January 1954. Ministerio de Tierras y Colonización, Providencias 1956, Vol. 18, No 6704, ff. 1-1v, 12-12v, 15-20: 412.

10.  Jacques Chonchol, “Land Tenure and Development in Latin America,” in Claudio Veliz (ed.), Obstacles to Change in Latin America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1965), 80.

11. John Tutino, “The Revolution in Mexican Independence: Insurgency and the Renegotiation of Property, Production, and Patriarchy in the Bajío, 1800-1855,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 78:3 1998: 411.

12. Ibid., 410.

13. Ibid., 408.

14. Ibid., 413.

15. Jacques Chonchol, “Land Tenure and Development in Latin America,” in Claudio Veliz (ed.), Obstacles to Change in Latin America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1965), 90.

16. Ibid., 90.

17. Ibid., 84.

18. John Tutino, “The Revolution in Mexican Independence: Insurgency and the Renegotiation of Property, Production, and Patriarchy in the Bajío, 1800-1855,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 78:3 1998: 387.

19. Ibid., 396.

20. Ibid., 398.

21. Ibid., 379.

22. Ibid., 394.

23. “Petition by 75 Members of a Committee of Small Agriculturalists to the President of the Republic, asking for the expropriation of the estates of El Plumo and Lobería, and Related Documents,” Province of Cautín, Chile, January 1954. Ministerio de Tierras y Colonización, Providencias 1956, Vol. 18, No 6704, ff. 1-1v, 12-12v, 15-20: 412.

23. John Tutino, “The Revolution in Mexican Independence: Insurgency and the Renegotiation of Property, Production, and Patriarchy in the Bajío, 1800-1855,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 78:3 1998: 393.

24. “Petition by 75 Members of a Committee of Small Agriculturalists to the President of the Republic, asking for the expropriation of the estates of El Plumo and Lobería, and Related Documents,” Province of Cautín, Chile, January 1954. Ministerio de Tierras y Colonización, Providencias 1956, Vol. 18, No 6704, ff. 1-1v, 12-12v, 15-20: 412.

25. John Tutino, “The Revolution in Mexican Independence: Insurgency and the Renegotiation of Property, Production, and Patriarchy in the Bajío, 1800-1855,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 78:3 1998: 375.