The Lady Killer

AI-generated depiction of a 1960s Tokyo bar

Masako Togawa's The Lady Killer was certainly a suspenseful reader. However, the whodunit aspects of this mystery were rather easy to predict. After all, there were really only two viable suspects of the serial killings of Honda's lovers. Fortunately, the author's experiences in the nightlife world of 1960s Tokyo lend a rather realistic setting for this gruesome novel. Dive bars, cheap restaurants, brothel Turkish bathhouses, gay bars, and other elements of the seedy underbelly of Tokyo feature prominently in this tale. Ichiro Honda's escapades across this urban landscape in search of new women to "hunt" eventually instigate a series of quite chilling murders designed to frame him. Togawa uses as one of the "detectives" a lawyer at a firm eager to defend Honda once he's arrested and framed for the murders of some of his past lovers, juxtaposing a more solidly middle-class conventional person exploring the criminal and sordid nightlife of Tokyo to investigate the truth of what occurred. The ultimately disappointing unveiling of the murderer was predictable, although striking at the heart of the matter of Honda's problems with marriage.

Toussaint Louverture and the 1801 Constitution

Toussaint Louverture and the 1801 Constitution

Claude Moise's Le projet national de Toussaint Louverture et la Constitution de 1801 is rather short yet raises some important questions. Since Toussaint Louverture, by the time he promulgated the 1801 Constitution, was the most powerful person on the island of Hispaniola and therefore needed a constitution to legitimize and protect the administrative structure he headed, one can see the seeds of future Haitian governments in the text and the practice of government. In addition, Toussaint must have seen the importance of establishing a clear government structure for Saint-Domingue as largely autonomous but still attached to the metropole. Such an attachment was likely believed to be necessary given the possible threat of maritime powers such as England, Spain, or the US, not to mention other cultural and economic ties to France that likely weighed in consideration. For Moise, what Toussaint envisioned was comparable to the free state association of Puerto Rico with the United States, although it is possible that if his regime had endured, independence may have become more attractive. 

Unfortunately, Toussaint Louverture's Constitution symbolized the failure to reconcile irreconcilable conflicts of interest. Former slaves who believed liberty and freedom entailed more individual liberties and control of their labor unsurprisingly butted heads with the government and planters (both the colons and the nouveaux libres elites who gained control of estates). The attempts to limit smallholder proprietorship of land and to regulate the movement of ex-slaves through the militarized administrative structure of the administration undoubtedly fueled discontent and continual marronage (vagabondage). Indeed, according to Moise, this is what led to the rebellion associated with Toussaint Louverture's nephew, Moise. Although the author suggests that Moise himself was not directly involved in orchestrating the revolt, his sympathetic words and inaction in suppressing it warranted his punishment by Toussaint Louverture. However, this impasse imperiled the longevity of the type of state envisioned by Toussaint and maintained by his successors in independent Haiti. 

Despite these fundamental contradictions of the social order of the Louverturian regime, independent Haiti endeavored to follow it. Of course, without the whites or colons as an integral part of the imagined Haitian nation. Nonetheless, Henri Christophe's government may be the best indication of what Louverture's vision of Saint Domingue would have looked like had it survived. The survival of large estates, the use of the military to police rural laborers, and the commitment to antislavery, educational reforms, and attempts to inculcate values approved of by the government in the masses certainly resemble the goals of the Louverturian regime. However, would Toussaint have taken the step to declare himself a king in a future Saint Domingue or Haiti had the autonomous relationship with France become more of a burden or threat?

Astronomy and Empire in the Ancient Andes: The Cultural Origins of Inca Sky Watching

Inca cosmology/worldview illustrated by Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua

Reading Bauer and Dearborn on astronomy in the Inca Empire was somewhat disappointing. But, it sounds like Zuidema's theories about Inca astronomy, the Inca calendar, and astronomical significance of the ceque system of Cuzco is not supported by archaeological evidence...nor is it always backed by the written sources from the 1500s-1600s. But Bauer and the other author here have little to say otherwise given the limited nature of the sources and the difficult of confirming it through astronomical observations of sites in the Cuzco area. However, they think the Inca calendar was a solar and lunar one with an additional intercalated lunar one to align them. Unfortunately, the authors were unable to locate any evidence from sites in the Cuzco valley for observatories or markers for star observation, but the evidence for pillar markers for solar observations and the solstices is evident, although the pillars themselves have not survived the looting of Cuzco sites or time. The Pleiades were also very important in Inca and Andean sky watching but there's so much in the book that is just lightly suggested or said to be plausible yet impossible to be certain given the lack of ethnographic, textual, or archaeological sources. I guess they lean in favor of a 1528 death for Huayna Capac based on known comets and astronomical phenomena of the 1520s. It is unfortunate, although one must agree with the contention of the authors that astronomy and the ritual calendar must have been centralized and standardized by the Inca imperial administration with the aid of khipus. This would have strengthened the claims to power and legitimacy via descent from the Sun by the Inca ruling elites across the Andes. 

Ludwig

Although not the most brilliant mystery series, Ludwig features the incomparable David Mitchell as the sleuth. As one might expect, Mitchell's character, a puzzle setter masquerading as his detective twin brother to uncover the reasons for his disappearance, is rather hilarious and very Mark-like. Indeed, fans of Peep Show will appreciate some of Mitchell's characters lines, such as his critique of metaphors or the quirky awkwardness of his relationship with his brother's wife or others. Our biggest issue with this otherwise entertaining murder mystery show (with one overarching mystery that will continue in the next series) is that most of the detectives at the Cambridge police department seem rather useless. It will be interesting to see how the show develops in its next season and if the other members of the police department who work with Mitchell will become more compelling characters. Perhaps Robert Webb and other alumni of Peep Show can guest star as murder suspects in the subsequent season's cases.

Le marxisme: seul guide possible de la révolution haïtienne

Alexis

Le marxisme, seul guide possible de la révolution haïtienne by Jacques Stéphen Alexis is a fascinating essay defending Marxism and dialectical materialism as the foundation for the future revolution in Haiti. As part of the Parti d'Entente Populaire, Alexis fought for a national revolution that was democratic, anti-feudal, anti-imperialist, and included allies among the bourgeoisie nationale who saw that Haiti's semi-feudal conditions and the negative impact of imperialism hurt their interests. In response to critics of Marxism or those who questioned its utility as a framework for revolution, however, Alexis's essay articulates a view of Marxism and dialectical materialism that "completed" philosophy by overturning Hegelian idealism. In other words, Marxist theory and praxis were the best foundation for eventually reaching a future in which exploitation will cease. Others, who focused on the writings of a young Marx (before the maturation of Marxism) or sought answers in other schools of thought were missing the mark, according to Alexis. 

Naturally, Alexis's essay offers an outlook on how the PEP viewed itself and its ideology in the context of Haitian political parties. While certainly dogmatic and emphatic on the superiority of Marxism for a theory of society and framework for all sciences (included ethnology, which Alexis viewed as sterile in its Haitian context and guilty of a mystification of blackness), Alexis's views here also correlate well with his literary productions. For instance, his insistence on viewing Haitian culture as the fusion of Amerindian, African, and European traits can be found in his other writings. Furthermore, he also called for formal arts ad literature in Haiti be meet and engage with popular folklore and storytelling, something Alexis endeavored to do in his own short story collection,  Romancero aux étoiles. Alexis clearly sought to model what he believed was the best path forward for Haitian arts and literature through an active engagement with folklore, Vodou, and rural Haiti, even as he believed a Marxist application to the study of such phenomena will culminate in the liquidation of aspects of Vodou and superstition. But by embracing those contradictions or apparent contradictions in the making of Haitian identity and culture, something new will emerge out of Marxist engagement and study. Thus, the alienation experienced by colonized and racialized peoples like Haitians, or the contradictions and ambivalence of Haitian Creole and French, the color question, Roman Catholicism and Vodou, and Haiti's complex cultural heritage will, eventually, be unveiled through Marxist analysis and revolution.

While Alexis is a far more mature thinker here than in his youthful writings in La Ruche, one cannot help but feel that much of this is outmoded. The idea that Marxist revolution and technological improvements would eventually displace or end veneration of, say, aquatic spirits in Haitian Vodou, seems incredibly unlikely due to the survival of religion in the Soviet bloc. Likewise, one cannot help but wonder how the PEP would succeed in ushering a truly democratic revolution with the aid of the bourgeoisie nationale under the guidance of the proletariat. If segments of the Haitian bourgeoisie were unable to align with the piquets in the 19th century, how would Marxist-influenced revolutionaries make it happen when the power of the bourgeoisie nationale would have to rely on heavy exploitation of the workers to a significant degree before becoming competitive with the comprador bourgeoisie or international capital? In other words, wouldn't the Haitian bourgeoisie, already being weaker and under threat from the international capitalist system, and undermined by the comprador class and nearly 2 centuries of Haitian political economy in the interests of foreign or semi-foreign capital, have to rely on certain conditions of exploitation of the working class to reach a point where their capital could be invested in industrialization? One supposes Alexis knew this, and thus insisted that the working-class would have to exert significant control of this first step in the Haitian Revolution, to protect workers' rights and labor laws. We assume this is partly why Alexis praised Mao and the Chinese Revolution as a revolution of oppressed nations which sought to align all pro-nationalist forces and even inculcate upper classes or bourgeois allies with the belief that they should work alongside the peasantry and working classes.

Don't Eat the Clues

After finally watching the third season of Twin Peaks (as well as rewatching the original run), we cannot help but feel somewhat disappointed. After so much time and the loss of some of the cast from the first and second seasons, Lynch and Frost had to make the final season something quite different. And while there are many great elements and a plethora of surreal scenes (and even some of the same quirky jokes and behavior), the third season is by necessity a different show. It is a true pity that we were deprived of a Twin Peaks conclusion right after the second season, when the character of Twin Peaks itself could have maintained more of the narrative focus. We found ourselves missing Catherine and Ben Horne's intrigues, we did not see nearly enough of Audrey or James, and while there may finally be a happy ending for Norma and Ed, so much of the magic and charm of the original run is diluted or absent. Perhaps that is also significant for symbolizing the darker world of season 3, but we nonetheless very much missed those early seasons.

The Labyrinth House Murders

The Labyrinth House Murders is a better novel than The Mill House Murders and an entertaining read for all fans of the mystery genre. With mystery writers, editors, critics, and our amateur sleuth, Shimada Kiyoshi, a series of killings takes place at a house designed by architect Nakamura Seiji. As one might expect, the building alludes to the myth of the Minotaur whilst also paying tribute to the mystery genre. In addition, the novel is structured as a story within a story with a surprise revelation at the end that I did not foresee at all. Indeed, it was something "cheap" and silly in some respects, but only if one forgets to always pay close attention to how the narrator of a murder mystery describes characters or scenes. Overall, this mystery has rekindled our interest in Shimada Kiyoshi as a 'great detective' worth paying attention. The creative use of prologues and epilogues and the meta-ness of the narrative were additionally great touches.

Un campesino dominicano

The following is an entertaining décima by Juan Antonio Alix (posted at  https://poesiadominicana.jmarcano.com/). Essentially a list of words in Haitian Creole with their Spanish equivalents, the poem is interesting from a linguistic perspective. It's also intriguing to see the manner in which Haitian Creole is written by Hispanophones. Indeed, the Dominican Spanish term for our djon-djon is apparently casabe de bruja...Even if the campesino expresses bewilderment at the Creole language, he is able to communicate enough to sell andullos. 

Un campesino dominicano

que estuvo en Haití vendiendo unos andullos y

a su regreso tuvo una entrevista muy curiosa

con el que suscribe.

(A dos amigos puertoplateños)

Del campo un dominicano 

que pasó a vender andullos, 

en dos borriquitos suyos 

a no sé qué pueblo haitiano, 

así me contó: ¡critiano 

ni Dio comprende esa gente! 

Caicule que laguaidiente 

allá le dicen tafiá, 

a lo jalitao llengá 

y penchó ai pan caliente.

Los frijole colorao 

puá rus lo llaman allá, 

a la brujería guangá 

y a lo sombrero chapao. 

Malfiní é guaraguao 

lo guandule puá congó 

Bonyé le dicen a Dio, 

a lo brujo lugarú 

y a lo jefe dei judú 

le dicen papá Bocó.

Lo memo la macarela,

la titulan macrilló

lo molondrone gombó

y difé a la candela.

A la paila o casuela

le dicen allá shodié;

a lo sapato sulié,

puesón ai peje o pecao

y en siendo el arró graniao

le dicen durí grené.

Yo andube toitico Haití

y no encontré un condenao

que dijera bacalao

sino todo la murí.

Al arró llaman durí,

a la cebolla loñón,

a lo cochino cochón.

Lo fideo vermichel

a la sal le dicen sel

y creviche ai camarón.

En siendo peje salao

le dicen puesón salé

como banan bucané

llaman ai plátano asao.

Pero siendo sancochao

le dicen banan bullí,

a la ñica saloprí

a lo sajice pimán,

lo mamone cachimán

y a lo niño anfán pití.

Al agua le dicen gló,

ai queso llaman fromalle,

una rí e juna calle

y finí que se acabó;

allí nadie dice fó

como nosotro jaquí,

cuando viene a la narí

ei bajo de aigún parrá!

el haitiano dice allá:

«¡A la peté qui santi!»

Un sancocho, e ebullón

ñon eguille es una aguja

como ei casabe de bruja

ello lo llaman llonllón.

A lo caibone charbon,

ai quitasoi, paresol,

guanábana, corosol,

ñon chandel e juna vela;

y a la maidita viruela

le dicen pití verol.

Al aceite llaman huil,

aguacate sabocá,

y a la piña ananá

como porcanel, cajuil;

allá perejil, persil,

el melao allí siró,

lo mameye, abricó,

la yuca llaman mañoc,

a lo gallo viejo coc,

y ai sapo llaman grapó.

Lo que aquí llaman letrina

por allá e cae brulé,

como si dijera uté

la casa quemada en ruina,

donde allí la chamuchina

o gente de poca nota,

entra allí y se ñengota

en un brulé o aposento,

y se despacha al momento

dejando allí su pelota.

Conque saque uté la cuenta

siño Juan Antoño Elí,

y dígame si en Haití

cuaiquiera no se revienta;

en eso de compra y benta

yo le pueo asegurai,

que si no sabe coitai

de esa gente ei lenguaraje,

ni la toitilla dei biaje

uté no la pue sacai.

Jata otro día, con su licencia.

Haitian Santo Domingo...

J.M. Borgella

A recent read of Andrew Walker's Strains of Unity: Emancipation, Property, and the Post-Revolutionary State in Haitian Santo Domingo, 1822-1844 was a fascinating look at the period of administrative unification under Haiti. Pushing back against some of the older tenets in the narrative of Haitian domination and invasions of the eastern half of Hispaniola, Walker's study focuses on notarial records and other archival sources which illustrate how easterners navigated Haitian law, sometimes using it in ways to further their own interests. Walker also emphasizes how this complex process of unification enshrined the "free soil" policy of the future Dominican Republic and shaped antislavery as foundational.

This begins with the interest in unification expressed by residents of center-island towns and those with interests in the livestock trade. Since the trade in livestock had been important since colonial times, and unification was seen as one way of promoting it by ending border tariffs, there was local interest in joining Haiti. Furthermore, the ephemeral independent state did not end slavery, likely fueling an interest by enslaved people (perhaps 1/5 of the population of the east)and free people of color in becoming Haitians. Once unification took place in 1822, Walker continues to use notarial records for proof of sale of livestock and horses between Haitians from the west (often soldiers or military officers stationed in the east) and easterners. This profitable trade apparently involved women from the west and other groups who engaged in this trade. 

Walker also addresses the issue of land expropriations, reforms, and the Code Rural. In the east, the Haitian state targeted holdings of ecclesiastical and municipal bodies and authorities, whilst also taking property held by absentee landholders who left the island after unification. However, residents of these lands who built bohios or properties on it were allowed to maintain ownership of their homes. Notarial records and other finds from Dominican and Haitian archives do suggest a land grab of sorts favoring upper level Haitian and eastern military leaders and civil administrators, too. But, the Code Rural in the east was apparently as unsuccessful there as it was in the west. Furthermore, the partition of land grants continued, too. This meant that many who were given large estates by the government chose to sell it in smaller parts. Enforcement of the Code Rural's anti-vagrancy laws was also a local affair, and was even utilized by peasants with fractional rights to communal lands who sought to protect their own rights to the land against unfair co-owners or squatters. Indeed, to Walker, terrenos comuneros survived Haitian unification as land rights by holders of shares in communal lands justified their ownership based on Haitian and liberal laws of private property.

Perhaps the most interesting chapter in the dissertation, however, was sadly limited by the source material. Since maritime maroons from Puerto Rico fled to eastern Hispaniola to escape slavery during this time (although some were doing this prior to Haitian unification), one sees a fascinating development of Haitian free soil applied evenly throughout the eastern part of the island. Anti-slavery and Haitian commitment to free soil was maintained in the east, even by former slaveholders. Unfortunately, not enough detail is unveiled by the sources on these 'maritime maroons' from Puerto Rico and other Caribbean islands. Nonetheless, their presence in the east illustrates how Haitian free soil concepts defined Haitian territory and later influenced Dominican anti-slavery in 1844 and beyond. 

By highlighting aspects of collaboration, shared ideology and governing practices, and the commitment to racial equality and antislavery, a different interpretation of the experience of Haitian unification (or domination) is unveiled here. This should be followed up by additional studies on language, culture, African American immigration, and conflict during the unification. Some of the historical figures from this period, like Pablo Ali (Paul Alix) deserve further study for their own complex relations to Saint Domingue/Haiti. 

Cambodian History Timeline

The following is very much a work in progress on the history of Cambodia and the Khmer. The dates are largely based on the works of Roe, Lowman, Coedes, Chandler, and Liam C. Kelley. We hope to update this and further explore the fascinating history of this corner of mainland Southeast Asia at a future date.

245-250: Arrival of first Chinese envoys in Funan

357: Funan reported in Chinese sources to have offered to send tame elephants to China

514: Death of King Jayavarman

517: Envoy to China from Rudravarman

519: Envoy from Funan to China in 519

530: Envoy from Rudravarman to China in 530

535: Envoy from Rudravarman to China in 535

539: Envoy sent to China from Rudravarman

612: First (known) inscription in Khmer at Angkor Borei

616/17: Chinese reports of Chenla, former vassal of Funan now dominant

638: 4 embassies from the northwest of Khmer territory came to China

667: Inscription near Ba Phnom: shows 4 generations of an official family serving 5 kings (Rudravarman, Bhavavarman, Citrasena-Mahendravarman, Isanavarman, and Jayavarman I)

671-695: Chinese monk I-ching/Yi-tsing traveled in Southeast Asia

706: Split between Water Zhenla and Land Zhenla said to have taken place

770: First inscription of Jayavarman II

802: Beginning of Angkor period with Jayavarman II

817: Cham inscription in Sanskrit mentions their victory against Cambodia

851: The merchant Sulayman said to have traveled to Southeast Asia, heard tale of "Java" (Maharaja of Zabaj) defeating a Khmer king

877: Reign of Indravarman of Cambodia attested 

889-c. 910: Reign of Yasovarman I

928-941: Reign of Jayavarman IV

944-968: Reign of Rajendravarman. Centralization of Khmer realm may have developed during his reign

950: Rajendravarman raids Champa, taking a gold statue from the temple at Po Nagar

1002-1050: Reign of Suryavarman I

1011: Loyalty oats to Suryavarman I inscribed on stone

1025: Inscription from reign of Suryavarman near Lopburi

1050-1066: Reign of Udāyadityavarman II, who built the Baphuon

c.1052: Sdok Kak Thom Inscription 

1056: Cham raid of Sambhupura

1066-1080: Reign of Harshavarman III

1113-1150: Reign of Suryavarman II, builder of Angkor Wat

1115: Arrival of a tribute mission from Lopburi to China

1120: Tribute mission from Zhenla to China

1166/7: Reign of usurper from Lopburi at Angkor, Tribhuvanādityavarman

1171: A mandarin from Fukien landed on the coast of Champa, and said to have shared military expertise to help Chams defeat Angkor 

1177: Fall of Angkor to Cham forces, led by Jaya Indravarman IV

1182: Reign of Jayavarman VII began

1190: Jayavarman VII's invasion of Vijaya

1243- 1295: reign of Jayavarman VIII

1282/3: Chinese records of a mission from Xian (Siam)

1296: Śrī Śrīndravarman became king of Cambodia

1296-7: Zhao Daguan visited Angkor 

1351: Foundation of Ayutthaya

1369: Angkor temporarily abandoned (Mabbett)

1431: Letter cited by Liam Kelley indicating Siamese overthrow of the ruler of Sanfoqi (Cambodia?)

c.1570-1594: Reign of Sattha, who was well-disposed to Europeans. Was interested in an alliance with the Spanish and Portuguese

1570s: Cambodian king may have temporarily transferred the court to Angkor

1583: Thai attack on Longvaek

c.1585-1586: Spanish priest Antonio de Magdalena visited Angkor

1587: Thai unsuccessfully besieged Longvaek

1594: Thai sacking of Cambodian capital, Longvaek 

1594-1597: Reign of s Ram Jerng Prei

1603-1618: Reign of Paramaraja IV 

1618-1627: Reign of Jai Jettha II

1623: Vietnamese ask for a customs post at Prei Nokor (Saigon)

1642-1659: Reign of Ramadhipati I, who converted to Islam and was overthrown in 1659.

1672-1673: Reign of Padumaraja II

1680s: by this time, the future Saigon was seized by the Vietnamese from the Khmer

1747: Rebellion led by a daughter of Ang Im

1772: Phnom Penh destroyed by Thai/Siamese army

1775-1779: Reign of Ang Non III

1820: Revolt against Vietnamese led by a monk, Kai

1836: Revolt of Kom Svay against Vietnam

1860-1904: Reign of Norodom

1936: Appearance of a Khmer language newspaper called Angkor Wat

Unveiling the Colonial System

Although it took us several years, we have finally completed Baron de Vastey's The Colonial System Unveiled. Translated into English by Chris Bongie, whose useful endnotes and supplementary essays are a rich source of information on the author and his time, the short text is a disturbing read. Largely consisting of a catalogue of various colonists who tortured black slaves and free people of color in the colonial period, the colonial system here is one defined by slavery, exploitation, terror, and racialized hierarchy. Thus, the infamous Caradeux and Desdunes families, for instance, are listed among the colonist perpetrators of unspeakable violence and horror. The first part of the short work outlines the history of European colonialism in Hispaniola, beginning with the exploitation and destruction of the indigenous population. This, followed by the colonial system defined by chattel slavery, contain the annals of colonialism's destructive impact. Throughout the text, the Baron de Vastey drew from the colonial archive, writings by French colonists, and testimony from Haitians to illustrate the true nature of colonial rule. Unsurprisingly, Haitian independence was just, necessary, and Henri Christophe himself is praised for being the required father of the Haitian "family" to guide us toward liberty and the rule of law. 

Indeed, much of the work emphasizes how colonial laws and regulations were either ignored or used in discriminatory fashions. For example, laws and regulations limiting the dress of free people of color or laws requiring them to adopt African surnames are part of the panoply of oppressive, racist laws that are unquestionably unjust. Other laws, such as those enshrined in the Code Noir for protecting enslaved people from extreme abuse or torture, were routinely ignored. Baron de Vastey even cited the case of a free "mulatto" who was reenslaved unjustly on the instigation of a cruel planter who may have been his father! Everything this colonial system stood for and represented, therefore, required full repudiation and justified Haitian independence. Under the protective leadership of a strong monarch, Henri Christophe, Haiti could withstand the calumny and threat of the colonists. Indeed, Christophe is even compared to the famous cacique, Enriquillo, suggestive of Christophe's stature as a leader on the path to reconstituting the Haitian people. 

Nevertheless, one cannot help but notice some of the ambivalence of the Haitian intellectual of the 19th century. While condemning colonialism in Haiti and the trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, our author wanted European colonialism in Africa. With Sierra Leone as perhaps the best example, Baron de Vastey appears to condone the "civilizing mission" of European colonialism as necessary in Africa. Yet, whilst drawing on the travels of Mungo Park and other sources, he acknowledged that sub-Saharan Africans were not as "barbaric" as our enemies made them out to be. Unfortunately, Baron de Vastey never drew from the testimony of the sizable African-born population in Haiti itself to counter racist narratives of Africa. It is a shame, since he even included "Bembara" as one of the African surnames free people of color were forced to adopt under racist colonial legislation. We suspect the ambivalence of the 19th century Haitian intellectual on Africa, plus the need for a nationalist, palingenesis of a new Haitian people, precluded Baron de Vastey from seriously interrogating European colonialism in Africa or the question of black African civilizations. 

Bainet and Hurricane Flora...

Whilst perusing the internet at night, searching for references to Bainet from various sources as one is wont to do in the late hours of the evening, we came across a short article on Hurricane Flora from LIFE and its destructive impact on Caribbean places such as Bainet in 1963. For including a photograph of Bainet's St. Pierre Church and plaza, we found the picture to be of use. Of course, since the hurricane's destruction of the town damaged many structures, what is seen here is not Bainet at its "best."

Toro Mata

"Toro Mata" is one of those classics of Peruvian music we somehow have not heard before. Performed here by Eva Ayllón, the song features incredibly catchy use of rhythms.

Eddie Palmieri (Azúcar)

Although we were never huge fans of Palmieri, his recent passing resparked our interest in his stimulating Latin Jazz style.

Murder in the Crooked House

Soji Shimada Murder in the Crooked House was a little underwhelming. Our sleuth, Kiyoshi, doesn't appear until the final third of the novel. And while his entry into the mysterious case of the serial murders at the odd Hokkaido home built on a slant is hilarious, one cannot help but feel somewhat disappointed. Furthermore, there are no astrological, alchemical or occult themes that our astrologer-sleuth must confront (unless one considers the Golem from Jewish folklore). It's certainly less occult and graphic than Tokyo Zodiac Murders, but also more convoluted and somewhat absurd. The big reveal at the end also fell a little flat since one of the victims, a lecherous older man, is turned into a war criminal during World War II in Burma. Needless to say, the novel is a bit of a mess, involving an unbelievable concept to elucidate the locked room murder(s). 

Taino Legacy in the Greater Antilles (AI)

The Taino peoples, indigenous to the Greater Antilles, have long been described as extinct, a vanished people swept away by colonization, disease, and slavery in the early 1500s. Yet, as the blog Dream Variants emphasizes, the legacies of Taino life are deeply embedded in Caribbean culture. From farming practices to language, and from mythology to modern identity politics, the Taino remain central to understanding Caribbean history and culture.

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Persistence Beyond Extinction

Colonial records and later scholarship often portrayed the Taino as disappearing by the mid-1500s. However, as Dream Variants points out, archival evidence shows that thousands of “Indios” continued to live in Hispaniola into the mid-16th century, forming hidden communities and blending into broader colonial society (Dream Variants 2023a). This survival complicates the “extinction” narrative and explains why cultural and even genetic traces of the Taino endure in modern Caribbean populations.

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Agrarian and Genetic Echoes

The persistence of Taino culture is especially visible in agrarian systems. For instance, cassava mound cultivation, a key feature of Taino subsistence, remains part of rural farming practice in parts of the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Puerto Rico. As Dream Variants suggests, these techniques were not just practical but cultural inheritances, reflecting deep continuity with indigenous lifeways (Dream Variants 2020a). Genetic research adds further nuance: many Caribbeans today retain small but measurable traces of indigenous ancestry, confirming that survival was both cultural and biological.

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Myth, Ritual, and Expressions of Identity

Taino mythology has also left deep marks on Caribbean cultural identity. The Dream Variants blog highlights parallels between Taino myths—such as those of creation, twins, and deluge—and broader South American and Mesoamerican traditions, suggesting shared roots across Indigenous America (Dream Variants 2023b). In the present, neo-Taino movements use ritual, performance, and symbolic art to reclaim these myths and reassert indigeneity. These cultural revivals transform Taino legacies into acts of identity and resistance in postcolonial societies.

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Language and Social Structure

Taino words remain embedded in Caribbean Spanish and English: hurricane, canoe, hammock, guava, and barbecue are just a few examples. More importantly, terms like nitaino—originally describing a social rank—continue to offer insight into pre-Columbian social structures (Dream Variants 2024). Scholars and cultural activists alike emphasize that the Taino had complex social hierarchies and artistic traditions, challenging early colonial depictions of them as “simple” or “childlike” peoples.

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Conclusion

The Taino cultural legacy in the Caribbean is not confined to archaeology or museums—it is alive in farming practices, foodways, language, mythology, and cultural identity. The Dream Variants blog reminds us that while colonial violence attempted to erase the Taino, their legacies persist across time, shaping how Caribbeans understand themselves and their histories. To see the Caribbean fully is to recognize the persistence of the Taino in both memory and daily life.

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Bibliography

Dream Variants. 2020a. Brief Thoughts on Taino DNA and Cultural Continuity. October 2020. https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2020/10/brief-thoughts-on-taino-dna-and.html

Dream Variants. 2023a. Taino Legacy in Hispaniola. April 2023. https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2023/04/taino-legacy-in-hispaniola.html

Dream Variants. 2023b. Art, Mythology, Taino and Central America. October 2023. https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2023/10/art-mythology-taino-and-central-america.html

Dream Variants. 2024. Notes on Taino Social Terms and Structures. 2024. https://thedreamvariation.blogspot.com/2024

Haiti, Guyane, and Amerindians

We are not avid followers of Haiti Inter, but they occasionally produce fascinating interviews with different figures from Haiti or its Diaspora. This video, which is probably misleading since at least half of it is really about Haitians and people of Haitian descent in La Guyane, caught our attention for its alleged focus on the Amerindian heritage of Haiti. Unfortunately, the guest does not truly explore that intriguing question of Haiti's Indian legacy. Instead, we are given what has become repeated narratives offered without any evidence. Thus, the veve of Haitian Vodou is said to be of Amerindian origin (no evidence provided for this), while words of Taino origin used in Haitian Creole are given as further examples without nuance or explanation. It's a shame Haitians (and people of Haitian descent) have not yet truly explored this interesting question of Taino legacies in Haiti. Moreover, I am not sure I would assume any close connection between the word Jaragua or Xaragua in Indigenous Haiti and the use of the toponym Jaragua in Tupi-Guarani languages of Brazil. There might be a connection, but we once thought it more likely that Xaragua in Haiti might be connected to Aragua in Venezuela (based on the way Aragua was spelled in one source from the 16th century).

Lisette quitté la plaine

A fascinating presentation on an early piece of Haitian Creole music from the mid-18th century by Jean Bernard Cerin. Anything about the origins of our language and early musical and literary uses of it are worth exploring.

Angkorian "Nation"

Whilst reading Lowman's The Descendants of Kambu: The Political Imagination of Angkorian Cambodia, we see how difficult reconstructing the past of Cambodia is. Relying mainly on inscriptions since other local writings have not survived, Lowman argues for Angkorian Cambodia as a "nation" with a sense of boundedness, territory of nativity, and based on a myth of common descent through Kambu (the origin of the name Cambodia). Evidence of this can be found in the myth of Kambu, the defining of others like the Cham as ethnic/political others, and the degree to which inscriptional evidence attests to way provincial elites recorded their history as propertyholders via genealogy and royal elephant hunts of Jayavarman III. There is a lot more going on here, with additional evidence from the way in which the sense of Khmerness as a "nation" was also how Buddhists in Cambodia sought royal patronage before the reign of Jayavarman VII. Overall, the evidence does suggest something perhaps unique for Cambodia in this period of Southeast Asian history. A sense of ethnic community with a bounded territory of nativity was at least promoted by the royalty at Angkor and provincial elites posted to different parts of the sprawling territory. This was quite distinct from the mandala or cosmological model sometimes haphazardly applied to premodern Southeast Asian states. However, one would like to see more evidence of this through additional inscriptions (more than 3, or 5) so that one can sense that the myth of independence from "Java" or stories of land claims tied to elephant hunts really were more widespread. Perhaps like the case of the peasantry or enslaved people, this is impossible to truly uncover without the discovery of more inscriptions or new types of sources for this period. Sadly, post-Angkorian Cambodia defined its sense of "nation" differently, so Lowman advises against assuming too much continuity. 

Kwararafa Notes (With a Little Help From My Friend)

In the interest of experimentation with new technology, we have used our notes on Kwararafa to attempt a short overview of the polity. There is much that is poorly understood or unknown in the history of Kwararafa. However, using references to it from its northern neighbors can provide a rough chronology of sorts and insights. Sadly, it is probably an area in dire need of a second look by scholars who understand the relevant local languages for oral traditions or can read sources (in Arabic or Hausa) that refer to Kwararafa and the Jukun. It would also be necessary for those fluent in Kanuri and/or Arabic to check records and traditions from Borno to verify some possible mentions of Kwararafa in H.R. Palmer's work. But I digress. Below, we have attempted to a short overview of Kwararafa based on our notes and a little help from a friend. With the aid of this friend, we have two drafts. We suspect this friend misread our hand-written notes and that caused some of the errors here. 

The Kwararafa polity, active from at least the 16th to the 18th century, occupied a central position in the political and military landscape of the Central Sudan. Far from being a homogenous state, Kwararafa was a multi-ethnic confederacy led by the Jukun but also incorporating Abakwariga, Goemai, Alago, Tiv, and other groups. Its influence extended across the lower Sudanic regions and, at times, into the middle Sudan.

Origins and Structure

Kwararafa's political system reflected its confederal nature. Leadership was shared among four principal officers: the Mai, the Jirahu, a lesser Mai, and the Master of the Horse. Succession could be fluid—any son of a deceased king was eligible, and in some accounts, kings were replaced every two years. Religious leaders played a vital role in rituals, sacrifices, and even in controlling the weather.

The kingdom was deeply embedded in spiritual practices, blending local beliefs with outside influences. Ritual use of palm wine, divination, animal symbolism, and veneration of water spirits were widespread.

Political and Military Power

At its peak, Kwararafa claimed control over as many as 20 states (as recorded by Muhammad Bello in the 19th century). It was a feared military power, repeatedly launching raids on Hausa city-states such as Kano and Katsina, as well as on Borno. One notable tradition recalls the Jukun refusal to submit to Kano’s Queen Amina in the late 16th century. (Our own beliefs favor a 15th century date for Amina of Zaria)

In the early 1700s, the ruler Adi Matswen increased royal revenues by organizing salt-gathering expeditions and founding new towns. Large-scale military expeditions continued during this period: in 1707, Kwararafa attacked Borno, an event recorded by the French consul Lemaire, who also noted the presence of Kwararafa ambassadors in Borno. (AI likely misread our notes)

Religion and European Observations

European sources from the late 17th and early 18th centuries, including French consuls Lemaire and Delande, offer intriguing glimpses into Kwararafa’s religious life. These observers described Kwararafa as “Christian,” though likely in a nominal or syncretic sense. Lemaire estimated that more than 100,000 Christians lived in the kingdom. Crosses were reportedly displayed on horses and weapons, and Kwararafa dancers in Tripoli were seen making the sign of the cross. Such details suggest a complex religious environment, blending local traditions with Christian symbols—possibly transmitted via contact with Borno and the trans-Saharan trade routes.

Economy and Trade

Tribute formed a major part of Kwararafa’s external relations. According to 18th-century claims recorded by Koelle, the kingdom paid annual tribute to Borno, possibly in slaves. Control over salt resources was another pillar of its economy, with expeditions bringing wealth and political leverage. Kwararafa’s location allowed indirect contact with North Africa through Borno and Hausa intermediaries, linking it to the commercial networks of Tripoli and Fezzan.

Decline

By the mid-18th century, Kwararafa faced growing external pressure. Attacks from neighboring states, internal shifts in power, and the rise of the Sokoto Caliphate in the early 19th century eroded the kingdom’s influence. The Fulani jihad from 1806 marked a decisive blow, fragmenting the confederacy and absorbing its territories into new emirates and political formations.

And here is a second version:

The Kwararafa polity, remembered in Hausa, Kanuri, and European sources from the 16th to the 18th centuries, occupied a prominent position in the history of the Benue Valley. Contemporary accounts depict it as a multi-ethnic state dominated by the Jukun, but incorporating Hausa, Tiv, Mumuye, and other groups under a confederated structure. Its rulers exercised influence far beyond their core territories, engaging in warfare and diplomacy with Borno, Kano, and other Hausa states.

Political and Military History

Kwararafa’s military campaigns were a defining feature of its regional role. Abakwariga (and Jukun) oral traditions recall attacks on Kano and Katsina, taking captives from both Hausa cities in the late 17th century.^2^ Muhammad Bello, writing in the early 19th century, described the Kwararafa ruler as commanding “twenty states” and waging war against both Kano and Borno.^3^

European observers in North Africa and the Mediterranean also documented the kingdom. In 1706–1707, the French consul Lemaire in Tripoli described Kwararafa as a powerful, nominally Christian state, whose rulers clashed with Borno on religious and political grounds.^4^ Lemaire claimed that “more than 100,000 Christians” lived in Kwararafa, and even witnessed Kwararafa captives making the sign of the cross.^5^

Religion and Culture

The claim of Christianity within Kwararafa is controversial, but it recurs in early modern sources. Lemaire and other French officials reported Kwararafa ambassadors in Borno and Borno princes visiting Cairo in the early 18th century.^6^ Koelle, writing in the mid-19th century based on African informants in Sierra Leone, described the Jukun (Wukari) as the capital of Kwararafa and recorded tribute relations with Borno in the late 1700s.^7^

Internally, Kwararafa’s political organization featured a king assisted by principal officers, including the the Master of the Horse.^8^ Succession was flexible, allowing any male relative of a deceased king to ascend the throne.^9^ Spiritual beliefs blended political authority with religious rituals; Talbot’s ethnography notes the king’s involvement in weather control and divination, and his role as chief priest of the sun deity.^10^

Economy and Trade

Kwararafa’s economy combined agriculture, tribute, and control of regional trade. Meek records that rulers such as Adi Matswen increased revenues through salt expeditions and the founding of new towns in the 18th century.^11^ Tribute from subordinate towns and trade in goods such as slaves, horses, and salt connected Kwararafa to markets in Borno, Hausaland, and as far as Tripoli.^12^ French archival records from Tripoli in 1669 note captives taken from “the land of Kwararafa” being sold to North African buyers.^13^

Conclusion

The image of Kwararafa that emerges from African oral traditions, Hausa chronicles, Kanuri records, and European reports is that of a resilient, adaptable state. Its influence was felt from the Middle Niger to the Sahara, and its ambiguous religious identity—Islamic neighbors describing it as Christian, European consuls reinforcing the same—reflects both the complexity of its diplomacy and the layered identities of the Central Sudan in the early modern period.

Footnotes

1. Meek, A Sudanese Kingdom, 126.

2. Ibid., 124.

3. Muhammad Bello, Infaq’l-Maysur, in Hodgkin, ed.,  The Kano Chronicle, 480.

4. Lemaires, “Letter to the French Foreign Ministry, Tripoli, 1706–1707,” Archives Nationales, Paris, Series Afrique, carton 385.

5. Ibid.

6. Ibid., carton 386.

7. Koelle, Polyglotta Africana, 21.

8. Talbot, The Peoples of Northern Nigeria, 408–409.

9. Ibid., 408.

10. Ibid., 410–412.

11. Meek, A Sudanese Kingdom, 156.

12. Koelle, Polyglotta Africana, 21.

13. “French Debt Records in Tripoli, 1669,” Archives Nationales, Paris, Series Afrique, carton 390.

What is missing here is our notes on the possible earlier history of Kwararafa, stretching back to the 1300s and 1400s. 

Bainet History Timeline

Although a real endeavor to trace the history of Bainet requires careful searching through archives and collecting oral traditions, we have began an attempt with a simple timeline or chronology. We have largely drawn from Madiou, Ardouin, Rouzier's geographical tomes, Moreau de Saint-Mery, Haitian journals and publications like Le Moniteur or Le Matin, and travel accounts. In addition, any references to Bainet we find in the secondary literature are occasionally sources of information. Furthermore, we did include dates from the precolonial and Spanish colonial period, even though there is no evidence of a Spanish colonial settlement at what later became known as Bainet. However, if the short-lived colonial town of Yaquimo was indeed located near modern Jacmel, we suspect there would have been small indigenous communities in the surrounding area (including today's Bainet) before and during that era. In addition, there are obvious more events or developments in the French colonial period that must be taken into account, such as the free people of color population and the enslaved population. 

pre-1492: Indigenous presence suggested by finds during French colonial period. A cave with human remains was found, said to have been used as a site of refuge to escape the Spanish (but possibly far older)

1499: Arrival of Alonso de Ojeda in Yaquimo, apparently with a goal to enslave Indians.

1503: Murder of Anacaona and several other Xaragua elites, orchestrated by Ovando.

1504: Foundation of the pueblo of Yaquimo. According to Moreau de Saint-Mery, it was built at the site of modern Aquin, although others suggest Jacmel. According to Las Casas, the area around Yaquimo was called Brasil by Columbus due to its ample brazilwood. Intriguingly, there is a section of Bainet called Bresilienne. 

1506: Diego Velazquez alcalde of Villanueva de Yaquimo

1514: Repartimiento indicates displacement of part of Yaquimo's Indian population, which was sent to mining centers of the island. Among Yaquimo caciques with indigenous names are the following: Taubacote, Camaguarex, Cataguaco, Cayguan Guaraba, Domanicarey, and Macaoquicios. Overall, around 1039 Indians, according to Martinez Almanzar.

1516: Map of Hispaniola by Andres de Morales made. Appears to place Yaquimo at the site of today's Jacmel.

by 1520: Yaquimo deserted

1577: Spanish colonial sources mention Indian and black population in Yaquimo, on a ranch

1678: Publication of Exquemelin's famous book on the buccaneers. Mention of Jacmel and Aquin as ports with ample amounts of brazilwood 

1698: Foundation of Compagnie de Saint-Domingue

1703: Census listed families established in Bainet and nearby parishes, including the Saugrain

1718: Bainet became a parish

1725: Law passed prescribing the construction of a church in Bainet

1730: Census found about 700 slaves and only 12 free people of color. 57 indigo plantations in Bainet.

1739: Census indicates growth of coffee plantations and the 'disappearance' of free people of color (presumably classified as 'whites')

1740: 67 Indigo plantations in Bainet

1744: Birth of Julien Raimond

1751: Much of Bainet town destroyed in a hurricane

1773: Nicolson finds Indian remains in Gris-Gris inside a cave

1775: Ordinance established a brigadier

1776: M. de Ennery ordered rebuilding the road from Gris-Gris to Aquin

1781: Hurricane in September destroyed the church

1788: Census indicates 1934 free people of color in Jacmel quartier

1789: Moreau de Saint-Mery described Bainet as having 20 cotton plantations, 20 indigoteries, and 70 coffee plantations. The militia had 60 whites and 240 affranchis. In terms of population Moreau de Saint-Mery wrote it contained 388 whites, 800 affranchis and 5,500 slaves.

1791: Free people of color in Bainet said to be so powerful that the whites didn't send a representative to the colonial assembly in Le Cap. Rebellion of Romaine the Prophetess said to have affected Bainet (at least 3 whites killed by blacks in insurrection, and buried in Bainet, according to Terry Rey). Moreover, Alexandre Boursiquot was accused of orchestrating the killings of 30 whites in Bainet.

1793: Report of Roume of 3000 rebel slaves, led by a white, who sacked Bainet, Jacmel and Cayes de Jacmel

1800: Dessalines takes Bainet from pro-Rigaud forces

1802: Commandant Guillaume authorized former slaves establishing homesteads in the hills for the fee of one gourde. Colonel Gilbon said to have led the insurgents of Bainet's hills against the French (same man?)

1814: Coffee estates Villard and Montra put for sale to increase the number of proprietors

1817: Arbouet listed as representant of Bainet

1818: President Boyer visited Bainet, lowering taxes for some, adjudicating disputes

1819: Thomas Madiou wrote of 5 schools in Bainet, teaching students how to read. Two in the valley, two at Jamaisvu, one at Primature and one in the town. The schools taught a total of 62 students how to read and write. It appears that they were supported or maintained by parents of the students.

1820: Jacques Fequant became new magistrat of Bainet. Colonel Aubin became new commandant de la place of Bainet.

1821: Jean Pierre, residing in Bainet, condemned to die for participating in two murders with Francois dit Aoussa

1823: President Boyer visited Jacmel, where people from Bainet, Marigot, and Saltrou flocked to see him.

1824: Boyer said to have sent many African American immigrants to Bainet (but evidence is lacking).Obin Renaud was commandant de la place. 

c.1825: Census figures included in Mackenzie's Notes on Haiti indicate 7,983 people lived in Bainet

1831: Toussaint Louis condemned for taking a horse from Jean Francois

1833: Jean Joseph Lande filed a case against the lieutenant of the rural police, Alexis Chaumeil, for beating him

1834: Colonel Lemaire commandant of Baynet 

1839: Pierre-Sanon Soliman murdered his brother, Miracle Solimon. 

1840: Bainet's Trou Mahot section under command of lieutenant Charles. Grande-Colline led by Nestant Jacques. Petit Bras led by Garcon Cazales. Mazonne led by Nicaise Jacques, Jamaisvu by Saint Juste Marcille, Gandou by Justin Bourgouin, Gris-Gris by Pointdujour, Bras de la Croix by Michel Juste. In Bainet alone, 1898 habitations or farms in 1840, with only 12 poorly cultivated.

1842: Raphael Pisano listed as priest of Bainet

1843: Garde nationale of Bainet joined the side of the liberal rebels against Boyer's government

1845: Louis Scutt commandant of the commune of Bainet, Michel Lubin inspector of cultures in the commune of Bainet. Mathieu Douge was juge de paix

1846: Fight between Saint Jacques Julien and Cadet Mafonta leads to the latter's death

1847: President of Haiti sent General Villebon to inspect Bainet 

1849: Conseil de Notables includes Jourdain fils, Ferdinand Duchemin, Rousselin Carriere, Joseph Fortin, and Jean Ambroise

1853: Emperor Soulouque in Bainet. His recovery from illness leads to celebrations.

1865: Abbey Demoy vicar of Bainet

1867: Jean Domingue the deputy for Bainet

1869: Piquets defeated in July (in context of Salnave and civil wars engulfing the country)

1872: Bernier as deputy of Bainet

1873 (or 1874?) Augustin Dorsan Ambroise deputy for Bainet

1874/5: Trou Mahot section created through the division of Brésilienne

1880: Announcement in Le Moniteur for a public concert in Bainet in August. The music program includes classical compositions.

1881: Magistrat of Bainet a A. Jean-Baptiste. Representative Polanco of Bainet solicited state funds for the construction of the church of Bainet.

1883: Cultivateurs of Bainet among the forces of Francois Manigat against Jacmel

1888: A. Jean-Baptiste a constituant of Bainet

1890: Population of 12,000; President Legitime sent forces from Bainet against Jacmel

1896: An address to the president of Haiti by citizens of Bainet is published in Le Moniteur

1898: President Sam visited Bainet, where arcs of triumph were established for him

1908: Address by the people of Bainet to the President of Haiti published 

1912: Haitian painter Micius Stephane born in Bainet

1917: Birth of painter Edger Jean-Baptiste.

1926: Gerald Bloncourt born in Bainet. Paul Laguerre named as member of Communal Commission. 

1928: Drought in the arrondissement of Jacmel particularly hurt Bainet. But flooding occurred in November in Bainet

1931: Article in Le Matin on Bainet mentions President Vincent's campaign stop there for the 1930 Presidential Election

1932: Letter published in Le Nouvelliste mentions economic hardship in Bainet since 1928, and difficulties paying taxes

1935: Murder of Deputy Ferere Laguerre (as well as his other relatives) in a feud with the Pierre-Louis family

1937: Christian Adrien mentioned in Le Nouvelliste as magistrat of Bainet

1950: Rossini Pierre-Louis still serving as Deputy of Bainet 

1953: Haiti Sun runs an article on Bainet entitled "Venus of Haiti"

1963: Bainet struck by Hurricane Flora

The Second Empire

Reading Claude Moise piqued our interest in 19th century Haiti. Noticing that his chapter on Soulouque was brief and did not really interrogate how or why an imperial government system appealed to Haitians for about a decade, we decided to read Emmanuel Lachaud's thesis, The Emancipated Empire: Faustin I Soulouque and the Origins of the Second Haitian Empire, 1847-1859. Although not a complete narrative history of the Soulouque years, it does offer a number of intriguing and provocative theories on Soulouque's rise to power, the basis of his legitimacy, and the popular support for an imperial or monarchical government system in Haiti. Instead of viewing Haitian history through a teleological lens in which liberal democracy is the aim, making Soulouque's regime an aberration, it was actually the result of a complex array of factors in Haiti's turbulent 1840s. Understanding that Haiti was only about half a century away from independence and a little more removed from the days of slavery, Lachaud insists that we contextualize Haiti's mid-century as one in which contentions between various classes continued on the issue of freedom in a post-emancipation context. Furthermore, since 4 decades of liberal republicanism had created an exclusionary state that also penalized popular spirituality (anti-Vodou laws), sought to revive plantation agriculture (Code Rural), and denied formal political participation to the rural masses and urban poor, one can see why the idea of transforming Haiti into a monarchy was not so bizarre. 

Indeed, coming to power after the 1843 liberal constitution failed, the rise of the Piquets threatened social revolution, regional divisions fractured national unity, and inflamed colorist-inflected conflict among elites over power raised tensions, Soulouque as an Emperor could be construed as the necessary figure who could unite the country through his imperial majesty. According to Lachaud, Soulouque was able to accomplish this after taking over the violence associated with 1848. Instead of seeing Soulouque as a mastermind who orchestrated it, Lachaud argues that the sources best suggest that he capitalized on it and lent legitimacy to the social unrest by taking control of the violence directed against elites. Thus, the Piquets and Zinglins were absorbed, coopted and, through Soulouque's administration strategically backing them, gained their support. Once he had achieved this, Soulouque could capitalize on this as grounds for political legitimacy against those who threatened the unity of the state. Legitimizing empire also required careful use of religious and spiritual discourse and symbolism, profiting from Marian apparitions and popular belief to lend divine support for Soulouque's rise to the throne. Once on the throne, Soulouque could draw on black male masculinity and the legacy of military strongmen and gwo neg to further his political legitimacy and appeal. Needless to say, sponsoring the arts, pomp, pageantry, regal style and aesthetics, and projecting an image of unity built on the Vodou-Catholic "Haitian" religious grounds, Soulouque's empire was able to stay in power.

Of course, repression, authoritarian actions, and violence were a necessary part of the equation. Lachaud does not seek to romanticize Soulouque or 19th century Haitian governments. But trying to understand how Haitian vernacular sociopolitics, Vodou, masculinity and complex legacy of royalism and liberalism in the Haitian context suggest new ways of viewing the turbulent "decades of instability." One only wishes there had been space here for a further discussion of Soulouque's fall. For example, the unpopular invasions of the Dominican Republic, are scarcely mentioned here. What other factors led to the decline of legitimacy in Soulouque's regime? In other words, where were the Zinglins or Piquets who might have supported him in 1859? What forces led to the return to a republican government after so many years of imperial monarchy? 

Video on the Shuwa Arabs

After watching this same channel's series on the Kanuri, we decided to check out their other videos. They are short and of course are not anywhere close to a complete history. Nonetheless, it is interesting to see people from the region interviewed and discussing their traditions and history. The Shuwa Arabs appear to have been present in Kanem by the 14th century, where a reference to them seems evident in a letter from the Sayfawa mai to the Mamluk sultan, Barquq, written in 1391/2. According to that letter, Judham Arabs even killed a mai, so nomadic Arabs had become involved in the unstable conditions in Kanem related to civil war and the Sayfawa versus Bulala. This documentary focuses on aspects of Shuwa Arab culture and traditions, like marriages or the former importance of camels. 

Constitutions et luttes de pouvoir en Haiti

Although we have only read the first time of Claude Moise's Constitutions et luttes de pouvoir en Haiti, it is enough to understand to a greater extent the intermittent political crises that negatively impacted the country from 1804-1915. Viewing the endless battles and conflicts for political power between different branches, clans, and regional elites since the birth of Haitian independence until the US Occupation through the conflict over constitutions to legitimize various regimes illustrates more clearly the impasse the Haitian political system had reached by 1915. Since each constitution was instituted either to deny power to another branch of the elite and legitimize their own seizure of power, there was a constant danger of political intrigue, coups, and revolutions to unseat the incumbent president/Executive and restore governmental legitimacy. Of course, the source of real power in the country was the Executive, and his power came from the military who administered the provinces as commandants. Thus, regardless of any constitutional innovations to protect civil government and individual liberties, all were at risk of arbitrary and despotic presidents (or, in the case of Dessalines, Soulouque, and Christophe, emperors and kings) who had to rely on the military as the main source of authority (as well as preserving public security). 

However, as Moise's masterful study reveals, there were a number of occasions in which branches of the political elite sought to institute a truly liberal, democratic state with more power to civil authorities. The first, the 1843 Constitution, was never truly implemented as Riviere Herard was unseated and the country's elite fell back on Guerrier and Riche to neutralize the threat of the Piquets. Here, unfortunately, Moise's analysis does not extend deeper into exploring how the Piquets themselves wanted to reconstitute the state, but he is certainly correct that most of the Haitian political elite banded together to prevent any real seizure of power from the lower classes. This included military repression, government appointments to Piquet leaders and the return to "presidentialism" to protect public security. After ending the Piquet threat, the political elites, both of the "mulatto" and "noir" branches, proceeded to implement other constitutions, such as that of 1846 and 1867. The Executive branch was severely weakened in the 1870s through the rise of the Liberals and Boyer-Bazelais, who favored a government dominated by the Legislative branch. Nonetheless, their favored constitution and governmental system, designed to weaken the Executive, was impractical as there was no real constitutional solution to conflict between the Executive and Legislative bodies. 

Furthermore, the Liberals, according to Moise, lacked deeper alliances with the real source of power in the country, the military leaders, and were thus severely weakened once the inevitable return of conflict over power returned in 1879 and beyond. Intriguingly, their regime did work well under Saget and Boisrond-Canal, although the exceptional circumstances and character of those men favored the longevity of this inherently unworkable system. By the end of the era of Liberal hegemony, despotic, arbitrary regimes dominated by Presidents like Salomon (who in one letter, compared the demands of political power to African conditions), Hyppolite, and Nord Alexis became the norm. Even with the 1889 Constitution that survived until the US Occupation, each president relied on unconstitutional measures, arbitrary despotism, the military, and sometimes, outright terror, to remain in power or endeavor to control succession. 

Throughout the entire period, the conflict over power and various attempts to legitimize new regimes with legality through new constitutions was usually able to counteract any serious attempts at opening the political system or debate to the lower classes. A few exceptions occurred, however. And it is these exceptions that warrant additional attention, particularly the Piquets (who still await their historian, to paraphrase Moise), cacos, and the urban masses who supported Salnave. La foule was especially relevant during the terror of Soulouque and presumably supported, initially, Soulouque's rise to effective power and self-elevation to Emperor. In addition, the urban masses, such as the women, who rallied behind Salnave, must be analyzed for revealing the political ideology of the lower classes. The cacos in the Nord similarly warrant closer attention, although Moise seems predisposed to discount the idea of any real political debate or ideology motivating their actions in the decades leading to US Occupation. That said, it seems hard to image the cacos of the Nord completely lacking ideas about reform, even if they were doomed to fail. The challenge now is to reconstruct, to whatever extent possible, how the peasants, urban poor, and embryonic working-class envisioned a different political regime in Haiti.

Queen Anacaona

I am unsure about the source of this clip, but I found it interesting as one of the more serious Haitian videos on the island's indigenous past. It's designed to be short, simple, and respectful of the "Taino" past on Haiti. There are some issues or areas that undoubtedly require more updated information and nuance (like the population of the island in 1492 or the question of gender relations), but this is interesting. I'd love to see a serious source for the claim of some of the population sizes of villages or towns, too. 

A History of Cambodia

Due to our growing interest in Angkor, we felt it was necessary to read a "national" history to understand the larger trajectory of the Khmer people before, during, and after Angkor. David Chandler's A History of Cambodia is still the standard reference in English, so we began there. And Chandler, to his credit, does an excellent job synthesizing various sources on prehistoric, ancient, Angkorean, post-Angkor, colonial, and post-colonial Cambodia. It's a daunting task, particularly since much of the source material has severe limitations or it has not survived at all. Chandler endeavored to do  justice to this bewildering task of covering more than 2000 years of history well. In terms of Angkor and its decline, he is cautious and seems to agree with Vickery's interpretation of the problematic royal chronicles that cover the 15th and 16th centuries. Nonetheless, Angkor was still visited and used by monks and the Cambodian royal family. To what extent there really are so many parallels between different periods in Cambodian history is another question we cannot resolve. Chandler, for his part, sees them frequently in terms of Cambodia's destiny as a weaker power in the sphere of influence of Siam and Vietnam in the 1600s-1800s, as well as periods under colonial French Indochina or the Vietnam War that engulfed the region. After reading this history, which is largely critical of the state of affairs in Cambodia's political class (repression, arbitrary rule, incompetence, genocide/crimes against humanity, especially in the DK years under Pol Pot), one wonders to what extent the characterization of relations between the Cambodian state and its population was like this before the capital shifted south to Phnom Penh. Was Angkor really a centralized state which supported intensive agriculture, irrigation projects, and infrastructure while Cambodia afterwards was more commercial-oriented and the state unwilling or unable to fund similar projects of the Angkor period?

Sociedad y economía de los Taínos

Francisco Moscoso's Sociedad y economía de los Taínos contains two essays on Taino society and agriculture. As one might expect, it treads familiar territory in terms of Moscoso's past scholarship on the development of precolonial societies in the Antilles. Drawing from chronicles, archival documents, archaeological studies, and theoretical premises of changes in the mode of production and social relations, Moscoso argues quite persuasively for a "tribal-tributary" mode for the Taino cacicazgo by 1000 CE. This was a transitional stage to a class-based society that was interrupted by the Spanish conquest. Moscoso applies this understanding to the entire history of humans in the Caribbean, starting with bands, moving to tribes, and culminating with the chiefdoms known as cacicazgos with more division of labor, hereditary elites (caciques, nitainos, behiques), and regular surpluses through conuco agriculture. This was, at least in Azua, Jaragua, and Maguana, supplemented by irrigation projects and possibly hydraulic works that facilitated agriculture in parts of Haiti which suffered from less rainfall. Indeed, Moscoso even cites a 1495 document by Columbus on the existence of acequias in Maguana. Although it is uncertain, it is likely that similar irrigation practices existed in Puerto Rico, Cuba and possibly Jamaica, too. 

The second essay included in the volume focuses on agriculture, and regularly draws from Oviedo, Las Casas, and other ethnographic sources on societies at similar stages of development. The various uses, applications, and varieties of crops, plants, fruits, and wood utilized by the Taino cacicazgo societies exhibit a highly developed understanding of their local environments. Both essays similarly stress Moscoso's argument about the tribal-tributary stage reached by cacicazgos and the central importace of regular surpluses. Using Las Casas and other sources, one can reach possibly accurate estimates of yuca production (but not other crops cultivated by the Tainos) that suggest high population levels. Thus, Moscoso estimated that Xaragua could have had 30,000-40,000 inhabitants (assuming Behechio and the 32 caciques under his order each led aldeas with the minimum number of inhabitants suggested by Las Casas (1000 people). Similarly, Serrano, one of the old conquistadors interviewed in 1517 by the Hieronymites, reported that the grand caciques held under their control 30,000, 40,000 or 50,000 naborias. And given the role of the cacique in ordering the type of labor to be done by naborias and their role in determining the redistribution of said surplus, the dominant 'class' developed a complex ideology that justified the control of caciques and nitainos.