Wednesday, January 31, 2024

The People of Esperanza

Esperanza: An Ethnographic Study of a Peasant Community in Puerto Rico, Carlos Buitrago Ortiz's ethnographic study of the rural population of Esperanza, Puerto Rico is a detailed study of kinship and its ramifications across various facets of social life. Based on fieldwork conducted in the region during the 1960s, during a phase of great change due to emigration, the work captures a rural Puerto Rico that was already losing its "traditional" character. Nonetheless, the barrio of Esperanza's population was still predominantly poor and relied on Arecibo, San Juan or the United States for a variety of services, access to work, or representatives of church and state. Most of the residents also claimed to embody or still adhere to traditional values of Esperanza before large-scale emigration's impact. In addition, most of its population continued to value kinship and affinal ties, compadrazco relations, and defined itself based on communal values in opposition to those of the state. 

For our purposes, this ethnography does not reveal much about the indigenous inheritance of the rural population. Perhaps this is due to the specific barrio in question having substantial or conspicuous ancestry traceable to the Canary Islands. Indeed, Buitrago Ortiz himself stresses the Hispanic and Mediterranean features of rural Puerto Ricans. Like those other communities, the people of Esperanza lived in a culture in which males completely controlled the public sphere, women were to remain in the domestic sphere, and to become an adult male signified marriage with children. In other words, to become a full adult male member of the community, one must marry, (eventually) live on one's own in a separate household, and have children. Strict gender roles were commonly observed and adhered to across classes. For those unable to reach this ideal, a common-law union or consensual union was accepted as long as both parties stuck to the expected gender roles. However, the preference was on a marriage through the church. Furthermore, the male was always expected to be the provider and care for his wife and dependents, laboring on his own land or for wages to provide a house, food, and supplies for the family. 

Undoubtedly, the very Hispanic and Mediterranean aspects of Puerto Rican culture represented a sharp contrast with those of pre-Hispanic populations on the island. Nonetheless, some elements of continuity may be observable in religion, spirituality, and popular belief. It is possible that the importance of bilateral kinship ties among the people of Esperanza can also be a remnant of indigenous and African heritage. In addition, the practice of inheritance in which all children inherit equally could potentially have non-Hispanic origins or influences. Compadrazo ties created between adult males of usually equal status may be an additional example of African and indigenous legacies as well as the obvious Catholic and Hispanic heritage. 

Overall, the indigenous elements are probably best expressed in religion and spirituality. For instance, the practice of vigils organized in honor of saints after a vow to the saint for aiding one included sacred and secular phases. The vigils included secular moments with men drinking alcohol, women and children enjoying soft drinks, and the serving of coffee, cheese and crackers. Vigils lasted all night and included prayer with rosaries. The close connection with a saint for their intercession on the behalf of someone who suffered from illness, debt or an accident has obvious Catholic overtones. But one may also detect indigenous and African influences through the possible substitution of cemis with saints, the Virgin, or even Jesus Christ. The vigils could become a tradition, organized annually several years after the initial promesa or vow to the saint. In addition, wakes for vigils for the dead similarly combine sacred and secular phases. According to Buitrago Ortiz, vigils included music of the type typical of rural Puerto Rico, meaning indigenous influences were likely found. The fusion of sacred and secular in an affair open to the community brings to mind Taino areitos, with their collective or communal focus.

Besides the custom of vigils, the countryside population also engaged the services of spiritualist mediums and made promesas to the saints. Saints were represented by santos de palo, or wooden figures, and often passed down for generations. These wooden figures of the saints were associated with saints who received the promises or vows of those seeking their intercession. The curative powers of these saints made them important for healing practices. Curanderos, such as Menelao, combined the chanting of prayers while manipulating or massing limbs to cure his patients. This brings to mind the curing practices of behiques of the indigenous period, who probably also used chanting and moving of the arms and legs (in addition to stones and other practices) to cure patients. Last but certainly not least, an element of indigenous beliefs likely persisted as the rural population believed in ghosts, wandering souls, and apparitions. Certain areas at night were avoided due to the fear of ghosts, just as the indigenes of Hispaniola were afraid of walking around at night due to the opias.

While Buitrago Ortiz's ethnography is more revealing of Hispanic and Mediterranean features in the culture of Puerto Rico, one can still detect indigenous (and African) characteristics. Although not the focus of the study, and perhaps the area in question was more influenced by Canary Islanders, indigenous features in rural Puerto Rican spirituality, devotion of the saints, and the healing traditions of curanderos. Future research on this theme could possibly uncover far more indigenous "retentions" if healers like Menelao were the focus of study. Moreover, bringing the question of race into social relations could have possibly led to some interesting insights on social stratification and lineage.

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