Revisiting the Diwan

We have finally read Augustin Holl's important study of the Diwan of Kanem-Borno. Based on the French translation by Lange, Holl offers a very different type of analysis of the document. Instead of interpreting the Diwan as an abbreviated chronicle constituting a political archive that one can gleam for historical data and a clear chronology, Holl prefers to view it as an oral epic of sorts. As a work originally in Arabic but probably based on Kanuri oral literature, values, and performance, it should probably be read in light of other kingslists and oral traditions. Moreover, we here at this blog can agree wholeheartedly with Holl when he points out the the often specious reasoning or problematic assumptions made by several scholars of Kanem-Borno. Their mistakes and misinterpretations have spawned a discourse which further obscures the history of a fascinating African civilization. As Holl writes, "The Diwan deserves better than this selective use, geared to support what each scholar thinks to be the genuine pathway to statehood."

Beginning with an English translation of Lange's French rendering of the Diwan, one supposes the major value of Holl's book can be found in this initial section. For those unable to read French or the original Arabic texts, The Diwan Revisited is indispensable. The rest of the text explores the Diwan from the perspective of oral epic. Thus, Holl breaks down the analysis into rhythm, repetition, sequences and patterns of patronyms, toponyms, kinship or affinity, sense of time, and performance. Later chapters endeavor to use insights from paleoclimatology, symbolism of numbers, external Arabic sources from the medieval era, anthropology, linguistics, and archaeology to make sense of the Diwan. There are definite traces of oral history in the Diwan, even assuming it was initially written or commenced at the end of the 16th century. Moreover, as a work of oral literature or borrowing heavily from it, Holl is probably correct to see the text as work reorganized and updated according to social, ideological, and political circumstances. Indeed, the very circumstances in which Heinrich Barth was provided with two copies of it, and the violent end to the man who had the two copies produced, suggest how important kingslists and genealogies were for political legitimacy. Other kingslists, including a lost one Heinrich Barth recorded a few names from, illustrates how genealogies and Kanuri oral epics were diverse and could differ in significant ways when it came to the history of Kanem-Borno.

One can also appreciate the detailed sequential chronology of the Sayfawa dynasty in Holl's analysis. A Golden Age, Classic Period, First Intermediate Period, and New Kingdom Era actually makes some sense in terms of how the Diwan depicts the history of the Sayfawa. Other scholars have also suggested the Sayfawa state in Borno was more centralized than what had been the arrangement in Kanem, so Holl's analysis is closely following some of the previous narratives. While we are not entirely convinced of 9 descent groups (Banu Duku, Banu Hummay, Banu Salmama, Banu Kaday, Banu Idris, Banu Dawud, and sub-groups of Idrisawa, Umarawa, and Dunamawa), there clearly were cases of rival lineages in the ruling dynasty which led to competing factions and civil wars that nearly destroyed the kingdom with the eventual rise of the Bulala. Perhaps it would be simple-minded to think a single family really could have ruled in Kanem-Borno for around 1000 years, but the ancient roots of the Sayfawa seem to be clear, as indicated by Lange's analysis. Further, other lines of evidence not considered in Holl do suggest some deeper antiquity of the Sayfawa dynasty in pre-Islamic Kanem, which we explored in our post on Lange. 

Unfortunately, The Diwan Revisited suffers from excessive typos and spelling errors that occasionally obfuscate sentences or passages. The study doesn't engage with all the external medieval Arabic sources or some of the other kingslists and chronicles from the Central Sudan region. For instance, what insights might Hausa and Tuareg traditions, genealogies, and chronicles have revealed for Kanem-Borno? Recent scholarship on the Agadez Chronicles and other traditions might have strengthened Holl's theory of the Diwan as fundamentally an oral epic, or at least one heavily modified before shown to Barth. Of course, the existence of at least two works attributed to Muhammad Yanbu in the Late Sayfawa Period suggest that local scholars were writing down historical works. Perhaps Shitima Makaremma was not lying to Heinrich Barth at all, and there is good reason to view the Diwan as the primary chronicle or kingslist associated with the Sayfawa themselves?

Ugly Beauty

 

A beautiful Monk composition we have foolishly forgotten. As lovers of the jazz waltz, we had forgotten about Monk's sole piece in that genre. Charlie Rouse's always delightful, too.

The Diwan

Mai Ibrahim and courtiers as depicted in Denham, Clapperton, and Oudney's Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa, in the Years 1822, 1823, and 1824.

Although his study of the document contains many speculations built on flimsy foundations, Dierk Lange's critical translation and interpretation of the Dīwān des sultans du (Kānem- )Bornū: chronologie et histoire d'un royaume africain (de la fin du Xe siècle jusqu'à 1808) is required reading for all interested in the history of Kanem-Borno. Using both copies of the Diwan given to Heinrich Barth, Lange translated the text and used a variety of internal and external sources to corroborate the historical accuracy of it. Indeed, specific external sources with approximate or nearly precise dates can support the chronology of Kanem-Borno by looking at the relatively accurate length of reigns of various mais. Undoubtedly, Lange's chronology is probably the most accurate we possess for the history of Kanem-Borno. 

By beginning with the end of the Sayfawa dynasty in 1846, and working backwards in time, one can arrive at a generally accurate timeline for the heads of state back to the medieval era. While less precise for the time of Hummay or the previous so-called Duguwa dynasty, the rough chronology gives us an idea of who was in power in early Kanem during moments of trans-Saharan interaction with polities in Tunisia, the Fezzan, Egypt, and beyond. Lange also suggests some probable theories on the nature of the original lost "Chronicle of Borno" that was likely the basis for the Diwan and how it pushes back the origins of Kanem to the 6th or 7th century. Thus, the fictive reign lengths of hundreds of years attributed to a few early Kanem kings (Duku, Katur) really represent multiple generations of rulers (11 or 12) before Ayuma (r.987-1007), perhaps pushing the origins of Kanem back to the 500s (Lange 141).

Unfortunately, Lange confidently asserts some questionable theories about the origins of Kanem and the question of dynastic continuity throughout the history of the civilization. Despite the Diwan, Ahmad b. Furtu, Ibn Sa'id (drawing on Ibn Fatima), and Kanuri oral traditions, Lange insists on seeing the Sayfawa as newcomers not lineally descended from the Duguwa rulers of early Kanem. To Lange, the Sayfawa, beginning with Hummay, were actually Berber in origin. Drawing on al-Yaqubi, al-Idrisi, Muhammad Bello, the romance of Sayf (with its allegedly anti-black or at least racialized character) Leo Africanus, the Diwan alluding to red-skinned early mais, and some linguistic assumptions, Lange comfortably claims, "Hummay était en toute vraisemblance un Tarki (sing. du nom arab Tawarik) issu d'un milieu islamisé et même, en partie, arabisé" (111). According to Lange, Hummay's very name could be connected to the Tuareg name Hammai, while his mother and grandfather could have names of Arabic origin modified by Berber speakers (98). 

While one could could not deny the possibility of ancient Saharan contacts between Berbers and the ancestors the Kanembu and Kanuri, the Diwan clearly states Hummay's mother was a Kay (Koyam) and his father was the previous king of Kanem, Abd al-Djalil. Consequently, we here at the blog differ in our interpretation of a passage in the Halle manuscript of the Diwan (97). To us, the passage is emphasizing a distinction between the descendants of Hummay and Duku because of the former's deeper attachment to Islam. While earlier mais appear to have been Muslims (Abd al-Djalil, Hawa), perhaps it was only with Hummay and his descendants that Islam was more deeply established as an official religion of Kanem (or its ruling elite). For example, we know al-Bakri, writing in the mid-11th century, saw Kanem as a land of "pagan" Sudan. However, if the Diwan is reliable for 11th century kings, Hawa (r. 1067-1071) was already a Muslim. Hawa, if male, was the son of Arku, whose mother was a Tomaghera from Kawar, a region with a deep history of Islamic traders (including Berber merchants). Is it not likely that the ascension of Hummay may have represented a strengthening of a Muslim faction among the ruling dynasty, perhaps one more deeply attached to Islam than Hawa and Abd al-Djalil? Furthermore, the possibly Arabic names of Hummay's mother and maternal grandfather (Takrama and Ghumar) could simply reflect the transmission of Islam through Berbers (and Arabs). Based on the sources we currently have, there's simply no evidence for Hummay being Tuareg or some other sort of Berber. However, Lange could be correct that Hummay came from a background already Islamized, as indicated by the Diwan mentioning 2 previous Muslim rulers of Kanem.

As for the alleged descent from Sayf, and the allegedly anti-black character of the romance of Sayf making it unlikely for "black Africans" to claim descent from him, we are not convinced (102). Obviously, a plethora of fictitious Yemeni or Arab genealogies exist across Muslim Africa. Moreover, the rulers of Kanem were known to have adopted the Sayfian nisba by the 13th century, centuries before the romance was written down in Egypt. We simply do not know if the ruling elite of Kanem were aware of the "racial" implications the legendary Sayf was associated with, and other factors could be relevant to the clearly fictitious political myth of origins. If, on the other hand, Lange's interpretation of Hummay as a Berber whose successors claimed descent from Sayf because of the "racial" character of the legendary Sayf defeating non-Muslim "black Africans" were true, one would have to wonder why they also claimed descent from the earlier, pagan dynasty. After all, Ibn Sa'id reported that the "pagan" ancestors of Dunama Dibalemi (r.1210-1248) were based in Manan, the ancient capital of Kanem mentioned by al-Muhallabi in the late 10th century (96). This would suggest Dunama Dibalemi was a descendant of the same kings who ruled from Manan and, later on, shifted the capital to Njimi. 

The main complication to the narrative of dynastic continuity from early Kanem to 1846 is al-Umari, who wrote of the Sayfawa seizing power after al-Hadi al-Uthmani established Islam in Kanem (99). In fact, this Hadi al-Uthmani who supposedly first established Islam, is not mentioned in the Diwan and supposedly claimed descent from the 3rd Rashidun caliph. Borno traditions and mahrams remember another person who introduced Islam (Muhammad b. Mani), and a close reading of al-Umari in Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History never refers to Hadi al-Uthmani explicitly as a king. Instead, al-Umari wrote, "The first man to establish Islam there was Hadi al-Uthmani who claimed descent from Uthman b. 'Affan. It passed after him to the Yazanis, the descendants of Dhu Yazan" (Corpus 261). One wonders if the man al-Umari names as the first to establish Islam was an Islamic scholar affiliated with Hawa or Abd al-Djalil. The reference to the Yazanis or descendants of Sayf could be a reference to the Sayfawa introducing and cementing Islam throughout their domains as the primary patrons of the religion. After all, one of the sources of legitimacy of the dynasty was their support for Islam, Muslim scholars, and the faith. Hence, an alternative reading of al-Umari suggests the Sayfawa (or, really, the Duguwa but more explicitly Islamized) became the dominant patrons of the religion. 

Another sign of likely dynastic continuity from the Duguwa to the Sayfawa can be found in pre-Islamic forms of political legitimacy that continued throughout the history of Kanem-Borno. If the Sayfawa who took power in the late 11th century were Berbers from a family Islamized for quite some time, how does one explain their preservation of older, non-Muslim customs and traditions? Intermarriage with previous ruling elite? We find it more likely that they were indeed the same dynasty and they never completely dropped non-Muslim traditions of kingship. Thus, the belief in the power of the ruler to influence health and agriculture, the veneration and isolation of the mai, and widespread acceptance of the myth that the king doesn't require food, for instance, continued long after the medieval era. For example, Kanuri informants of Descourtilz in Saint-Domingue reported that the king of Borno never leaves his palace and any subject who dares to stare at him is punished by death (Descourtilz 146). Ibn Battuta in the 14th century, like al-Umari, described Borno's ruler as never appearing before the people and never addressing them unless from behind a curtain (although al-Umari mentioned 2 festivals in which the king did appear). 

In addition, W.G. Browne, who traveled to Darfur in the 1790s, mentioned a rainy season ritual in which the king of Borno, like the sultan of Darfur, was expected to dig holes into the ground with his hands, suggesting kingship in pre-Islamic Kanem was believed to have an effect on the harvest (probably explaining why al-Muhallabi thought the subjects of Kanem's "pagan" kings believed their mai provided food and health). This suggests a degree of continuity in kingship rituals, practices, and style from the time of al-Muhallabi (late 900s) to the late 18th century. In short, the mai was, usually, distant from his subjects, associated with extreme power, and believed to have some influence on agriculture (supernatural power associated with kingship in deep antiquity?) and these characteristics remained relevant long after mai Hummay ascended to the throne. If Hummay really was of external origin and/or Berber, he and his descendants must have quickly assimilated into the local ruling class and what became the Magumi (royal clan, magumi meaning free-born, according to Koelle). 

While more could be said on the questionable conclusions and guesswork of Lange with regards to Leo Africanus and Muhammad Bello on the origins of the Sayfawa dynasty, or even the speculative association of the Duguwa dynasty with blacksmiths, our hope is not to focus solely on the negative. The Diwan received a much better translation here than in Palmer's Bornu Sahara and Sudan. Fortunately, Lange is more careful and measured in his conclusions as well as providing a more accurate chronology than that of Urvoy or Palmer. For a superior translation with a plethora of useful comments and references, this French study of the Diwan is important for helping us to establish the basic timeline of an African civilization and how it developed over time. Though we are skeptical of the idea of two separate dynasties, this is essential reading for the history of Kanem-Borno. 

Ali Eisami of Borno

For our long-term project on the history of Kanem-Borno, we assigned ourselves Koelle's  African Native Literature, or Proverbs, Tales, Fables, & Historical Fragments in the Kanuri or Bornu language. Written in Sierra Leone with the aid of Borno native Ali Eisami, the work consists of several fables, stories, historical narratives, and a glossary of Kanuri words. Eisami, the son of an Islamic scholar, was from a town or village near the old capital, Birni Gazargamo. He received at least a Quranic schooling, and experienced the upheaval of the fall of Gazargamo to the Fulani jihadist forces in 1808. By 1810s, he was captured by a group of Fulani, sold into slavery, and was relatively well-treated by a Yoruba master before Spaniards purchased him for the horrific trans-Atlantic Slave Trade. Fortunately for him, a British ship used to suppress the slave trade intercepted the Spanish vessel and shipped the recaptives to Sierra Leone,. 

Although Eisami had arrived in Sierra Leone in 1818 and was thus away from Borno for over 30 years by the time Koelle's book was published in 1854, Eisami's dictated stories are an invaluable source for anyone interested in oral traditions and the history of the region and what we are calling the "Late Sayfawa Period." And while the presence of other Kanuris in Sierra Leone after 1818 provided updated information on events in Borno after Eisami's capture, it is clear that the major value of his experience is the plethora of oral traditions or folktales and his perspective on the early impact of the Fulani jihadist attacks which ushered in several political, economic, and social changes across the region before he became "lost" in captivity. 

Thus, the various short stories, fables, and historical fragments of the text shed light on a Borno that was lost with the fading Sayfawa dynasty and the declining political and economic fortunes of Borno across the turbulent 19th century. In a sense, Ali Eisami is an important final witness to to Borno as a civilization prior to the rise of al-Kanemi. His short stories and fables, which often reflect misogynistic views, also surprise. Some of the proverbs explicitly recognize slaves as untrustworthy. One tale, of a Muslim scholar and his heathen friend, exemplifies the ways in which oral traditions might reflect general social attitudes about religion and social obligation, challenging Islamic holymen on their character and not their adherence to tenets of the faith. His first tale, on the friendship between a rich man and a poor man, seems to reflect the importance of patron-client relations between superiors and inferiors, which could lead to long-lasting and surprising obligations. 

Eisami's tales and historical narratives likewise shed light on family and marriage relations, diet, the relationship between Islamic scholars and elites, and crises that struck Borno on the eve of the 1808 jihadist attack. For instance, we learn of Mai Ahmad's struggles with the vassal state or town of "Deia" which illustrates what might have been the incompetence of some kaygamas in the late 1700s and early 1800s. Or, to take another case, a famine and pestilence which struck Borno before 1808 and must have surely contributed to the weakness of Ahmad to defeat the invasion. Mai Ahmad, perhaps too old himself to have led the Twelve Regiments in person, abdicated and gave the crown to his son, Dunoma. However, according to Eisami, Dunoma was only able to retake Gazargamo thanks to the prayers, ability and "charm-water" of Sheikh al-Kanemi, the Kanembu mallam who would eventually seize effective political power in Borno. Much of this was witnessed by Eisami, or at least he was close enough to have heard the details before he left Borno. Unfortunately, his sources of information on events after his capture are sometimes conflicting, and in some cases, incorrect (the final end of the Sayfawa, for instance).

We shall revisit Eisami later on in a long-term project at the blog. We hope to explore in detail the oral traditions, proverbs, and stories he shared with Koelle. A related project is a comparative approach to Eisami, Nicholas Said, and James Albert Ukawsaw Gronniosaw as authors of slave narratives written by men from Borno. To what extent were all three authors modified or misunderstood by their interlocutors or, in the case of Said, publisher? How did they come to represent Borno and Islam? To what extent were racialization and Western racial concepts shaping their narratives? These and other questions will be addressed in our future project. 

Dimensions et limites de Jacques Roumain

Hénock Trouillot's critical study of Jacques Roumain is a fascinating analysis of the illustrious Haitian writer. Despite Trouillot's noirist sympathies, which can be detected through his persistent admiration and praise for the Griots (Duvalier, Denis, Jacob, etc.), Dimensions et limites de Jacques Roumain is a mostly fair overview of the various writings of Roumain from his youthful anti-Occupation journalism to the mature talent of his final novel. Undoubtedly, Trouillot recognized the talent and ability of Roumain and his universalist outlook. However, Roumain's abilities as a novelist, poet, and ethnologue developed over time, and remained, in some aspects, embryonic or detached from what was actually happening on the ground in Haiti during the 1930s and 1940s. With the exception of the influence of Fernand Hibbert and Frederic Marcelin on Roumain's nouvelles, and Price-Mars writing the preface to his first roman, he seems to owe far more to his European education than Haiti. 

Of course, some of Roumain's detachment was due to exile and perhaps his education in Europe, so one can see why Roumain was removed from the "Ethnological School" of Price-Mars, Denis, Duvalier, and others. Trouillot's sympathy for the Griots and explicitly indigenist Haitian authors makes him torn on the question of Roumain's adherence to indigenist and negritude literature. Roumain was too universal, and did not pursue with the requisite depth history, ethnology, and the specifically Haitian context of the racial question. And one can make the case Trouillot was correct in clearly delineating two distinct schools, one of Roumain and that of Price-Mars and the Griots in Haitian ethnology and indigénisme. 

In spite of Roumain's shortcomings, and his early death depriving us of his future endeavors in literature, ethnology or Marxism, his legacy seems the most commemorated or celebrated today. With the exception of Price-Mars, the Griots became associated with the Duvalier regime and have, at best, a checkered legacy. They have may laid the foundations for the Bureau d'Ethnologie with more careful studies and historically-grounded research than Roumain, but Roumain, the Marxist universalist who rejected Vodou, authored the timeless novel of Haiti that artfully combined his descriptive ethnographic work and "symbolic realism" with his political vision of sacrifice for the collective. Thus, even though we tend to agree with Trouillot on the weakness of Roumain as a poet, particularly in the early years, and the sometimes superficial nature of his political and ethnographic works, there is undeniably something timeless in his universalist outlook and gradual development as a novelist.

Rulers of Kanem-Borno

While not the most accurate overview of the rulers of Kanem-Borno, this Youtube video is a good start. We have come across slightly different chronologies and histories of the Sayfawa dynasty, but this is a useful introduction to the complex history of one of Africa's longest-lasting dynasties.