A Trip to Robben Island

The tip to Robben Island on the 6th of April occurred just as the Cape Town Jazz festival was going on at the V&A Waterfront. It was my first time really seeing the Waterfront, and, although I am unlikely to return, it was not a horrible place to be. Anyway, after buying ginger beer (think root beer but with a strong, ginger-flavoured taste) and a smoothie at the Waterfront, we took the ferry from Nelson Mandela Gateway with scores of tourists. During the ride to Robben Island (which means Seal Island in Dutch and is about 11 or 12 km always from Cape Town), TV screens above our seats played short videoclips about the history of imprisonment at Robben Island dating back to the colonial period as well as short advertisements.

Upon arrival at Robben Island, we saw folks from the other house, waiting for the ferry to take them back to Cape Town. Then we walked toward the tour buses (they were all full by the time we sat down in the back of ours) and proceeded on our way, with a woman as our guide, telling us about the flora, fauna, buildings, and general history, such as that of the Sobukwe House (where Robert Sobukwe was incarcerated, one of the organizers of the Sharpeville anti-pass demonstration that resulted in dozens of deaths under apartheid rule as innocent, unarmed marchers were fired upon), the Pan-Africanist Congress, the old Irish village (Irish workers were brought there in the 19th century under British rule), the quarry where prisoners were forced to work endlessly and the cave nearby where political prisoners taught each other literacy and other skills, the “university” for many of South Africa’s liberators, an old Anglican church, the site of the former leper colony where those suffering from the disease were sent by the Cape Colony’s government, the Kramat, a beautiful Islamic shrine with a dome, naturally, built for a Southeast Asian dissident and holy man imprisoned on Robben Island under the VOC-government’s rule, and, eventually, to the maximum-security prison that housed political prisoners under apartheid rule. The bus-tour part was not the best since the tour guide’s voice was a little annoying and hard to follow at times. We were surprised to see that the dog kennels were larger than the cells in one prison (I think it was the medium-security one)!

As for the second half of the tour, we were taken through and around the maximum security prison while a former political prisoner (a man who was imprisoned there in 1978 with a group of four or five other anti-apartheid activists from Port Elizabeth or East London) explained basic facts about the function of apartheid, apartheid practices within the prison (differing allocations of food for meals of political prisoners based on Coloured or Black categorization), and showing us around the courtyards, sleeping rooms, cells, and former cell of Nelson Mandela! Alas, I don’t have a camera but Melly and Alexander have pictures of us there! We also took a photo at a café on the island for the tourists, where I made the mistake of purchasing disgusting coffee.

Unfortunately, the tour ended too soon (we did not get time to walk around the island, to explore the Kramat structure, or even really take it all in, and I did not ask our former political prisoner-now guide too much). To our collective detriment, the tour guide at this point was difficult to follow at times, and he did not fully explain what his group was imprisoned for or other essential details about his personal life. That struck me as odd, since another guide at the maximum-security prison we overheard while in the courtyard was speaking very clearly, loudly, and quoting from a speech by Mandela. If only our guide had that spirit…oh well, he survived incarceration on Robben Island and the horrors and humiliation of apartheid, he earned the right to relax and keep his own privacy.

Without anytime to really explore, we found ourselves rushed back to the dock to board the ferry. There were more waves so it was a turbulent return voyage, and a whale was sighted, both contributing to an expected tourist shrieks, shouts, and wails, which, to me at least, seemed disrespectful to the legacy of the ingenuity of the human mind to torture its fellow humans and the spirit of freedom that culminated in the freeing of Mandela, other political prisoners and, finally, all prisoners from Robben Island in the 1990s. There were beautiful, inspirational video clips and photographs at the Robben Island Museum that also helped contribute to the optimistic outlook for South Africa and humanity after Mandela was freed.

Overall, it was a beautiful day despite a dark, rainy beginning, ended well with mediocre Italian dinner from a Waterfront restaurant. As mentioned previously, some of the behaviour of the tourists seemed odd and disrespectful, including a group of what appeared to be South Africans from Durban or Johannesburg, in the delight of beign able to travel and take excessive photographs. But then again, who am I to judge them, South Africans probably only recently able to travel, from enjoying themselves and the island that symbolized their past oppression? My goal is to, one day, return to Robben Island when there are fewer tourists and to try to spend at least 3 or 4 hours there, seeing the Kramat and appreciating the beauty and horror of the prison.

Musique d'Haiti

I am currently working on a Haitian music playlist. I am looking for suggestions, so please, send some recommendations my way! Check it! Bel mizik!

The Agronomist

I recently re-watched The Agronomist, a documentary on the life of a radio journalist from an elite Haitian background whose radio station criticized government abuses and oppression of the Haitian people. I first saw the powerful film at a Catholic church, predominantly white, where they were trying to increase knowledge of Haiti to their congregation because the church's sister parish was in Haiti. Dominique was also the first film director of a Haitian film about Haitians, so his importance as a pioneer in Haitian cinema cannot be overlooked, either. The only problem with the documentary is that Wyclef Jean is part of it, and it's hard to take him seriously about Haiti after this great piece in The New York Times demonstrated how his charities in Haiti were mismanaging funds, corrupt, and never finished construction projects. Jean even had his charity pay him a hefty sum for a benefit performance. Such a person who would take advantage of his own people for profit, even though he's already relatively successful, deserves no respect. But I digress. Perhaps my main reason for appreciating the film is the power of the medium of radio. My great-aunt, God bless her soul, always listened to the radio and told me tales of how central radio was for Haitians as a source of news, entertainment, and commentary. She even told me about hearing of the assassination of Martin Luther King on Haitian radio, and I am sure witnessed many other great moments. Consequently, the significance of a critical, free radio in Haiti, exemplified by Dominique and his wife's radio station and commentary, illustrates his important role in fomenting resistance and an informed Haitan public. Indeed, upon Dominique's return to Haiti, he's greeted by large crowds of supporters at the airport, following him on foot from the airport to the station, one of the documentary's most moving scenes.

Another reason I appreciated this documentary is for illuminating the negative role of the US via military occupation, in supporting the Duvaliers and the transitional military government against the democratically-elected president, often through the CIA. Of course, the documentary is from an era where Aristide was rightly associated with the interests of the poor majority, but looking back in 2013, Aristide would seem to turn out much like his predecessors. Nevertheless, the film is an emotional tour de force on the role of a free press for maintaining an informed public and holding the government accountable. Historical precedents from Haitian history date back to the 1820s, when Boyer had Felix Darfour murdered for criticizing his colorist and oppressive rule in the newspapers and sending a petition to the government. And this was when the overwhelming majority of the Haitian populace could not read newspapers or petitions, not like radios which democratized the dissemination of knowledge more so than the written word. In fact, one could see another parallel in Cedras and Boyer as brutal, mulatto heads of state, too. Moreover, Dominique established ties to peasant associations, which I believe to be the best way to support Haiti's rural poor: assist cooperatives, unions, and other associations in their struggles against the predatory Haitian state and the interests of sweatshop-pushers from the US brands. One could also see the importance of having a non-corporate media, too, since most American newspapers and tv news are now owned and controlled by a handful of people with corporate interests that will, inevitably, intersect in their coverage and perspective on the news.

Let's all pray for a free press as internet news and alternatives to corporate media continue to grow.

Why I Love Detective Conan/Case Closed

I've loved Detective Conan (Case Closed in the US) since middle school. Though I am not a huge anime/manga freak like some folks are, I appreciate a good detective story and some anime, such as Cowboy Bebop and Samurai Champloo. I first discovered the poorly dubbed anime on television, but quickly learned to prefer the manga. The anime was also weakened by the attempts to take the show out of its Japanese context, even going as far as giving every character English or non-Japanese names and taking the story out of its Tokyo setting, which is actually central to the world crafted by Gosho Aoyama, the creator of the manga. Recently, I began re-watching and reading the anime and manga, but am a little turned off by how the episodes seem to go on beyond 600! As in, you know, 600 episodes of a TV show. I could never watch it in its entirety, but I plan on watching select episodes of the series with subtitles to avoid the horrible English dubbing. If only the series were shorter...and they got rid of the Junior Detective League-heavy cases where young Conan Edogawa has to collaborate with children who befriend him. Anywho, here are some of my reasons for loving this series:

1. Reading the manga is an intertextual experience. Many of the characters have named that are tributes to writers and detectives of mystery fiction, such as Sir. Arthur Conan Doyle, a cafe called Poirot, and even an American FBI agent named for the agent in The Silence of the Lambs. In addition, at the end of each book, Gosho Aoyama has little snippets on favorite detectives of his, including Sherlock Holmes, Poirot, Father Brown, Hannibal, and many others. As a youth getting more and more into detective fiction, the manga helped out with numerous recommendations.

2. Though cheesy and a little unbelievable for so long (Jimmy Kudo, high school detective wiz, is turned into a child by a little substance and lives with Rachel, and they 'like' each other so the element of teen romance appears often), because Conan/Jimmy solves most cases by hitting Rachel's father over the head (or sometimes Rachel's friend Serena) with a gadget made by Dr. Agasa, then uses his bowtie voice simulator to speak in the voice of older folks so as to make his deductions believable. Also, there is at least one moment where Rachel figures out that Conan is Jimmy Kudo, her high school not-quite boyfriend, but she is somehow persuaded by Jimmy's mother that he isn't Kudo. The campiness and lack of realism in the series is probably part of the appeal, and allows the series to go on for so long. Indeed, from what I've read, the series is widely popular in Japan, and the quirkiness, humor, and cultural references are permeated with Toyko and Japanese references that can be hard to follow as a non-Japanese reader, yet still humorous. For instance, Richard, Rachel's (Ran) father, is an alcoholic slob after any cute face and his arrogance is hilarious! The comedic elements of the series really make it more bearable, and the typical high school romance theme between Rachel and Jimmy (Shinichi in the Japanese original)

3. The actual mysteries are often difficult to crack. Some of them are a little over the top or too bizarre to ever discover on your own, but the thrill of correctly identifying the murderer is an endless thrill. Indeed, the developing plot where Anita's character is introduced and we gradually learn more about the Men in Black from a Syndicate which had used the drug that turned Jimmy into a child becomes more and more engaging, although, again, drawn out way too long. I am still unsure of what exactly happens, but more characters are introduced, and the possibility of Rachel's father and mother getting together again becomes another lingering pairing with comedic effect.

4. Oh, did I mention how in the one time I saw a black person in the manga, he wasn't a caricature? In one of the cases, Kudo and Rachel are in New York City for a Broadway show with Kudo's actress mother, and, well, naturally murder occurs during the show. One of the police investigators is a black man, depicted with dark skin and glasses and none of that Mr. Popo Japanese anti-black racism stuff. Similarly, in one of the earlier cases in the series, a half-Brazilian, half-Japanese character appears and he is quite dark-skinned but lacking any of those caricature-like depictions of black people that proliferate in Japanese popular culture. I applaud such practices on the part of the manga-ka, Gosho Aoyoama, since seeing Mr. Popo-like blackface caricatures in Japanese anime and manga helped turn me away from most of it.

So, overall, I love Detective Conan because it's humorous, interesting, engaging, entertaining, is educational for non-Japanese readers (with references to Japanese culture, history, mythology, Tokyo, Osaka, etc.) and the campiness of the series gives in some charm. Though excessively long, the series achieves its main goal in entertaining readers or watchers. Perhaps I'll watch some of the movies, too, since it's been too long since that. In addition, my love for this series is the origin of my email address.

Caliban: Beast or Human?

Howdy, y'all! Check out the donations link to my PayPal if you care for more informative posts about various subjects. What follows is another high school-era essay on Shakespeare's The Tempest.

An often-debated question regarding Shakespeare’s The Tempest is the humanity of Prospero’s slave, Caliban. Though one can see why people question his humanity, Caliban is human. His ability to learn, feel emotions, his racial identity, and Adamic characteristics make him indubitably human, even though it may be doubtful to others. He is capaable of learning language and the liberal arts, something only rational beings can accomplish. He feels deep emotions such as love and hatred, emotions animals cannot sense as well. His race is distinct from Europeans, something clear immediately in the play. In addition, like Adam, his desire to procreate is another human trait instinctive to humans and animals as well.

An undeniable human trait is reason. Humans are sentient beings capable of reason and learning. Unlike animals, humans are conscious and can learn. Caliban displays this is several ways. His eloquent language, perhaps the most articulate in the entire play, which is a result of Prospero and Miranda, shows he can speak European languages. Unusual for a lower class character, Caliban speaks in verse (Shakespeare 1.1..395-411). Obviously, an aniaml cannot speak. An interesting correlation between the European belief that non-Europeans are like dumb, savage beasts that roam the earth, and theories regarding African languages is important for Caliban. For example, Herodotus, who wrote over 2000 years ago about certain African peoples, claimed that their speech resembles that of bats. Another European, John Lok, who had traveled in West Africa, said their languages “have no speech, but rather a grinning and chattering.” Herodotus also believed that there were headless men with their faces in their breasts in Libya, which is what the ancient geographers sometimes referred to the entire continent as. This may have influenced the appearance of Caliban, whose numerous physical deformities cause others to ask themselves if he is “a man or a fish” (2.2.25). These centuries-old beliefs aided in promulgating falsehoods. If Caliban speaks eloquently, however, he is just as human as Prospero or Miranda, who taught him to speak when he “wouldst gabble like/A thing most brutish (1.2.428-429).

In addition to language, Caliban also learns the liberal arts, which includes subjects such as geometry and astronomy. If Caliban can learn what Prospero can, he is Prospero’s equal intellectually. Like all humans, his mind is what empiricist philosophers call “tabula rasa.” Caliban gains his knowledge through his experience with Prospero, which places him on the same plane as Prospero. He is also cognizant of the power of Prospero’s books, saying that Stephano must first burn them because they are the source of Prospero’s power. As one may assume, Prospero is aware of Caliban’s humanity because he taught Caliban himself. Therefore, he must remain more educated than him to ensure his superiority. This provides the explanation of the marked language used to describe Caliban, who is the son of a “dam” (1.2.384), a term usually reserved for animals. Unfortunately, Prospero uses abusive language to dehumanize Caliban, who eventually refers to his own mother as a dam.

Furthermore, Caliban shows emotions. His emotions include anger, joy, and love, giving him diverse human emotions unseen in animals. For instance, when he tells of his first experiences with Prospero, who taught him to name the Sun and moon, his love for Prospero turns to hatred soon after the attempted rape of Miranda. Then one can detect anger when he tells Prospero, “Would’t been done” (1.2.419). By not showing any remorse, the reader immediately knows Caliban can be spiteful and vengeful. He is also generous because he shares the abundance of the island willingly before he endeavored to violate Miranda. He did not know Prospero and Miranda but showed them the fresh springs, brine pits, and barren and fertile areas of the isle. Moreover, because he loses the island out of generosity, his virtue is superior to that of Prospero, despite the attempted rape. That endeavor, on the other hand, is probably a result of ignorance of European customs and women. He admits never seeing a woman, “But only Sycrorax my dam” (3.2.110). That is why there is no surprise Caliban nearly assaulted her.

Race also influences the entire play. From the disparaging cmments on Caliban, he is clearly of another race. Trinculo who describes him as a fish to Stephano who simply calls him the monster, or Miranda, who refers to his vile race, he is vastly different from Europeans. The obvious conclusion is he is African, or to be specific, Algerian. His mother, Sycorax, the witch, was banished fro Algiers and gave birth to Caliban on the island. Although she does not appear in the story, she figures prominently in the play. After she dies, Prospero arrives and frees Ariel, who was her prisoner, thus making Ariel his slave. The race of Sycorax and her son is significant because of several Renaissance theories on Africans. Blackness, for example, was often equated with moral depravity and lust, perhaps explaining why Prospero calls Caliban a “thing of darkness” (5.1.330). Caliban’s position as an African slave is also significant because by the 1560s, Hawkins’ slave raids were proving themselves profitable for the British and other Europeans, strengthening race-based slavery. In order to justify slavery, myths such as the curse on Ham’s descendants became necessary. Servitude to the other sons of Noah was the result, but Africans were still considered human because they were recognized as having a common ancestor with Europeans. In fact, Caliban and Ham were both enslaved for crimes of a sexual nature. Therefore, Caliban must also be human because Africans were accepted as sons of Ham, thus brothers of Europeans. Islamophobia is also present through Sycorax and Caliban. During the Renaissance, the burgeoning Ottoman Empire was a great threat to Christian Europe, and English Islamophobia would be present throughout Shakespeare’s lifetime. Perhaps he vented his fear of Islamic expansionism through the dehumanization of Caliban and vilification of Sycorax, both coming from the Muslim world (Algiers).

Besides, Caliban also exhibits certain Adamic qualities. Like Adam, Caliban developed in isolation and named the life surrounding him. Both men also have a desire for a mate. In the case of both men, loneliness is the signficant factor. Both are alone with creation and feel the need for a companion, something instinctive for creatures and humans. As Adam, however, Caliban represents man in his primordial state, so both are unquestionably human. Shakespeare’s similitaries between the two characters resemble the noble savage, a human unencumbered by civilization, but still human. In truth, Europeans praised noble savages because they represented man in the Golden Age, before the fall.

In summation, Caliban is fully human. His ability to leanr language or speaking in verse is indicative of his humanity. Learning the liberal arts also places him on an equal plane with Prospero, his master. If master and slave can gain knowledge of the same matter, are they not equal beings? Obviously, both Prospero and Caliban are human. Furthermore, Caliban is capable of emotions unreachable to beasts, such as the love he felt toward Prospero for teaching him. This love, however, quickly turned to hatred and insubordination, sentiments beyond the capabilities of creatures. Caliban’s race, most likely African, also proves his humanity. All Europeans considered Africans humans, even if they believed Africans were inferior beings. Finally, yet importantly, Caliban’s Adamic attributes suggest a close connection with the noble savage, who was still human, but unfettered by civilization.

Works Cited

Lupton, Julia R. “Creature Caliban.” Shakespeare Quarterly 51 (2000): 1-23.

Mallin, Eric S. “Shakespeare, Race, and Colonoialism.” Shakespeare Quarterly 55 (2004): 352-355. 

Shakespeare, William. The Tempest. New York: Pocket Books, 1994.

Smith, Ian. “When We Were Capital, or Lessons in Language: Finding Caliban’s Roots.” Shakespeare Studies 28 (2000): 252-256. 

The Goverment of Ender's Game (Old High School Essay)

I wrote the following essay way back in my high school days. Looking back, it's shocking how horrible my writing was, yet I received an A for this work. Also, I went to one of the supposedly 'best' high schools in my region of the state...read below and let me know what you think? I am still struggling to improve my writing, but practice makes perfect!

The political scene in Orson Scott Card’s Ender’s Game is reminiscent of the Cold War. The presence of the Warsaw Pact or the Russian empire and their conflict with America is ever-present throughout the story. Both sides were only able to come together against the threat of a bugger invasion, which is evident because they go to war after defeating the buggers. However, in order to defeat the buggers, the government seizes far too much power over the people.

First, there are population limits. A family can only have two children unless asking permission to have a third child. Obviously, overpopulation is probably a problem in their world but the government’s population restrictions are oppressive. Some parents wish to have more children but must ask the government first, which indicates the reach of the government’s interference in the personal lives of the citizenry. Furthermore, thirds are despised and face adversity for being a third child. In order to ensure that couples only have two children, the government provided free education for the first two children but taxes for later children increases. Then people such as Stilson and his minions continually harass Ender by calling him a third until he unknowingly murders him.

Second, the suppresion of religion is widespread on Earth. Even Americans must practice their faith surreptitiously. Ender’s father comes from a family of Polish Catholics and is the seventh of nine children, which he considers “criminal” (Card 22). His father was forced to invoke the Noncomplying Families Act to separate himself from his family, change his name and renounce Catholicism. In fact, “Poland is under international sanction because of it” (22). However, Ender’s father names him, Peter, and Valentine after saints and baptizes them. Ender’s mother is from a Utah family but never mentions it for fear of the Mormon connection. She, like her husband, has not entirely abandoned her faith. She objected to the baptisms because she did not want her children baptized as Catholics. Another example of repressed reliion is Ender’s friend, Alai. Alai is a Muslim who never reveals it until they part ways, saying, “Salaam” (170).

In addition, the government monitors the children to detect talent and send them to Battle School. The monitor allows them to observe their thoughts, something considered unconstitutional in America. This allows them to monitor adults such as Ender’s parents who still cling to their faith (23). As a result, the American government is capable of detecting noncomformists and rebels with this technology and responding in an authoritarian manner. This is remarkably similar to J. Edgar Hoover’s COINTELPRO, or counter intelligence program, which monitored organizations such as the Southern Christian Leadership Conference or the Black Panthers. Some of their methods were sending false messages using the names of leaders such as Elridge Cleaver and using the police for illegal arrests.

In spite of the spying, suppression of religion, and population restrictions, the mass deception of the people is perhaps the greatest crime. The populace is misinformed, similar to how the American people were misled during the early years of Bush’s War on Terror. Through propaganda and the atrocity that occurred on September 11, Americans were easily swayed by the Bush administration into supporting the war. The bugger wars are comparable to the War on Terror and the Vietnam War because during the Cold War the federal government has over-exaggerated the threat of communism and terrorism. Similarly, the buggers and humans seem to engage in war because they cannot communicate with each other. The buggers communicate via telepathy so it is reasonable that they have attempted to end the war with Earth but humans cannot receive the message. Therefore, humans believed that extinction of either themselves or the buggers was inevitable so they decided to launch the Third Invasion. However, this is not what the International Fleet tells the people. Moreover, Mazer Rackham lies to Ender in order to make him commit genocide at the Command School.

Additionally, the government purloins the innocence of youth. Instead of being a normal child with responsibilities such as school and chores in the house, Ender is forced into battles of self-defense that result in the death of Stilson and Bonzo. The government does not reveal this to him. The games at Battle School are meant to prepare him and the other students for war. Their classses are not important because they are not being educated. Another example is Bean, who struggles with mathematics but is not helped. These students, if one can accurately call them that, are trained to be self-reliant and independent. Hence, the government isolates Ender so he does not rely on adults for anything, which is the opposite of what normal children do. Although Graff is aware of the animosity between Ender and Bonzo, he does nothing to prevent the fight that could have saved Bonzo’s life, indicating the depths of hell he is willing to descend.

In conclusion, the governments of Earth are repressive and dictatorial in order to vanquish the buggers. Through this process, the I.F., Russians, and Americans deliberately deny the people their rights. Population restrictions are imposed and religion is censored by the state. This police state also monitors the children, and uses espionage and propaganda to control the intentionally misled masses. Youths are taught to despise the buggers and are robbed of their childhood. This police state is indisputable proof that freedom truly is a road seldom traveled by the multitude.

African-American Settlers in Boyer's Haiti

Estimated destinations for African-American settlers in Hispaniola under Boyer's rule, 1818-1843. This is based on low estimates of a total of 6,000 free African Americans rather than the high estimate of perhaps 13,000. Many if not most of these African-Americans returned to the US due to cultural differences, religious differences, and a lack of interest in agriculture (or lack of support). Map taken from here.

I recently re-read Sara C. Fanning's thought-provoking "The Roots of Early Black Nationalism: Northern African Americans' Invocations of Haiti in the Early Nineteenth Century," which can be found here. Fanning also wrote a fascinating thesis that goes into great detail on interests of Haitians and African-Americans in supporting the emigration plan, particularly regarding Boyer's government's interest in US recognition as well as other economic and social factors that pushes as many as 13,000 African-Americans to settle in Haiti. I shall return to her thesis for a future post on the fate and experiences of African-Americans who did immigrate to Haiti during Boyer's presidency. Anywho, here are some interesting facts one can 'gleam' through  Fanning's article. 

1. One of the many reasons free African-Americans were interested in Haiti and emigration was due to increasing persecution and racism across the United States. States considered legislation that placed additional limits on the movement of free black people. Voting laws were established in places like New York City that disenfranchised the mjaoiry of the free black population. Southern states such as South Carolina passed laws that prevented black sailors from staying in Charleston, decreeing that they must stay overnight in the city's jails at their own expense. Since maritime labor was a large source of employment for free black males living along the eastern coast and major cities of the United States, laws such as this, with obvious discriminatory intent and impact, became another push factor for African-Americans to leave the United States.

2. Another reason African-Americans would have felt an interest in Haiti is the lack of interest and connection to Africa. The American Colonization Society, which included free blacks, white slaveholders and abolitionists, sought to convince free blacks to emigrate so as to rid the US of them, thereby removing a potential influence on other slave population. Haiti, unlike the largely unknown African ancestral homeland, possessed a republican ideology of government, presented itself as a defender of the African race, and its military success against France and other European powers in the Haitian Revolution inspired African-American resistance as well as fueling nascent black nationalism. The notion of a strong, independent black state in the Caribbean with a republican government, progress covered in American newspapers, and a militaristic, black masculinity embedded in Haitian political culture, must have appealed to free black men in the US who were victims of white attacks and racist laws. Indeed, the tale of the Haitian Revolution has a long history of praise and emulation in the US, where African-Americans, slave and free, were proud to be Haitian.

3. The free black Masonic lodges across the US were another source of Haitian interest. Like the Masonic lodges in Haiti itself, a zone of male privilege and politics, Masonic lodges for free blacks provided insurance for the community and social spaces where black men could come together on their own terms. Fanning highlights Prince Hall's A Charge to African Masons, which illustrates solidarity and African diasporic bonds with the people of Haiti. It would be interesting as a field of inquiry in itself to examine how Freemasonry in Haiti and African-American Freemasonry intersected. Indeed, the first New York African Mason Lodge opened under the name Boyer Lodge, after Jean-Pierre Boyer of Haiti. 

4. The policy of Haitian states pushing for African-American immigrants goes all the way back to Dessalines. Dessalines offered American ship captains forty dollars per immigrant. Such a policy is understandable given a desire to repopulate the island after perhaps a quarter or more died in the Haitian Revolution. Petion and Christophe also saw African-Americans as a potential source of manpower, repopulation, special skills, and manning naval ships. Paul Cuffee, Jr., also traveled to Haiti in 1812 to participate in the Haitian market, another instance of prominent free blacks engaging in trade as well as serving upon Haitian ships. 

5. Christophe had Prince Saunders, a prominent free black educator and son-in-law for a while to Paul Cuffee, actively working to bring African-Americans to Christophe's kingdom. Petion, on the other hand, tried to entire African-American immigrants through his constitution, which granted citizenship to any descendant of Africans or Indians after residing for one year. Under Boyer, the Haitian state made the most progress in attracting African-Americans, through Haytian Emigration Societies and propaganda in the person of Jonathas Granville, speaking to black audiences while promising land, agricultural tools, wages, freedom of religion, and paying for the passage of emigrants. As many as 13,000 African-Americans would come to Haiti in the 1820s due to Boyer's government's propaganda and the high place of Haiti in free black communities' thoughts. In fact, several prominent African-Americans supported the plan, such as Richard Allen, Peter Williams, and James Forten. Prince Saunders would stay in Haiti and serve under Boyer, too. Allen's son migrated to Haiti for a while, but returned when economic conditions were less favorable for the manufacturing industry. 

Boyer's acceptance of an absurd debt to pay France for recognition, the enactment of the Code Rural, high prices of food, cultural differences, lack of government support and land distribution as well as the collapse of coffee exports in the 1820s led to many African-Americans deciding to return home. In addition, Fanning's thesis claims that perhaps as many as 4000 African-Americans concentrated in and around Port-au-Prince rather than being more evenly distributed throughout the island. Such an overconcentration given the lack of appropriate resources and government aid, as well as anger directed at Americans for a smallpox epidemic, would have made things tense for African-Americans. If only Boyer had renegotiated the treaty with France, supported education, established a shipyard in Samana (where the only recognizable community of African-American descendants survives, in today's Dominican Republic), and given more support for immigrants' control of their own mobility, then perhaps many if not most of these African-Americans with needed skills would have stayed. They could have manned Haiti's naval ships, helped establish some manufacturing and textile industries, brought Haiti into closer ties through trade with free blacks in the United States, and, presuming Boyer also did not cut off trade with neighboring Caribbean islands, aided Haitian economic expansion and trade in the Caribbean and beyond. Oh well, what I want to know at this point is the influence of African-Americans from the 1820s who stayed in Haiti and lived through Boyer's wrong-headed rule. 

Planet of the Apes: Good or Bad Science Fiction?

An old essay from my high school days. What I find shocking is that I got an A or B on this crap. And I supposedly attended one of the best high schools in my state! Tell me what you think...

Pierre Boulle’s Planet of the Apes is one of the most readily recognized works of science fiction. The idea of a society where apes are sentient beings and humans are incapable of rational thought is an intriguing subject with many implications. Due to this reason, this classic is an example of great science fiction because of its theme of humanity, appealing characters, and remarkably similar settings and conflicts.

According to Webster’s Dictionary, humanity is defined as “the fact or quality of being human; the peculiar nature of man, by which he is distinguished from other beings.” The question of humanity is present throughout the story. Humanity, however, is seen only in simians who are the dominant inhabitants of Soror. This reversal is very significant because the simians refuse to see the humanity of humans on Soror and the humans refused to see the simians are equals thousands of years before when humankind possessed the advanced civilization. In fact, Doctor Zaius endeavors to experiment on Ulysse’s brain in order to prove he is an inferior being rather than accepting the truth his eyes see. To him, Ulysse is a “man with particularly sharp instincts but totally devoid of the capacity for thought” (Boulle 163). Nevertheless, the humans of Soror had also done similar experiments with the apes and continued to treat them as inferior beings by attempting to command them while they began talking. This tendency of humans (or apes) to degrade non-sentient creatures is entrenched in the cultures of both man and ape. The primates of Soror prefer to believe in a mythical founder instead of human progenitors of civilization. Therefore, in this social fantasy of Boulle’s, one perceives the flaws in humanity.

In addition, the characters have a great appeal to the reader. The protagonist, Ulysse Merou, is exceptionally intelligent, which ultimately saves his life from the current squalor of the human race in Soror. Because of his intelligence, he easily passes the simple tests the apes use, communicates with Zira, and learns the simian language. His situation in the cage before the council that frees him is also an analysis of humanity. Ulysse struggles to behave in a civilized manner but succumbs to Nova by performing the mating ritual dance. Another captivating dimension of Ulysse is his relationship with Zira, who has nothing to gain from helping him. The two eventually form a close emotional bond since their first meeting. Zira gradually becomes aware of Ulysse’s condition and goes out of her way to help him by teaching him the simian tongue, providing books for him to read, warning him of the danger his existence poses to the simian world, and protecting his son Sirius when Nova is pregnant. In fact, Zira says to Ulysse, “I sometimes feel this child is also mine” (252)!. He also forgets she is an ape and takes her arm when they leave for the Institute for Advanced Biological Study. This indicates their profound relationship because the two connect intellectually and spiritually in a way that is impossible for Ulysse and Nova. Furthermore, when Ulysse thanks Cornelius for his help, Cornelius says he should thank Zira and implies that she loves him.
The setting also contributes to this novel’s value as a piece of science fiction. The planet of Soror, which is Latin for sister, is named so because of its resemblance to Earth. This makes the setting effortless to visualize. In the beginning, Ulysse describes light blue oceans, the bright atmosphere, the nearly equal size of Earth and Soror, the broad streets and white houses that resemble those of Earth. He also illustrates the jungle where he lands in by comparing it to an Asiatic jungle, which also assists the reading in picturing the setting.

Finally, the universal conflicts in Planet of the Apes relates to those faced in real life. Racism, for example, is rampant in simian society. Although the chimpanzees, gorillas and organutans have formed a triumvirate and parliament to give each race equal representation and power, each one confines itself to its own group. This parallels the United States. In Plessy v. Ferguson, the Supreme Court ruled that it is constitutional to have separate but equal facilities for blacks and whites in America, legalizing a racist policy throughout the nation. It is common knowledge that facilities such as schools and housing were incredibly unequal and continues to foster hatred, racism, and poverty. The circumstances in Soror are not very different at all. The man versus beast or man versus nature conflict also appears. The apes hunt man who outnumbers apes to the point that scientists fear there will not be enough supplies for future research. In human societies, destruction of the environment and wildlife is self-evident. Overgrazing, global warming, deforestation, air pollution and over-fishing are eradicating the planet.

In conclusion, Planet of the Apes is a great piece of science fiction that meets the criteria of superior science fiction because of its theme of humanity, character development, and similar settings and conflicts in ape soceiety. The universal theme of what it means to be human is constant throughout the story and every reader can relate to it. Furthermore, the growth of the characters like Ulysse and Zira, for example, is astounding. They develop a moving relationship that transcends race and allows Ulysse to leave Soror. Indeed, their love for each other must be great for Zira to save him, Nova, and Sirius. In addition, the setting and conflicts in contemporary human society are nearly identical to ape problems.

The Citadel of Haiti and Architectural Wonders of Christophe

While perusing an old article I found lying around the house, "The Forgotten Eighth Wonder of the World," by Victor-Emmanuel Roberto Wilson, I realized I had to do a quick introductory post to the famous Citadel in the north of Haiti. Based on that article, here are some key points and interesting facts about this famous structure as well as other wondrous architectural pieces across Christophe's kingdom.

1. The Citadel lies 3000 feet atop Mount Bonnet-a-l'Eveque,  an altitude where one can see for a distance of almost 50 km the entire valley, the city of Cap-Haitien, and the northwest shoreline as far as Monte-Christi and the border with the Dominican Republic. The strategic military importance is obvious then, since such a height would allow Haitians to defend themselves in the mountains while also having the advantage over French incursions since they could see them coming from miles away.

2. Construction of the Citadel began in 1804 under Dessalines. Christophe's reign as king of the northern part of Haiti led to a continued effort in completing the Citadel as well as other structures. The city of Cap-Haitien was rebuilt, the gourd established as currency, total exports from Haiti added up to more than 130 million pounds of various local goods between 1811-1820, and  he ordered the construction of several castles and palaces. Reading about this era, it's no surprise Haitian folktales contain allusions to castles, kings, and other aspects of what must have been a fascinating period to live in.

3. Dessalines had a French architect who drew up the original plans, La Ferriere. When Christophe was crowned, he commissioned a Haitian architect, Henri Barre. The author of the article claims that all bricklayers and able-bodied men were recruited for the project. The amazing part about the construction of the Citadel is the lack of evidence for the use of ramps. But without ramps, how else would these estimated 200,000 workers have been able to carry tons of material and cannons to the top of a mountain on narrow paths? Without ramps how would the guns have been set in place? Much like the ancient pyramids of Egypt, how was this Citadel built? I am skeptical of claims for as many as 200,000 men working on this project, as well as the other claim that 20,000 died doing so, especially since Wilson does not provide citations for his figures. Regardless, thousands of workers were necessary to complete this wonder of the world, and undoubtedly some perished in the process.

4. More than half a million tons of material were needed to finish construction. The interior of the Citadel is a mix of galleries, halls, target practice areas, rooms, powder magazines, barracks, supply rooms, prison cells and water tanks. It included a small palace for the king. According to Wilson, as many as 2300 men could easily live at the Citadel. Christophe's original plan was for 1500 men to be the garrison, capable of withstanding a siege for 3 years. By 1817, the Citadel was complete.

5. Wilson's "educated guess" is that Christophe built 9 palaces and 15 castles. Sans Souci, built near Milot, is the most well-known. The palace included a fountain, classical style, a terrace, gardens nearby where tropical plants were grown, decorated rooms, paintings, tapestries, banquet and reception halls, marble statues, collection of rainwater for water reserves, and air conditioning.

6. In addition, Christophe had all the streets of the capital paved and built roads. Christophe's desire to rebuild Haiti and show the architectural genius and capability of descendants of Africans worked, although lacking the recognition and appreciation it deserves from the rest of the world.

Revelations from Boyer's Code Rural (1826)

I recently came across an English translation of President Boyer's Code Rural, accessed here, a set of laws passed in 1826 to increase agricultural production to raise money to pay massive debts imposed on Haiti due to Boyer's acceptance of an indemnity to France for official recognition. Translated into English by a British observer, who notes the parallels between forced labor embedded in the Code Rural and slavery, it is no surprise that the Code Rural was a failure. There was no way the Boyer regime had the centralized authority and technology to properly enforce these regulations that endeavored to control the labor and movement of the vast majority of the Haitian population (which included what is now Haiti and the Dominican Republic at the time, perhaps a total of 400,000 or 500,000 people on the second largest island in the Caribbean and covered with mountains and remote regions).

Moving on, the Code Rural defines itself as six laws. Law No. 1, pertaining to agriculture, defines "agriculture being the principal source of prosperity in a State, shall be protected and encouraged by the Civil and Military authorities" (1). Article 3 goes on, "It being the duty of every Citizen to aid in sustaining the State, either by his active services, or by his industry, those who arc not employed in the civil service, or called upon for the military service; those who do not exercise a licensed profession ; those who are not working artizans,or employed as servants those who are not employed in felling timber for exportation; in fine, those who cannot justify their means of existence, shall cultivate the soil" (2). As the translator or publisher rightly notes, of what relevance are military authorities to agriculture? Indeed, if only to serve as a force of coercion for Boyer's government to ensure that the majority of the population not engaged in the professions or civil service will be confined to agriculture, preferably on large estates. In fact, Article 4 goes on to state that the rural inhabitant without any profession or status can only leave their commune if given permission by the Justice of Peace, and if said person attempts to move to a town or village without approval, they would be considered a vagabond (3). Article 6 states that citizens attached to agriculture cannot be enlisted in the military, another attempt to limit the majority of the population to agriculture instead (4). So dedicated to the improvement of agricultural production is the code that Article 12 created a prize system for farmers with the best produce at the festival of agriculture (7). 

The next law, Law No. 2, "General Administration of Agricultural Establishments," establishes laws for surveying land and land sales, only in the presence of notaries (10). Articles 17 and 18 empower the Officer of Rural Police and therefore the state to claim unused land, too. There are, however, some progressive legislation regarding the preservation of wooded areas and encouragement of planting trees, in Article 23 (13). So there was some recognition of the importance of preserving trees and woodlands and increasing tree planting to prevent soil erosion, although a progressive regulation would be later contradicted by Article 30, which forbade unions of workers from owning and producing on estates solely by themselves (16). Legally, proprietors and managers of these large estates, were supposed to ensure workers produce enough food for sustenance of the rural majority as well as export crops and grain (17). 

Subsequent regulations allude to contracts and labor relations between proprietors/landholders and their rural workforce. The various Articles here reference proper payment and labor contracts, the division of  produce on estates as payment for workers, and the involvement of the state to ensure those entitled to profits of produce receive payment. Articles 61 and 62 require proprietors or head farmers to treat workers as parents would treat their children and provide necessary tools (33). Furthemore, Article 67 requires proprietors to provide medical attendants and pay for medicine for workers receiving a quarter of the produce on their estates, which could indicate the influence of the Code Henry (36). Article 68 states proprietors must have one or more nurses for infants on their estates, too (36)! Laws for soldiers and those employed by the state are more lenient, given their recognized mobility (42). Overall, there is a long legal precedent for some of the Articles in this chapter from previous Haitian governments, though it is debatable to what extent the state would have the accountability and centralization necessary to uphold these laws. 

The Code Rural also has much to say about cattle, which would seem to be more relevant to eastern Haiti, the present-day Dominican Republic. Either way, the various articles comment on permits, the limits to the numbers of people engaged in cattle herding and pens, and relations between farmers and cattle in disputes and rights. Law No. 6, "Rural Police," establishes the power and relation of the Rural Police to the Justice of Peace and military. Article 124 gives power to the Commandant of each military district as the most powerful authority in agriculture, being responsible for the decay of agriculture, for executing the Code Rural, and to inspect and superintend communes where agriculture has declined (61). Commandants also have to maintain roads (62). Surprisingly, there is one attempt to empower rural workers themselves to uphold these laws, the Councils of Agriculture, composed of farmers responsible for reporting to the Council of Notables and military authorities to assist in improving agricultural production and the rural economy (82). Moreover, the Code Rural recognized a Monday morning to Friday evening work schedule for field labor, and banned any work on pregnant women after four months (89-90). Unfortunately, the draconian laws against any sign of disobedience or insult on the part of workers mandates imprisonment, which seems extreme (93). 

Overall, the Code Rural bears some resemblance to Henri Christophe's laws regarding agriculture and labor, as well as the old feudal corvée system requiring the peasant majority to work on roads and public projects unpaid. Though definitely draconian in some aspects, it's not that different from laws around the world in the 19th century, which sought to control the labor of the poor while serving the economic and political interests of the wealthy. What I would like to know now after perusing this document is how it was received by African-American immigrants in the 1820s, who were largely urbanites not expecting to work on farms, as well as by Spanish-speaking "Haitians" in the east. According to Dubois and other sources, the Code Rural was a smashing failure, and Haitians resisted in every way they could. Indeed, I believe Dubois alludes to one prominent Haitian living in close relations with the workers on his estate, who received little deference from aforementioned workers. Nevertheless, it's an importance indicator of the widening gulf between the two Haitis, one of educated and elite urban and military officials, and the Kreyol-speaking majority largely separate and unequal due to Boyer's attacks on public education and authoritarian rule. In summation, with laws such as the Code Rural and other fundamental flaws of his rule, the only surprise is that it took until 1843 to unseat Boyer. 

Why I Love Ella Baker

Ever since reading Barbara Ransby's excellent biography of Ella Baker over a year ago, I have wanted to write about why I love this woman's contributions to the Black Freedom Struggle and social justice. Ransby's biography, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement is a must-read for anyone interested in significant but lesser known figures in the Civil Rights Movement. A product of a middle-class black southern family, collective uplift and racial justice defined Baker from the start. From her days as a member of the small but growing cooperatives in New York City to SNCC, Baker's influence was paramount on many younger activists whose names have survived well over the years. Anywho, here are my reasons for loving Ella Baker, based on Ransby's text:

1. Ella Baker was interested in and supportive of cooperatives since the 1930s in Harlem. Baker was always interested in alternatives to the current systems, which is obvious from her support for the Young Negroes' League Cooperative as its national director. This site demonstrates the importance of cooperatives to Baker as a training ground for resistance, building activism, sustaining democratic and non-hierarchical structures, and empowering individuals through the collective. As someone who has lived in cooperative housing and appreciates non-hierarchical structures that empowers individuals to help themselves instead of rely on leaders, reading about Baker's days as a proponent of cooperatives in 1930s New York thrilled me. Her interest in economic and labor cooperatives also assists in elucidating her involvement with labor unions and organizers in the Jim Crow South, often being the only woman in attendance. Can you imagine that, a black woman travelling across the South to recruit for the NAACP? We know from McGuire's Dark End of the Street, that black women were frequent targets for phsyical and sexual violence. Indeed, sexual violence and rape was one of the underpinnings Jim and Jane Crow.

2. Baker's participatory approach to social activism focused on building people to lead themselves, instead of solely following 'leaders.' Her whole mentality far more democratic, empowering to the subaltern masses, and appealing than the leaders of the NAACP, SCLC, and other civil rights organizations. Indeed, Baker, who was a field organizer for the NAACP in the Jim Crow South during the 1940s, always believed the focus of the NAACP should be on training activists instead of persuading blacks to limit their activity to fundraising and supporting the national organization. Baker also butted heads with Walter White, current leader of the national NAACP at the time, for his undemocratic practices of making decisions without discussion with the rank and file. 

3. Baker was very involved with New York City activism, being elected the New York branch of the NAACP's president in 1952. During her involvement with NYC civil rights in the 1950s, Baker became very closely tied to the battle against school segregation, to improve educational facilities for black and Puerto Rican children. In addition, Baker served as a member of the Intergroup Committee chaired by Kenneth Clark, which was set up by the NY Board of Education to address some of the problems BLack and Latino children encountered in the public schools. She even ran for public office and engaged in various forms of protest: sending public letters, leading noisy street demonstrations, confronting the mayor in front of the news media, etc. Later, she became involved with national civil rights networks, including In Friendship, where she worked with Bayard Rustin as the organization endeavored to maintain it's interest in empowering, grassroots activism.

4. Baker was at the founding meeting of SCLC in January 1957! Bayard Rustin, Stanley David Levison, and Ella Baker helped lay blueprint for SCLC and King let the above two men in his circle, but not Baker. According to Ransby, he never treated her as a political or intellectual peer despite her experience in organizing. Can you imagine the chauvinism and ingratitude of being in such an environment? Despite her full-time staff position on campaigns for SCLC and her role in the founding of the organization, her work (and that of other women) was devalued. Ministers leading the organization, who often lacked the proper skills and were engaged in improper sexual relationships (all in spite of their Christian morality), of course took all the credit. Even MLK, who quickly became the center of hero worship, told Baker that's what the people wanted. In such an atmosphere, Baker concluded that hero worship for King deterred building local activists across the South as well as trapping poor blacks, particularly sharecroppers and the most destitute, in hopelessness without realizing the power to change their lives rested in themselves. Besides, unlike many in SCLC, Baker never internalized nonviolence as a way of life, solely as a tactic for justice, which may have been another reason for her leaving SCLC. 

5. She was also tied to the Shuttleworths in Birmingham, part of the the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights, which had the largest working poor membership of any of Birmingham’s civil rights organizations. Baker also knew the Simpkins, two organizers in Shreveport, Louisiana, who did not care to follow the politics of respectability model of SCLC and mainstream civil rights organizations. Although ambivalent to anti-communist sentiment among some aspects of the era, Baker was friends with the Bradens, two white radicals engaged in civil rights activism. Therefore, Baker, indirectly or directly, was connected to various campaigns and sites of resistance throughout the US during the turbulent period. New York City, Atlanta, Birmingham, and various other parts of the nation were stops on her endless train to social justice.

6. Baker, present at and coordinating the Raleigh meeting where SNCC formed, did the following tasks for the organization: she typed minutes, drafted internal documents, maintained a mailing list, kept in phone contact with interested students, and recruited new ones; found meeting sites and office space and secured funds from SCLC and sympathetic donors. She guided and trained young activists in the 1960s, but wanted them to remain radical and unconfined by bureaucracy. Baker's selflessness throughout these many years of activism took a toll on her health, but she kept trucking on, assuring the students and youths who increasingly took over the helm of civil rights activism since the sit-ins in Greenboro, North Carolina, would carry on the struggle. 

7. Baker's involvement in political parties returned in 1964, when she was the national director for the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, the very same party featuring prominent female leaders and voices, such as Fannie Lou Hamer, Annie Devine and Victoria Gray. Baker's support and organizing on behalf of this party brought her a lot of criticism from white liberals and some blacks, for thinking a campaign could be won with just poor people. She also stood by SNCC even when their positions differed from her own, which shows her trust and respect for the next generation's decisions in the Black Freedom Struggle. Many older activists would disagree or distance themselves from how youths and students engaged in struggle in the 1960s, so Baker standing aside and defending younger activists' right to make their own decisions is commendable. Even with the rise of Black Power and SNCC's transformation into a black-only organization, Baker sympathized and stood by Carmichael's conceptualization of Black Power. 

These aforementioned seven reasons provide more than enough reasons for loving Ella Baker, who played a largely behind the scenes role in several key moments and struggles in the Civil Rights Movement. Her ideology of empowering the oppressed to lead themselves, or, as Ransby would call it, radical democratic pedagogy, significantly shaped SNCC and the offspring of the student activist organizations from the 1960s, including Students for a Democratic Society. She nurtured and  guided SNCC, and even brought Bob Moses into SNCC, the latter taking the group into a radical democratic direction, according to Ransby. Thus, the Freedom Summer and various SNCC campaigns for voter registration in the South, are all extensions, to a limited degree, of Baker's interest in collective uplift, empowering the poorest of black folk, and ensuring democratic decision-making.

Oh, and in case I neglected to mention the fact, Baker never lost touch of the broader national and international dimensions of leftist social justice movements. She became involved in Puerto Rican Solidarity Organization after her friend, Annie Stein, a white leftist involved in the struggle for desegregation of NYC schools. In the 1970s, she was involved in the Mass Party Organizing Committee, an attempt to establish a viable leftist party in American politics. She did a lot in her life, for the Black Freedom Struggle, democracy in activist organizations, attempting to avoid paternalistic attitudes toward the oppressed. The fruit of the free of liberty sown by Baker has been cultivated over and over again. Rest in peace. 

Spike Lee's Red Hook Summer

Red Hook Summer wasn't as bad as I thought it would be. We get the usual "Angry Spike Lee" moments against gentrification, Obama's do-nothingness for black folks and po' folks, and Clarke Peters is a great actor. We even get a funny The Wire reference when the actor who plays Senator Clay Davis appears as a detective in Red Hook, saying "Shiiiiiiiiiiit." The film is visually quite interesting despite the bleak urban layout of Red Hook: projects, lots of green in desolate Brooklyn streets with 80% unempoloyment, and juvenocracy. The negatives: the seemingly absent transition scenes, lack of any real resolution or progress in the conclusion of the film (despite some unsurprising and interesting revelations about Flik's grandfather, which wasn't built up to very well), and Mookie's irrelevant and unnecessary appearance. Mookie does absolutely nothing to advance the plot and has no real reason for being a pizza delivery boy in Red Hook. Furthermore, one does not 'feel' Red Hook in the same way one does Bed-Stuy in Do the Right Thing, despite the attempts by Lee to use real residents and community spaces in the film. It just ain't right. Overall, not an overwhelmingly horrible film experience, given Spike's on point observations on race relations, class, and politics, but it does not seem to have much of a plot given the unsatisfactory ending. Perhaps there is some meaning attached to the film's conclusion given Flik's admission of falling in 'like' with someone he meets in Red Hook before returning to Atlanta, and Flik learning his roots  through his grandfather to become a man (a point expressed by Chazz's mother is that young male youths need strong male figures and role models, as well as strong parents, which suggests that Flik's mother sent him to stay with her father in order to teach him a lesson.

Some interesting themes in the film are the uncomfortable but growing presence (something Flik notes as discomforting and racially-loaded) of white gentrifiers in Red Hook, a topic Bishop Enoch Rouse brilliantly criticizes the black middle-class for since they left Red Hook for a "better house, better schools, better life" while leaving behind their less fortunate African-American community. This, in turn, has paved the way for white newcomers to profit off lower property values and takeover more and more of black Brooklyn since black folks with money still ain't wanted in majority-white neighborhoods and suburbs anyway. The film also has some disturbing and contradictory messages about Christ and the black church, in spite of breath-taking sermons and gospel chanting and singing in Bishop Enoch's Baptist church. Indeed, Christianity and religion in general, for poor, black ghettos, becomes like crack and drugs. The 'addiction' and money-grabbing of black churches, taking away from the black poor and lulling them with false security and solace, proves what brother Akil said about the two biggest drugs in the 'hood being crack and Christ. I suppose it's up for the viewer to take away from the film's religious themes what one wants to, but it does not paint a very flattering portrait of the church nor Bishop Enouch Rouse, who penance for his sinful past is his service at the low attendance black church in Red Hook. The film's black nationalist outlook also arises through critiques of gentrification, Obama's election not bringing any substantive change to black folks in America, and the growing class divide across the country. Reverse migration of African-Americans back to the South also comes up as an issue, since New York is so expensive and black folk can return to their roots/routes, a journey that the Bishop makes in reverse. But the film's overall message seems to be the maturation of a teenager and the public spectacle of the the Bishop's fall from grace after several years of turning his thoughts to the Lord.

Pompée Valentin de Vastey Part 2: Essai sur les Causes de la Révolution et des Guerres Civiles en Haïti (1819)

So far, the only English translation of one of his texts I've uncovered, Essai sur les Causes de la Révolution et des Guerres Civiles en Haïti (An Essay on the Causes of the Revolution and Civil Wars of Haiti), 1819, translated by W.H. and M.B. It can be found here and is in public domain. The text best illustrates the truth the Ishmael Reed's "writin' is fightin,' since Vastey is fighting for Haiti and people of African descent the world over in his essays and pamphlets, which Dubois asserts were read and discussed in European newspapers. His venom toward Petion for the latter's unfavorable negotiations with France are scathing, too! Check this out, from page 8, in the introduction:

Vastey accuses Petion and his followers of treason for these deals! Unsurprisingly, Vastey also writes about the ex-colonist lobby in the French government, and the ill-informed, racist French news, which sought to paint Haitians as savages and push France to go to war (11). Basically, fake journalism and interests of ex-planters portraying Christophe's rule in negative light have led to Vastey's essay, which begins the first chapter explaining the background to the Haitian Revolution and why Haitians sought independence. His basic statements on Saint Domingue are brief but accurate. In fact, 20th and 21st century accounts of the preamble to the Haitian Revolution sound much like this account. Here is an example of Vastey's succinct description of colonial society from page 17: 

Oge and Chavanne are given their due for helping to ignite the Haitian Revolution, the exploitation and manipulation of black and colored generals and warriors for France, Spain, and used by France against each other (Toussaint Louverture and Rigaud, the latter encouraged by Hedouville). He's also critical of Toussaint for only nearly declaring the independence of Saint Domingue, as well as some harsh words for the south of Haiti for so easily accepting Napoleon's troops on page 27: 

Apparently Toussaint's brother, Paul surrendered the Spanish-speaking portion of the island to the French without a fight, falling prey to the ideas of Bishop Mauviel and Kerverseau (28). On the issue of color and divisions among generals during the Haitian Revolution, on page 39 Vastey clearly leans toward the Black Generals, who he claims never fell for the lies of the whites as much as the men of color:

Such statements add needed nuance to claims about race and color in Haitian identity, since Vastey, a member of the mixed-race ancien libre, who studied in France, so strongly identified with Christophe and 'black' generals. Subsequently, the chapter on Dessalines defends the leader as favorably disposed toward men of color (45):

Unfortunately for Dessalines and Haiti, Vastey writes that by placing his capital not in Port-au-Prince, Dessalines was less cautious of the south and west of the country, and therefore more suspectible to defeat in civil wars or coups (45). He also admits the glaring contradictions of the emperor's constitution, and states that it was pardonable given the youth of the nation, suggesting in retrospect that a constitutional monarchy would have been better (47). Vastey's hositility toward Petion, a traitor to the Haitian cause, is seemingly justified if Vastey is correct to note that Petion plotted with Haitians from abroad (who were allowed to return by Dessalines) to make Petion the head of government (49). Petion's role in assassinating Dessalines, a man who fully trusted him, is beyond disgusting. To quote Vastey, "Thus did Petion accomplish the destruction of his Sovereign, his friend and benefactor, in order to seize the reins of government, and kindle anew the flames of civil war" (56). He also provides an excellent character analysis with obvious bias in the fourth chapter:

(58)

The rest of the text focuses on the various civil wars and conflicts, such as that of Goman versus Petion, Christophe and the North versus Petion's South, Goman's relationship with Rigaud (his godfather), and hurls criticism toward reductionist stereotypes of the color complex in Haitian society (93). There's also room for criticism of Rigaud's regime in the South-west: 

(119)

 Meanwhile, Christophe saw to the uplift, safety, and governance of the North ofHaiti while Petion engaged in battles and political conflict with Rigaud and others (100). He goes on to defend the monarchical form of government, and how representative constitutional monarchies can evade tyrants (he cites the example of Robespierre for an example of how a republican form of government can turn tyrannical, 106). In addition, the reality of French plots against Haiti does seem to be a constant presence in the writings of Vastey, even if an actual French military invasion was unlikely and too costly for France in the first decades of the century. After several pages of descriptions of the conflicts between the warring generals and officials, Vastey drops an appropriate, 'Afrocentric' claim on p. 137: 

The rest of the essay merely argues over and over again how Petion fomented civil war and disunity among Haitians, was a savage, ruthless and ineffective ruler who faced an assassination attempt. His pseudo-republican title combined with despotic rule are also up for criticism to Vastey (205). Ultimately, his criticism of Petion and even Boyer near the end for succeeding like Roman emperors through the Praetorian Guard, endeavors to vindicate the state of Christophe as a better representative of Haitian independence, liberty, and black progress through schools, constitutional monarchy that is stable, and a strong stance on resisting French plots against Haitian sovereignty and freedom. Whether or not one believes all of Vastey's critiques is another question, since, like the apologists of Petion's regime, he was expected to paint Christophe and the North in a positive light. Unfortunately for this significant figure in Haitian intellectual thought and political writings, Vastey found his end in a rather nasty way after Christophe's death and Boyer's regime, which carried on the practices of Petion while closing down Christophe's schools. But the overall message of the text is that the causes of the civil wars of Haiti in this period were due to French white interference and manipulation, men of color such as Petion or Rigaud willingly making or negotiating deals against Haitian independence and black generals, and their despotic, exclusivist rule that led to further conflict along color and ideological lines. Based on what happened after Petion's death and the regressive rule of Boyer for over 20 years, one definitely sides with Vastey in some ways.

Pompée-Valentin de Vastey and the Kingdom of Henri Christophe, Part 1

After reading Daut's fascinating essay on the early life and poetry of Vastey, I decided to read some of Vastey's political tracts and writings on Haiti. First of all, of his early life, not much is known, but his mother was a mixed-race woman and relative of Marie-Cesette Dumas, the same African grandmother of Alexandre Dumas (Daut 36). According to Daut, Vastey's work was known in Europe, too. The publishing of "Le système colonial dévoilé, Vastey’s damning exposé of the inhumanity of the “colonial system,” was so well known across the nineteenth-century atlantic World that upon its publication it was immediately reviewed in French, US, German, and British journals and newspapers" (35). However, according to Daut, “Of a few things we can be absolutely certain: someone using the name Pompée Valentin Vastey was living in Paris and publishing poetry in the leading French journals in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries" (37). Daut claims that there is some ambivalence regarding Vastey leaving France and a French identity behind in some of his poetry, but also suggests that the worsening conditions for people of color in France may have been another push for him to return to what would be known as Haiti (39).

According to Gordon K. Lewis's Main Currents in Caribbean Thought: The Historical Evolution of Caribbean Society In Its Ideological Aspects, 1492-1900, Vastey's pamphlets and books dealt with 2 things: defense of the Haitian Revolution and defense of the Black race in world history (Lewis 255). This defense argues that Haitian Revolution more important than the American Revolution since the latter was a political revolution and the former a social revolution that reshaped property ownership and property relations in the Haitian economic structure (255). Moreover, he goes back into history to show Africa as crade of civilizations: Carthage, Egypt, Ethiopia (256). Gerarde Magloire-Danton suggests that Vastey may have claimed Egypt as proof of black civilization and capacity due to a notion that Upper Egypt had been a colony of black Ethiopians, based on travel literature and writings of James Bruce and Constantin-Francois Volney, which could have been an influence (Magloire-Danton 157).

Furthermore, David Nicholl's insightful analysis of Vastey's royalist and revolutionary tendencies (though the two are not mutually exclusive) demonstrates how political actions and loyalties in revolutionary Saint Domingue and early Haiti were shaped often more by region than race, since Vastey, from the north, supported Christophe while someone like Goman supported Rigaud's regime (Nicholls 132). Moreover, Vastey saw it as fit for a majority black country to be ruled by a black, and criticized Petion's republic to the south for excluding blacks from official positions, except as cosmetic effect to pretend color prejudice did not dominate the highest posts in the republic (134). Intriguingly, despite becoming a kingdom by 1811 with feudal titles, visitors to Christophe's kingdom remarked upon the egalitarianism of the society, where workman and government minister could chat on a bench and servants would invite themselves into conversations at the dinnertable, which would support Vastey's ideals of a limited monarchy as a more stable government with a monarch ruling by consent of the people (135). According to Nicholls, Vastey, like Christophe, was enraged how the southern republic would entertain talks with France of reestablishing some form of colonial rule or even slavery, although he is quick to note how unlikely it was for Petion to accept a form of colonial rule from France, although he was open to compensation for dispossessed slaveholders (137). Recognizing the integral role of racial slavery and racial theory to cruel and barbaric European colonialism, Vastey declared all humanity equal, asserted the African origins of civilization, and argued that the color prejudice of whites caused their own downfall (138). He also saw to the need for self-sufficiency to ensure Haitian independence would last while taking issue with Dessalines's prohibition of white foreigners from owning property in Haiti (139-140).

Surprisingly, Vastey took issue with the southern republic's upholding of an article in the constitution allowing Africans, Indians and their descendants to settle in Haiti and earn citizenship in 12 months, which he saw as enticing people from other parts of the Americas to settle in Haiti and therefore constitutive of an interference in the affairs of other states (140). That said, he saw Haiti as proof of the capability of African independence and civilization, and revealed some understanding of recent travels into the interior of Africa, from the likes of Mungo Park and others, which proved Africa was not as barbarous or uncivilized as commonly believed in Europe (141). Yet he approved of British colonial policy in Africa and the creation of Sierra Leone, revealing the complexities of his conception of Africa and colonialism's so-called positive aspects (142). To make things even more paradoxical, Vastey foresaw the union of former colonized peoples around the world rising up against European imperialism.

Prince Saunders and the Haytian Papers (1816)

"Descendants of Africans, my brethren, the friends of humanity have asserted that we are susceptible of improvement like the Whites; our traducers affirm the contrary; it is for us to decide the question; it is by the wisdom of our conduct, our success in the arts and sciences, that we shall secure the triumph of our respected and illustrious patrons, and confound, forever, the malice and unfounded assertions of our implacable enemies" (223).

Perusing the Haytian Papers, translations of Haitian edicts and documents under King Henri Christophe by Prince Saunders, an African-American educator, one comes across in Saunder's introductory comments allusions to the remarks of white racists that none of the kingdom's writings were penned by blacks or men of color! To white supremacists and pro-slavery folks, the very idea of an independent black state with literate people of color writing their own laws was impossible! The Code Henri immediately also goes into detail the progressive, anti-oppressive laws regarding labor relations: "The proprietors and farmers of land are bound to treat their respective labourers with true paternal solicitude; an obligation which it is greatly for their own interest to fulfil in its utmost extent." Code Henri includes requirements for hospitals on plantations, medical service, and the right of government officials to mediate conflicts between workers and landholders. Chapter II's Art. XVII. also empowers the state to force one into labor: "The law punishes the lazy and vagabond, among whom are comprehended labourers of both sexes who shall quit the habitations in which they have domiciled, in order to reside in towns or other places where they are forbidden to settle: penalty, Art. 114. Titre 8." Although perhaps a little too confining in the movement of ex-slaves, and setting them to a work schedule from daylight to sundown may have been too reminiscent of slavery, clearly the laws (at least written laws, how they were enforced would be an even more interesting question) were far more progressive and interested in the welfare of the majority of the population.

Other documents contained therein include correspondence between Christophe and Leclerc, the former stating he cannot recognize the authority of a person he does not know and lacks recognition from governor Toussaint Louverture (8). Another, Narrative Of the Accession Of Their Royal Majesties To The Throne Of Hayti," endeavors to explain how Christophe rose to position of king. It includes a scathing comment on the French as "Vandals who have ravaged every country into which their well-known footsteps have strayed" (55). As one would expect, such a document is full or propaganda and hyperbole, which comes out strongly its it description of the Haitian navy as the "terror of tyrants" or whitewashes the dark collaborations of Christophe with others against Dessalines. The document also alludes to Citadel Henry and Sans Souci as a beautiful town built to great expense. The writer apparently thinks highly of Abbe Gregoire, too, particularly for his Literature of the Negroes and openly avenging the blacks for their wrongful suffering because of the racist beliefs of France (84). The short-lived return of Rigaud and internal dissension against Petion naturally occupies a lot of pages, as well as the latter's willingness to entertain compensation for France come into the propaganda.

Additional documents provide another look at how the kingdom of Christophe was conceived, with a royal family, Grand Council, Privy Council, Great Officers, the four ministers, etc. The document also endeavor to justify a monarchy with allusions to the "paternal monarchial government" associated with Montesquieu, while simultaneously recognizing the federative system of government of the United States as another model. Praise for Haiti and the land and people as sufficient for a kingdom also comes out through great lines such as this, "We say nothing as to the same martial valour and heroic character of the Haytian people: its glory is known throughout the world!" The "Manifesto" of Christophe also has some things to say about Toussaint Louverture:

Always intent upon the work of restoration, the Governor, Toussaint Louverture under his paternal administration, had reinstated, in full force, law, morals, religion, education, and industry; agriculture and commerce were flourishing. He favoured the white colonists, particularly the planters. Indeed, his attentions and partialities had been carried to such a length, that he was loudly blamed for entertaining more affection for them than for those of his own colour. Nor was this reproach without foundation; for, a few months before the arrival of the French, he immolated his own nephew, General Moyse, who had disregarded the orders he had given for the protection of the colonists. That act of the governor, added to the great confidence he had placed in the French authorities, was the principal cause of the feeble resistance the French encountered in Hayti (158).

Christophe's state also declared, "We solemnly declare, that we will never become a party to any treaty, to any condition, that may compromise the honour, the liberty, or the independence of the Haytian people; that, true to our oath, we will sooner bury ourselves beneath the ruins of our native country, than suffer an infraction of our political rights" (182).

Finally, the "Reflections of the Editor" has some rather strong words for Petion, who is accused of negotiating Haitian independence for a colonial relationship with France (certainly not true), while later documents allude to the ancient Egyptian, Ethiopian and other black ancestors of Africa whitewashed by racist detractors of the blacks and proponents of slavery (219). The documents end on a rather high note, calling for education in the arts and sciences to improve Haiti and in the process prove again the equality of the black race to the whites. Unfortunately, though such government records are revealing of the atmosphere of Christophe's court at the time (in particular, their interests, priorities, and propaganda), they reveal too little about the lives of the subaltern masses in Christophe's kingdom, though evidence from Dubois and other secondary sources indicates the spread of education, among thousands of Haitian children in Christophe's kingdom. Prince Saunders, clearly compiling these documents to show the British and other readers the progress Haiti made under Christophe, was a firm believer in Haiti as the paradise for blacks in the hemisphere, choosing to live in Haiti even after the fall of Christophe and Boyer closed all the schools, according to this. That he was an educator and helped to establish Christophe's schools, oversaw them and assisted in bringing British teachers and specialists (Saunders also introduced vaccination into Haiti, beginning with Christophe's children) adds credibility to his Haytian Papers, as well as revealing to depths to which he himself would later identify as Haitian instead of choosing a life of 'freedom' in the antebellum US. Indeed, Fanning's research reveals the extent to which many free blacks of the US looked to Haiti as a model and potential home, so Prince Saunders was not alone in settling in Haiti or serving to spread education and uplift the people.