The Best of The Impressions

My new favorite soul group, The Impressions, deserve better recognition. This is the finest Chicago soul, featuring my man Curtis Mayfield with his amazing falsetto, guitar, and songwriting talent. Prior to discovering their influence on Jamaican popular music and Mayfield's involvement in the Civil Rights Movement, I was ignorant of this amazing group. Here are their best cuts in my humble opinion:

1. Emotions with Jerry Butler. "Why can't I cry?"
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SrcY5glwbx0

2. Minstrel and Queen became popular with 1960s Jamaican vocalists. Better known as "Queen Majesty" in Jamaica.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lB751HLIT5M&feature=related
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mAxxgnQQ6po Jamaican version by Dennis Brown

3. I'm So Proud is the first Impressions song I liked. "I'm so proud of being loved by you"
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ow00BrG6K9I

4. People Get Ready is a civil rights jam. Inspired Bob Marley's One Love. "People get ready there's a train a'comin"
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2nH3fKH10oM&feature=related
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6MnbrN38sJ4&feature=related Jamaican version

5. Keep On Pushing is another pro-civil rights anthem. "I know I can make it with just a little bit of soul" http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dvM0bDj3pOk

6. Meeting Over Yonder is a funky jam cut. "Children, are you ready? There's gonna be a meeting over yonder!" http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NKYOwOPjVcU

7. We're a Winner is another jam about the Civil Rights Movement and black pride. Mayfield is beginning to lean more toward funk music in this 1967 song. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uLMRzDFMvEo&feature=related

8. It's All Right is perhaps my favorite song by The Impressions. "You got soul and everybody knows and it's all right..."
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7X7Esq8nu0s&feature=related
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rhTjPYxQKMw&feature=related

9. Talking 'Bout My Baby is another great cut by The Impressions. "I want to talk about my baby"
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0O0wuuh-Tlg&feature=related

10. I'm the One Who Loves You.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LGNkcYwTywQ&feature=related

11. Gypsy Woman is also catchy with some castanets
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3Wd4tlX5t-Q&feature=related

12. Choice of Colors is a black power jam http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SNV1Y01xNk8

13. Never Let Me Go is old school doo wop http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kjGW8Eg9nQg&feature=related

14. Don't Let it Hide "Speak your mind if we can't get along"
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HoS7ZzWh-k8

15. My Woman's Love is a beautifully orchestrated song
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lcFbyZb-5cA

16. Little Young Lover http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ILdKTumrQIM

17. Hard to Believe http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=y_QzvTTcZ28

18. Can't Work No Longer http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wQcwF93JWM4

19. Sometimes I Wonder is funky http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1PBKVwS-EBY

20. I Need You "I don't wanna be happy with somebody else when I know in my mind I'd be wastin' her time"
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n1QeoyWg45Y

21. Can't Satisfy http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5-jTOskAGso  Almost sounds like Motown

22. You've Been Cheating http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QSEj5OQLbjU

23. I've Been Trying http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RQFCT3cWGyM

24. Amen http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WMZcUZQ8C78

25. I Thank Heaven http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eK4oheZcEXI

26. See the Real Me http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TX-PUndGge0

27. You Must Believe Me. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cL_1w_sJRt4

28. Get Up and Move "Get up and move!"
http://grooveshark.com/s/Get+Up+And+Move/3DAvAo?src=5

29. We're in Love http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vw4vduoCKCo

30. Woman's Got Soul http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PRwJ2WDdxaU

31. Somebody Help Me is a blues song http://grooveshark.com/s/Somebody+Help+Me/3DAyYY?src=5

32. Long, Long Winter was covered by The Wailers! "It's gonna be a long, long winter for me. A long, long winter, you'll see."
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BwUpqbhU1Og
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JvYFDcKunVQ

33. Dedicate My Song to You sounds like Sam Cooke's Wonderful World
http://grooveshark.com/s/Dedicate+My+Song+To+You/3DAy0q?src=5

34. I'm Loving Nothing http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MRedezmCpeY

35. Twist and Limbo is a silly dance tune but still catchy
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZyRrD4AvGWs

36. This is My Country (black folks built this country)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=z_esbRoOeR0

37. Finally Got Myself Together is pure funk
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kiS5L-WCthQ

38. We're Rolling On is another funk jam
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=c5fIpXLlhtY

39. Seven Years also worth checking out
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Co6Q6jpUdUE

40. My Deceiving Heart is gospel
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Yi49YVZOKJQ

41. Mighty Mighty is a funk jam about black and white empowerment together. "Black and white power"
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u7Rdr22dBPE

42. Check Out Your Mind is more Mayfield funk
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6HxvRoqDefI

43. I'm a Telling You
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GryV3721QgY

44. I'm Still Waiting
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SRGHdp35lQw

45. Fool for You
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w3i4hOYnJ_E

46. I Gotta Keep on Movin'
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0krjcpXt6yE

Kony 2012: The PSA

Here is an excellent video a friend and I made earlier this evening about Kony 2012. It's meant to be a joke.

Arundhati Roy and The God of Small Things

In my high school world literature course, a short reading response for the novel, The God of Small Things, required us to analyze the book in the context of the following quote by its author, Arundhati Roy, an Indian activist and writer. Her novel was one of my finest literary experiences in life. Highly recommended. This quotation is from her speech, "Come September."

"To love. To be loved. To never forget your own insignificance. To never get used to the unspeakable violence and the vulgar disparity of life around you. To seek joy in the saddest places. To pursue beauty to its lair. To never simplify what is complicated or complicate what is simple. To respect strength, never power. Above all, to watch. To try and understand. To never look away. And never, never, to forget."

  The quotation from Come September has several applications to the novel The God of Small Things. Obvious examples are love, disparity of life, and violence, which are important themes in the novel.
        The first line of the quotation begins with "To love. To be loved." Throughout the novel, Roy offers various perspectives on the interpretation of love. For example, Rahel told Sophie her list of people she loved, but revised it constantly out of love and duty (Roy 144). Rahel is clearly struggling with her society's definition of love because her list includes Velutha, an Untouchable. She also included Sophie on her list, a girl she did not know, simply because they are cousins, which probably means she only had people like Chacko and Mammachi on her list only because they are relatives. Thus, it is likely that Roy is implying that love surpasses family and caste.
        In addition, the next line on one's insignificance may apply to the twins. As young children, Rahel and Estha were insignificant in the eyes of adults. Their humility and low status in society is rather reminiscent of Christ, who taught one should be like the children of the Earth. Therefore, one should never forget one's own insignificance refers to a sense of humility one should feel regardless of class, age, or religion.
        Next, Roy said one cannot ever become comfortable with the violence and disparity of life in the world. Due to her political activism and feminist mother, Roy always had these views, which are omnipresent in the novel. The treatment accorded to women and Untouchables in Indian society is unjust. For example, the divorced Ammu became a pariah, and by extension, her children Rahel and Estha. Another obvious example is Velutha, who not only has the mind of an engineer but also the contempt of his co-workers at Chacko’s Pickle factory because of the caste system (264).
        As for seeking joy and beauty, examples from the text include Velutha and Ammu’s relationship. Both knew their relationship had no future, yet they chose to pursue happiness to the lair of the love laws (320). Furthermore, the two only said tomorrow when they parted, because they knew things could change in a day (321). Clearly, their forbidden love indicates the pursuit of joy in the saddest place, a culture that refused to recognize the humanity of both.
        Additionally, the evasion of complication and simplification may apply to the changes observed in Ayemenem and India as a whole. For example, tourism has shattered India by simplifying or reducing an ancient culture for Westerners, who frolicked the History House and others areas for enjoyment, with no sincere appreciation for India. Indeed, Roy emphasizes the sale of sacred Hindu objects in airports, probably because they demean Hinduism (132). Another example is the Kathakali man, a Hindu storyteller forced to become part of the regional flavor for the tourist industry by telling stories to foreigners (219). On the flip side, to avoid complicating the simple could refer to Ammu and Velutha, who refused to complicate their relationship with hopeless dreams of a future (321).
        Besides complication and simplification, Roy also alluded to the admiration of strength, never power. She correctly noted the abuse of power by men such as Comrade Pillai and the Marxist Party of Kerala to illustrate this fact. However, Roy also presents characters with admirable strength, such as Velutha and Ammu. These two challenge society and themselves, demonstrating strength absent in most individuals. Velutha carried his head high and acted in a manner that affirmed his dignity, a daring challenge to the caste structure and his traditional father, who even offered to kill his son for Mammachi (243). Comparable to Velutha’s strength, is Ammu who corrected the police records falsely accusing Velutha of rape, thus shaming herself and the family (245). For a divorced woman to publicly shame her family, incredible fortitude is necessary.
The final section of Roy’s speech likely refers to the state of contemplation Rahel and Esta live in. Unable to forget their role in the past, they believe they are responsible for the death of Velutha. Although it is important to never forget the past, Rahel and Estha must understand, they are not responsible for societal evils but begin to see themselves as victims of which the vicissitudes of fate determined.
In summation, Roy’s speech Come September proffers her beliefs already presented in The God of Small Things. The same recurring themes suggest the speech and the novel derive from her personal worldview, especially related to her political activism.

Latin Catholics, the End of the Byzantine Empire, and The Alexiad

            Anna Komnene’s history of her father’s reign, The Alexiad, portrayed the chief enemies of the Empire as Catholic Latins, instead of Muslim Turks. Although the Muslim Turks under the leadership of the Seljuks and later the Ottomans did complete the conquest of the Constantinople, Alexios was forced to deal with marauding forces of the First Crusade, who presented a more immediate threat at the time. Under the command of various Franks, Normans, and European military leaders, Catholic Crusaders seized territory from the Byzantine state, refused to accept the authority of Alexios and subsequent emperors in reconquered Levantine areas, and generally opposed the interests of the Byzantine state. Thus, from Anna Komnene’s perspective, the occurrence of the Crusades accelerated the decline and fall of Byzantium, especially after the loss of large areas of Asia Minor and the collapse of Byzantine authority in regions once considered part of the Byzantine heartland. Therefore, the Catholic Latins were considered the chief enemies of the Empire, leading to to the empire's dissolution.

            First, Muslim Turks, who had accumulated a vast portion of Asia Minor, were relatively less aggressive in their relations with Alexios than Western leaders. Their religious identity and stereotypes equated with them were not as negative or mentioned as often as that of the West.[1] Although Alexios did provide the spark for Western Crusades by calling on the papacy to send aid to defeat the Seljuks, he invited a far more dangerous force that would eventually tear the empire apart, culminating in the sack of Constantinople in 1204.[2] Anna, who covered the wars with Muslim Turks for Anatolia in her history, provides less detail and barely mentions their religion, unlike the Latin Catholics, who are constantly referred to as “barbarians” and attributed with other negative qualities.[3] Turks received comparatively fewer attacks in spite of their faith.[4] Surprisingly, their faith is barely mentioned at all, despite the centuries of enmity between Byzantium and the various Islamic states of the Near East, such as the Abbasids.[5]

            In addition to ignoring the religious affiliations of the Turkish, Anna Komnene also avoids highlighting their faith since the Empire had already formed close alliances with Muslim states in the Mediterranean.[6] For instance, the Shiite Fatimid dynasty of caliphs, centered in Cairo, was one powerful Muslim ally of Byzantium.[7] As a Shiite caliphate surrounded by Sunni states in North Africa and the Middle East, it is no surprise that Fatimid rulers and Byzantine emperors would form an alliance against hostile Sunni states, especially after the rise of Turkish-led states.[8] The Turks, once slave-soldiers for Arab-ruled states, came to dominate Persia, Iraq, and other areas of the Middle East for themselves in in the 11^th century.[9] Thus, the Byzantines were already accustomed to working with Muslim allies against other Muslims since the Fatimids made Cairo their capital in 969.[10] From the Latin Catholic perspective, the Roman willingness to ally with Muslims against other Christians was a contributing factor to the aggression Westerners directed at Constantinople, since Muslims were supposed to be enemies of Christendom. Alexios even consulted with the Turks in order to fight off Robert’s invading Latins.[11]

            To Alexios and his daughter, Muslim Turks, though still a threat, were seen as less dangerous to the Empire than Latin Catholics. Anna’s history has striking evidence of this perception of Byzantine affairs based on the emphasis on Norman and Latin leaders and their personalities instead of the details concerning Turkish leaders who were advancing on the Empire’s borders.[12] From the outset of the Crusades, Alexios believed that the Crusaders’ real purpose was to take the throne for themselves.[13] Consequently, Alexios’ relations with the Crusaders focused on keeping them away from Constantinople, and ensuring that they quickly arrived in Muslim lands.[14] Latins such as Bohemond quickly proved Alexios’ fears when he rebelled against Alexios and endeavored to seize the throne.[15]  Counts such as Raoul and Godfrey also used the pretext of crusading for coming to Constantinople in order to dethrone Alexios.[16]

            Moreover, the Crusaders “barbarian” ways were perceived as culturally inferior, including the prevalence of fighting priests and their lack of piety.[17] To illustrate, Latin Catholics had no qualms fighting on Holy Thursday, while Alexios refused to allow his men to fight.[18] Furthermore, the huge rift that had developed between the Eastern Orthodox Church and Roman Catholic Church limited the chances for successful cooperation between the West and Constantinople because both defined Christendom in differently. For instance, Latin Catholics did not agree with the Byzantine view of the Empire as the protector and center of Christianity. Therefore, the First Crusade’s leadership’s lack of morals, treacherous ways, and refusal to recognize the sovereignty of Byzantium significantly limited any chances of cooperation between Latin Christendom and the Orthodox East.

            In conclusion, Anna Komnene’s Alexiad unquestionably portrays the Westerners as the greater enemy of Byzantium than the expanding Seljuk state. Her emphasis on Western leaders, their personalities and specific campaigns and battles involving them are far more numerous and detailed than the information provided on the Muslim Turks. Furthermore, the Latin Catholics, sometimes using the façade of the First Crusade, did endeavor to divide the Empire and seize the wealth of Constantinople instead of fighting the encroachment of the Turks. Though the Turks were still a viable threat to Byzantine security on the eastern border, Westerners, supposedly passing through the Empire to defeat Muslims in the Holy Land claimed imperial territory and fought imperial armies. Even before the First Crusade, Normans, under the leadership of Robert Guiscard showed that Westerners were not allies of Byzantium. When one looks at the situation facing Alexios, the threat from the West was more threatening and frightening for Byzantium. Therefore, Anna’s history of Alexios’ reign identifies the main enemies of Byzantium as Latins instead of Muslim Turks. Fortunately, the “barbarian” Western aristocrats attempts to finally defeat the Empire would have to wait until the 13^th century. Alexios’ political and military skills allowed Byzantium to grow under his sons through the reconquest of parts of Asia Minor and the Balkans and averting the Western Crusaders attempts to destroy the empire.

---

[1] Komnene, Anna. The Alexiad. Translated by E.R.A. Sewter (New York: Penguin Books, 1969), 283.

[2] Gregory, Timothy E.. A History of Byzantium (Malden, MA Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2010), 328.

[3] Komnene, Anna. The Alexiad. Translated by E.R.A. Sewter (New York: Penguin Books, 1969), 283.

[4] Komnene, Anna. The Alexiad. Translated by E.R.A. Sewter (New York: Penguin Books, 1969), 319.

[5] Leonora Neville, “9^th Century Mediterranean.”

[6] Leonora Neville, “Crusades,” 4/13/2011

[7] Ibid.

[8] Leonora Neville, “Turks & Normas,” 4/6/2011.

[9] Ibid.

[10] Leonora Neville, “Crusades,” 4/6/2011.

[11] Komnene, Anna. The Alexiad. Translated by E.R.A. Sewter (New York: Penguin Books, 1969), 111.

[12] Ibid., 285, 295, 297. 330.

[13] Ibid., 285.

[14] Ibid., 276.

[15] Ibid., 295.

[16] Ibid., 285.

[17] Ibid., 284.

[18] Ibid.

Digenis Akritas: Masculinity and Gender in the Epic

Masculinity and Gender in Digenis Akritas

            The Byzantine epic poem, Digenis Akritas, features a heroic frontier military leader on the eastern frontier of the empire after the Byzantine resurgence of the 9^th and 10^th centuries. As the empire reconquered territory lost to the Arabs centuries ago, the eastern frontier of the empire remained under the control of the military aristocracy, of which Digenis was a member. As a work of literature, the poem’s protagonist represents certain ideals of the society that produced it, especially ideals of masculinity and gender that were reproduced in the daily lives of the people sharing that cultural background. As a product of a deeply Christian medieval empire, the ideals of masculinity depicted in the poem are deeply influenc ed by Christianity, chivalry, ancient Greek traditions, and the cultural values of Byzantine elites. Thus, subaltern classes did not identify with or share the values and morals of the protagonist to the same extent as aristocrats.

            The ideals of masculinity presented in the poem are primarily influenced by Christian values and monasticism.  The source of the protagonist’s power lies in “having as help the grace of God.”[1] Following the warrior saint traditions of famous historical figures, such as George, Theodore and Demetrius, who are invoked by the hero in the poem, provide the foundations of many of Basil’s superhuman exploits.[2] Like St. George and other warrior saints of the past, Basil slays a dragon, which, like the serpent in the Garden of Eden, endeavors to tempt Basil’s wife.[3] Like the victorious St. George, Basil beheads the three-headed dragon, thereby demonstrating his piety and self-control in the face of desire. In addition, Basil’s love of hunting wild animals and killing lions with his bare hands symbolizes a catharsis for the hero since wild animals symbolize lack of self-control and an inclination to passion. In addition to hunting and dragon-slaying symbolism, Basil also displays piety, kindness, mercy, and humility in his interactions with others. For example, during his meeting with the Byzantine emperor, Basil, he humbles himself before the emperor and recognizes God’s power invested in the imperial office.[4] By humbling himself before the man who rules in God’s name, Basil humbles himself before God, another Christian value. Basil also decides to live away from society with his wife and servants near the Euphrates. Like the monks across the empire, Basil chose isolation from the outside world after committing the sin of adultery twice and lying to his wife about it, then slaying Maximo, the adulteress.[5]  Basil also dies before old age and not on a battlefield in the East, which follows Christian views of death as inevitable and a liberating force for the soul. Even with all of his strength, is still human and cannot defeat death after his symbolic baptism while bathing in the Euphrates before becoming ill.[6] Therefore, the ideal man of the Byzantine world would be devoutly Christian, humble, pious, and control his body and emotions, although Basil’s flaws provide evidence of his humanity since nobody could

            In addition to profound Christian influences and perspectives on masculinity, Digenis Akritas also follows ancient Greek models and medieval models of chivalry and military lifestyles. Ideal masculinity in terms of the aforementioned models would thus be defined as strength, hunting skills, honor, and possession of women, war experience, and humility. For Basil, his membership in an elite military group that ruled the regions in the East in the name of the emperor, power came with expectations of honor and chivalrous. For instance, during his duel with Philopappos and his sons, he refuses to strike Kinnamos while he was down, since “flogging carcasses is just for weaklings.”[7] The role of protector and guarding women also comes into play for defining the ideal man. His wife, who is never named, is honored for her beauty and in need of constant protection to prevent other men, driven by passion, of abducting her, though Basil kidnapped her as well. This suggests women are prizes to be won in contests between men. Of all the female characters, only Maximo, the Amazon with male characteristics such as strength and initiating her sexual relationship with Basil, is named. One must also take into account the double standard applied to Maximo for committing adultery while Basil sleeps with two different women. Her punishment is death while he has the opportunity to repent, suggesting meaning men have more power and prestige in Byzantine society since their sexual freedoms did not have similar consequences. Masculinity could also be ideally characterized in hunting, strength, and battle victories, exemplified by Basil’s hunting of animals, lion-slaying, defeating Philopappos, Maximo, and the armies of soldiers sent after him which he single-handedly defeats. Furthermore, like the heroes of ancient Greece, Basil must resist the sin of arrogance, or hubris, which Philopappos and his sons could not avoid doing when they boasted of their ability for each to “handle thousands” though they obviously could not defeat Basil.[8] While recalling his defeat of the three, he is careful to distinguish his exploits as boasting, which is additional evidence of the low tolerance for arrogance and the prestige of humility.[9] Like Odysseus and other Greek heroes, Basil must avoid arrogance but simultaneously fights with others over women, like the heroes of the Iliad fighting for Helen.

            The identification of masculinity in the text with military training, aristocracy, monasticism, and other privileges of the upper echelon of Byzantine society indicate that its version of idealized masculinity was never the values and morals of everyone in society. As a Christian empire fighting intermittently with Muslim states, everyone in society value strength and Christian values to guide their lives. However, many aspects of Basil’s perceived manliness are characteristics of the elite, such as hunting, fighting in wars, and noble birth. Obviously, most peasants did not have the time to hunt beasts, fight in wars, and dedicate themselves to spiritual perfection and value chivalry in combat like members of the military ruling establishment. The akritai, or frontier soldiers, had these opportunities that the peasant majority lacked. Members of the ruling class, such as Byzantine emperors, such as Michael IV, for example, were seen as masculine for abstaining from sex, meaning that they were resisting carnal or earthly pleasures as a test of their manhood.[10] Yet men were also expected to take the pursuing role in courting women, exactly what Basil does to the lost maiden betrayed by her lover. Clearly the behavior of Byzantine upper classes mirrors that of Basil and more closely matches the morals and values of the text than peasants, who were losing their land and independence to wealthy landowners during this time.

            As a result of being passed down through oral tradition before being written in Constantinople, the story has likely changed multiple times, which is attested by the various versions of the text. It is also likely that the writers added more intellectual and religious overtones to the text that may have not been present in the minds of the peasant and other communities that passed it down orally. Either way, the text demonstrates stereotypical gender roles for women as mothers, wives, recipients of male protection and a lack of agency with an emphasis on male superiority and strength. Real men were expected to be strong, control their households, and control themselves when it came to emotions and the body in order to attain spiritual content. Though the poem favors elite forms of masculinity, the common factor of Christianity united the people in their morals and values.  Religious symbolism and Christian values embedded in the text would unite all readers and offer a possible contemporary heroic man for Byzantine society during the 11^th and 12^th centuries.

---

[1] Denison B. Hull, trans., Digenis Akritas: The Two-Blood Border Lord (Athens, Ohio University Press, 1972), 3.

[2] Ibid., 91.

[3] Ibid., 73.

[4] Ibid., 60.

[5] Ibid., 95.

[6] Ibid., 106.

[7] Ibid., 79.

[8] Ibid., 78.

[9] Ibid., 88.

[10] Leonora Neville, “Legacies of Basil II,” 3/28/2011

Walter Mosley's A Red Death

"One day they gonna th'ow that list out, man. They gonna need some movie star or some new bomb an' they gonna th'ow that list away. Mosta these guys gonna have work again," he said, then he winked at me. "But you still gonna be a black niggah, Easy. An' niggah ain't got no union he could count on, an' niggah ain't got no politician gonna work fo' him. All he got is a do'step t'shit in and a black hand t'wipe his black ass."


Walter Mosley's Red Death, the second installment in the Easy Rawlins mystery series, is a fun read. Unlike Devil in a Blue Dress, which was a tragic mulatto story written in the frame of a detective novel, Red Death is about the McCarthy era's Red Scare. The "sly Jew" communist, Chaim Wenzler, is suspected by the FBI to possess important documents that he may share with the Russians, and agent Craxton needs a Negro to infiltrate Wenzler's charities with First African Baptist Church in Watts. Throughout the novel, the reader is taken on a journey around 1950s Los Angeles, with an emphasis on the black community of which Ezekiel Rawlins was always part of for his detective work. Interestingly, in the context of anti-communist hysteria sweeping the nation, and the blacklisting of suspected communists and left-wing sympathizers, Mosley leaves out the story of blacklisted black actors and celebrities such as Harry Belafonte, Hazel Scott (Trinidadian sista who married Adam Clayton Powell!), or Ossie Davis. 


Nevertheless, the novel is interesting for reflecting Mosley's own life. Easy Rawlins, the black, self-raised Texas Negro, is set up to get a steady job working for the Los Angeles public school system, which both of Mosley's parents did. Moreover, the Jewish communist, Wenzler, and him and his daughter's close relationship with Rawlins was likely inspired by Mosley's mother, a New York Jew with leftist affiliations. Indeed, part of the close friendship that develops between Chaim Wenzler and Easy Rawlins lies in their solidarity against racism, and their experiences in World War II Europe liberating death camps and all that good stuff. At the end of the day, Rawlins, out of a fear of the IRS imprisoning him for tax evasion, essentially sells himself as a spy for the FBI, losing nearly everything he gained at the end.


Ima read the next Easy Rawlins mystery and write a more detailed review that doesn't reveal too much of the plot. I patiently await the next opportunity to avoid doing schoolwork in order to complete another Mosley novel. I also appreciated the Africa Migration group, an obvious reference to Marcus Garvey, Pan-Africanism, and black nationalism. 

Una Muy Bonita

One of my favorite jazz songs, "Una Muy Bonita," is an Ornette Coleman song from his Change of the Century. The album as a whole is not a favorite of mine, but "Una Muy Bonita" and the bluesy "Ramblin'" are highlights. "Una Muy Bonita," in particular, is fascinating because of its Caribbean/Latin sound, which is alluded to by the Spanish title. The upbeat melody, polyrhythms, and the horns sound like Caribbean music, like a mixture of Cuban and other pan-Caribbean styles. Ornette on alto sax and Don Cherry on a muted pocket trumpet, especially sound Caribbean, as well as drummer Billy Higgins. Higgins brief drum solo and Charlie Haden's (great white jazz bassist who began his music career as a country and folk singer) bass takes the song into interesting directions. Haden's bass introduction to the song actually introduces a type of Latin/Afro-Caribbean clave/ostinato that sets up the entire song.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=405MdvmBoAU


The Bobby Hutcherson cover, from his Stick Up! album released in 1966. Featuring Joe Henderson and pianist McCoy Tyner, this cut has strong bluesy, funky elements lacking in Ornette's piece. Indeed, Hutcherson on vibes, Henderson's sax, and McCoy Tyner's solos are rooted in the blues, while drummer Billy Higgins keeps the Afro-Caribbean beat going. I could not say that this recording is better, but its jubilant, celebratory blues-rooted improvisation which features call and response between the soloist and the group. Like Caribbean music meant for dancing, this version's more danceable and probably better captures the mood evoked in the title of "Una Muy Bonita."

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vdzTWHEdTLQ

Raffia Cloth in Equatorial African History

Cloth in Equatorial African History

    The long history of raffia cloth, an indigenous product produced from the fibers of raffia trees in West Central Africa, reveals how cloth, both imported and locally produced, impacted Equatorial Africa differently throughout the precolonial period. Disproving assumptions of static African societies that never changed over time, the evolving use of raffia cloth demonstrates continuity within change as a result of increasing contact with Europeans, the slave trade, and internal changes. For example, the gradual replacement of raffia cloth by imported cloth from European traders over the centuries exemplifies the change with continuity theme in the history of the region best. African agency through the production of raffia, and the trade with Europeans, despite growing dependency on European imports for rulers to legitimize their power, unquestionably demonstrates local autonomy and choices in a changing world from the 16th through the 19th century.

Cloth was a basic resource for peoples of Loango Coast throughout precolonial history, becoming essential for initiation and burial ceremonies and part of key transactions that cemented lineage and state alliances (Martin 136). In addition to being used as a form of currency and item in social transactions, raffia and cloth more generally was associated with those wielding power, such as kings, lineage elders, traders, and religious specialists (136). Since most raffia in the area was traded from eastern Kongo and further inland, those who controlled access to raffia from locations far from the centralized, larger kingdoms of Kongo, Ngoyo, and Loango were able to become powerful in their respective states due to their monopoly on the elaborate, intricately worked raffia (Vansina 8). Local African societies utilized a large-scale,  locally-based system of production that was not industrially organized, but led to enormous amounts of raffia cloth manufactured in the region for use as currency, trade, clothing, and burials during this period. In fact, Vansina estimates, assuming raffia for daily use would last four months, would have required at least 1,800,000 lengths to as much as 3,000,000 for the plain weave cloth per year just for the kingdom of Kongo (8). This implies that total raffia production in West Central Africa must have reached what Vansina refers to as proto-industrial levels during this period (18). This African manufacturing base provided an essential ingredient in various social transactions such as bride wealth and settling dues, like legal fees  and as a bartering tool for ordinary peoples since the peoples of the region lacked a regional monetary economy (18). Only through the gradual displacement in the market by cloth imports in the late 17th century did the system begin to change (Martin 114).

Once imported cloth and manufactured goods began to displace raffia in the trade of textiles, control over access to the sources of cloth remained an important marker of status. Kings endeavored to retain control of cloth distribution, but their power was quickly challenged since their power had become dangerously dependent on foreign imports from Portuguese, Dutch, French, and English traders. They were willing to trade with those lacking the king’s approval and sold such a highly produced manufactured item that it becoming increasingly common within Equatorial Africa. New rulers emerged out of their control of trade with European merchants, establishing their own large dependent bases through redistribution of these prestigious goods, which inevitably led to the gradual dissolution of several kingdoms in the region, such as the Kingdom of Kongo. Moreover, Dutch, English and French ships unloaded a wide variety of cotton, linen, and woolen cloths onto the African market, were not interested in raffia cloth as the Portuguese had been previously, due to the growth of the slave trade (145). Indeed, the slave trade had previously facilitated the growth of the raffia trade in the region since the first caravans that traversed across the region for slaves in the early 16th century were financed by Portuguese merchants (Vansina 19). Now, from the late 17th century to the 19th century, raffia cloth becomes marginal to the kingdoms which had previously defined status partially based on its acquisition and control. 

Interestingly, raffia remained a core part of social measurements of wealth and in trade. Though by 1826, the people of Cabinda, Ngoyo’s trading port, saw raffia as a cloth associated with the poor, despised peoples of the interior, and slaves, since only those groups wore it, raffia cloth remained a significant marker of social statu in parts of the interior. Beginning perhaps in the kingdom of Loango, the custom of burying one’s dead with several wraps of raffia cloth meters thick became widespread in the region (Martin 140). Even the poorest villagers would become indebted to elites, who hoarded cloth, in order to ensure their deceased kin would be prepared to enter the next world in high status with cloth like elites (142). Cloth remained essential in trade with Europeans well after the introduction of coinage, becoming embedding in the language of ‘pieces,’ or of the basic unit, about six yards of cotton (146). Raffia was also still used in the , at least initially, in the burials, from the coast to the interior, of the rich (142). Thus, African agency through the control and trade of imported cloths becomes obvious through the continued use of raffia for new purposes such as elite funerals, and its ties with trade and power until the colonial period.

Besides developing a dependency on imported foreign cloth in order to legitimize their rule, and despite the ravages of the slave trade, which was necessary to acquire the manufactured foreign imports to maintain their dependence, African rulers and traders maintained a non-monetary economy through which ordinary peoples of the region were able to continue their daily lives without the use of coins or a single currency (Vansina 17). Raffia cloth, in addition to metalware and ceramics, provided alternatives to a single currency system, and allowed common peoples to engage in local trade in products that sustained well-developed markets where transactions were eased by recourse to currencies such as metalware and ceramics (Vansina 19). African agency also appears with the growth of the cotton industry in Angola, which provided another type of currency for peoples in the region that was not from Europe or the Americas. In addition, African rulers and elites who switched to wearing European cloth as a sign of status continued to wear cloth from fur and bark cloth as a sign of traditional symbols of political authority (9).

The history of raffia cloth in West Central Africa, therefore illustrates an example of African agency despite the development of unequal trading relations between African rulers and European merchants. Raffia was replaced by imported European cloth, which led to growing African dependence on European traders for prestige goods which were often not used for practical purposes, which would suggest that local peoples did not understand the value of the goods they traded in. African rulers certainly did, but the fundamental differences between a developed monetary economy, and a non-monetary economy without a capitalist, industrialist system of production indubitably created conditions of extreme inequality in trade over time. Nevertheless, local African societies in the region continued to value cloth and their own alternative measurements of wealth and power to legitimize their rule according to traditional systems of thought and social organization. Material goods such as raffia or European cloth were only worth as much as the dependence it would provide for elites. Cloth remained an important symbol of one’s social status and an important marker of power despite social changes.