Decades of the New World

Our ongoing obsession with the Taino led to our rereading of De Orbe Novo by Peter Martyr d'Anghiano. Although the author never personally traveled to the Antilles, he received the testimony and met with Columbus and various other Spaniards who crossed the Atlantic. Indeed, he even saw some of the curiosities, plants, and objects brought to Europe by those who did indeed travel. In addition, according to Bernardo Vega, our author was also one of those who recorded the details of a detailed map and description of the island of Hispaniola by Andres Morales. Furthermore, he even had access to the report of a certain friar, one of the most important sources on the religion and mythology of Hispaniola's indigenous population. 

De Orbe Novo is also full of rich information and details on the Caribbean and circum-Caribbean region's peoples. For instance, an early description of Guadeloupe's population mentioned numerous villages of 20-30 houses and a public square, used for games. This useful information on Guadeloupe provides modern scholars with some rough estimate of the population of indigenous villages in Guadeloupe and other parts of the Antilles in the late precolonial period. An early reference to Puerto Rico, or Borinquen, likewise alludes to Indian informants telling Columbus that the entirety of the island was under the rule of a single king (Agueybana or the cacicazgo of Agueybana?). Supposedly these Puerto Rico natives were able to communicate with the Spaniards via interpreters from Columbus's first voyage. Even so, one wonders if Puerto Rico truly was under the dominion of a single cacicazgo. 

This same source is similarly important for piecing together the intricacies of inter-cacique conflict and alliances in Hispaniola, or Haiti. Guacanagaric, the cacique in the north who first welcomed Columbus, blamed the massacre and destruction of the men left by Columbus at La Navidad on two more powerful caciques. And another cacique in the northern part of the island was described at living in a spacious house surrounded by 30 ordinary houses, perhaps another indication of a Taino village size. Martyr d'Anghiera's description of Haiti's indigenous people even included mention of trade with other islands for plates, seats (duhos), and articles manufactured with black wood (guayacan?). We also learn from this same source that the cacique Guarionex married his sister to Diego, the interpreter of Columbus. This was surely a great attempt to seal an alliance with the Spanish via a familiar other (Diego) who understood the Spanish, an entirely new type of other who threatened the political equilibrium of the island. Yet Guarionex would later resist the Spanish after the defeat of Caonabo and his brother (who allegedly raised 5000 troops against the Spanish only to be defeated by their cavalry). The fact that Guarionex taught an areyto to Mayobanex was so significant that the latter stood by Guarionex against the Spanish, even as his supporters allegedly abandoned him.

Jamaica's Indians were described as living in a fertile land and skilled in mechanical arts, perhaps indicating an exchange of goods between Jamaica and Haiti in the precolonial past. Cuba, on the other island, presents a number of interesting questions on the nature of indigenous Caribbean mobility and connections to other parts of the Antilles. One early Spaniard on the island reported seeing Indians wearing white tunics but a subsequent search failed to locate them. Furthermore, Spanish reported hearing of a powerful king in the interior of the island who wore clothes. Yet, this very same source also describes the Indians of Cuba as never leaving their territory and taking little notice of their neighbors. This is interesting since there may have been a presence of Yucatan Maya or other mainland populations (the Indians wearing clothes) in Cuba. While the later presence a Indian woman from Jamaica at Cozumel was noted by the Spanish, perhaps contacts between the Yucatan and Cuba were also in existence prior to the Spanish arrival. 

Last, but certainly not least, some intriguing details about the Indians of the northern coast of South America are worthy of mention. The Paria natives, described as wearing gold and pearl collars or bracelets, claimed their gold came from a mountainous country. The caciques of their region also used duhos made of black wood, like the caciques of the Antilles. The Curiana Indians also were said to possess pearls, rich game, yucca, and used guanin. The Curiana traded pearls for gold from from the Cauchieta, a people said to have worn trousers of cotton. There was even a district of the Paria coast, Haraia, which contained rich salines, whose salt was traded to foreigners. In addition, the Paria peoples preserved the bodies of their chiefs. This is all suggestive and points to the long-standing trade links across northern South America. The reference to guanin, which we know was also used by the Taino in the Antilles, points to trade with the mainland. However, if it is true about some of the Indians preserved the bodies of their chiefs, it brings to mind the Incas and Andean civilizations. One begins to wonder about possible long-distance trade connecting to the other coast of South America. 

Dugu Song

Although we remain quite ignorant of the history and culture of the Garifuna peoples, it is astonishing and intriguing how this "Canto Dugu" resembles our Haitian ritual music and chanting. Rhythmically less complex, one can see, perhaps, the "Carib" or Indian influences in Garifuna music and tradition. That said, Garifuna Dugu undoubtedly has African features that unite it, at least somewhat, with the better-known Vodou, Santeria and other Afro-Caribbean traditions.

A Glimpse of Sudanic Africa in the Late 1500s

Dierk Lange and Silvio Berthoud's translation of the relevant sections of Giovanni Lorenzo Anania's L'Universale fabrica del mondo, overo cosmografia is a great service for those interested in the history of Sudanic Africa but cannot read Italian. Their translation and brief introduction elucidates how the subsequent editions of Anania's work expanded some sections on the interior of West Africa particularly those related to Kano. In addition, Anania's work includes references to a number of regions in the Lake Chad area, including Logone, Mandara, Bagirmi, and even information on the area of Darfur before the Keira sultans came to power in the 17th century. While, sadly, much of the information is based on Leo Africanus, Barros, Cadamosto, Marmol and other printed sources, Anania's contribution sheds light on European knowledge of Western and Central Sudanic Africa by 1582, before the fall of Songhay and preceding the existence of Wadai and Darfur as powerful kingdoms. 

One of the most interesting informants for Anania's work was Vincenzo Matteo, an Italian merchant from Raguse who had spent 7 years traveling in Sudanic Africa. Apparently, he was trying to travel to Ethiopia but was unable to do so. However, during his time in the "Land of the Blacks", Matteo was able to spend time in important cities like Kano and witness its economic ties to North Africa and Cairo. According to Matteo, Kano was one of the three most important commercial centers in Africa, along with Cairo and Fez. A large, walled city with 18 gates, the Portuguese allegedly tried to establish a comptoir there only to be frustrated by Cairo merchants who persuaded the sarki to say no to the Christians. How, exactly, would Portuguese have reached Kano in the 1500s if not from the south is a little difficult to understand, but it speaks to the European recognition of Kano's commercial significance. Indeed, for the trade in gold, ivory, pepper, the Hausa state had attracted many "white" gentlemen from Cairo who lived in comfort with horses and several slaves. This very same informant, Matteo, also claimed to have brought kola nuts to the sultan of Morocco.

Anania's work also tells us much about the powers of the Central Sudan. In this time, Kebbi, or Cabi, was still powerful enough for its ruler to be called an emperor by the "Blacks" of the area. Yet, the ruler of Borno seems even more magnificent, since Anania reported that the mai was able to field 100,000 troops against Cabi multiple times. While this is probably exaggeration, it does support the notion of Borno's great power and influence in the region, particularly in the exchange of gold, leather, horses, and slaves in the area. Anania's source also attests to the presence of Turkish mercenaries and adventurers and North African scholars in Borno, illustrating the state's strong ties to the Mediterranean. While particulars of the various towns and states of the Lake Chad region are less detailed, we learn that Mandara (or Mandra) was important for its iron minerals while other towns south of Lake Chad were engaged in trade with Mandara for iron or even centers of pilgrimage, like Galeo. One can gain a snapshot of some of the non-Muslim and Sao peoples living around Lake Chad whilst Borno was in the process of conquering or had just finished conquering these peoples, as recorded by Ahmad b. Furtu. 

Anania's brief mention of Uri and Goran, or what may have been the equivalent to Leo Africanus's Gaogo, are similarly worthy of mention. Uri, which appears to have been the commercial capital of the state which preceded Darfur and Wadai, was a major center of trade. Its king, supplied with weapons or arms from Cairo, was powerful enough to dominate several peoples such as the Zaghawa, Dagio, Masalit, Mimi, and other peoples in the vast region of western Sudan and eastern Chad. According to Anania, the Goran or Gauga were also worthy of attention. Although his wacky theories comparing the Goran to the Romani peoples or even claiming they were the descendants of ancient Egyptian priests of Isis are examples of pure speculation, the Goran, as a Tubu or Teda people, helps us to understand one of the early European references to a Tubu people. 

Even the Western Sudan and parts of West Africa in contact with the Portuguese are, in part, included in the description of the interior of West Africa. The kingdom of Benin, for example, or the Wolof and Mandingue peoples, appear with brief entries. Timbuktu is still at its apogee, with gold brought by "Mandinghi" merchants and attracting merchants from North Africa and Cairo. The Songhay rulers may have still upheld a prohibition on Jewish merchants, a lingering legacy of al-Maghili's influence on Askia Muhammad. There may even be a reference to the Tuareg and their tifinagh script, since Anania mentioned their use of the litham. Western Sudan, under the imperial base of Songhay, and Central Sudan, where Borno was entering a Golden Age, witnessed an efflorescence of culture and commerce that likely saw the consolidation of the 'Sudanic Road" from the Western Sudan to the Nile or Red Sea. Sadly, Vincenzo Matteo never made it to Ethiopia from West Africa, but such a journey would have held immeasurably great historical value for much of the African interior. 

Kekaumenos's Consilia et Narrationes

Kekaumenos's Consilia et Narrationes is sadly missing some sections, but it remains a fascinating source. Examples of admonitory literature that shed light on social relations and politics in 11th century Byzantium are another opportunity to understand this period besides chronicles, histories, coinage, or imperial administrative records. Indeed, Kekaumenos, whose musings, anecdotes, and advice reflect the literary tastes and social views of a lettered but non-intellectual Byzantine man, also corroborate some of Michael Psellos's observations on the emperors of the 11th century. Furthermore, Kekaumenos's constant references to the prevalence of buying offices, accepting bribes, the unreliability and danger of friends and supporters, and military strategy point to the troubles of the Empire in the period leading to Manizkert. If judges, commanders of themes, and frontier governors were truly as corrupt as Kekaumeno's work addressed to his children suggest, then the Empire was indeed heading for trouble in the final years of the Macedonian dynasty. One cannot help but think that the failure of Basil II to sire a male heir made this negative outcome more likely, although the problems with Byzantine expansion on the frontiers may have been unstable if conditions in the Balkans and Armenia are reliable indicators. Perhaps there was too rapid of an expansion under Basil II that subsequent emperors were unable to effectively administer. Then, with the threats of the Pechenegs, Vlachs, Normans, and later the Turks, the Empire began to lose some of the gains achieved under the Macedonian line. Of course, unlike Michael Psellos, who was closer to the heart of imperial government in Constantinople, Kekaumenos was mainly writing about events in the provinces and frontiers and did not locate the problems of the Empire with the emperors. While it is true that subjects will follow the patterns of the emperor or ruler's behavior, Kekaumenos supported a political theory espousing the emperor as a God on earth who must be supported and  defended by those who accept the hierarchy. Naturally, this was not always true due to the frequency of revolts, palace intrigues and coups, but Kekaumenos could not go there in a work like this. 

Chronicle of Theophanes

Harry Turtledove's partial translation of The Chronicle of Theophanes covers the important years 602-813. A pivotal two centuries which saw the rise of Islam and the loss of Byzantine or Roman rule in various important provinces like Egypt and parts of the Middle East, Theophanes's chronicle is one of our major sources. Beginning with the fall of Emperor Maurice and Byzantine wars with Sassanian Persia, the sources utilized for this chronicle partly elucidate why Byzantium struggled with the expansion of Islam. Meanwhile, in addition to wars in the Middle East and Mediterranean, Byzantium faced a threat in the Balkans from the Avars and later the Bulgars. This war on two fronts exposed the Empire to several threats that most of the emperors either lacked the ability or resources to address fully. The problem of iconoclasm in the 8th century added more problems since it created divisions in the Empire among the Christian population and the factions which supported iconoclasm or opposed it. Some emperors, if Theophanes is indeed reliable for the reigns of Leo and Constantine Copronymus, appear to have even taken advantage of iconoclasm to seize wealth and goods from monasteries and laypeople. 

Of course, one must use Theophanes carefully as a source. His repeated references to iconoclastic emperors as impious, evil, and a threat to the world illustrate how the chronicler's own biases may have led him to exaggerate. Nonetheless, given the intense internal divisions within the Empire and the ongoing threat from the Bulgars and Arabs, it is sometimes surprising that it survived. It probably helped that the caliphates appeared to lack the ability to conquer Anatolia and their sieges of Constantinople were thwarted. One's impression from reading Theophanes is that frequent border raids and violations of treaties or agreements were common, but neither side was truly able to achieve a substantial victory against the other. In addition, population movements and relocations must have helped sustain Byzantine rule in areas of conflict, such as the movement of Armenian and Syrian Christians into regions near the Bulgars and the movement of Slavs into Anatolia. Alliances with Western powers like the Franks and even the Khazars could also be of use for protecting Byzantine interests in Europe and the east. 

What stood out to us, however, is the possible reference to someone from East Africa or India who married the wife of a spatharios named Helias. Punished by Emperor Justinian Rhinotmetus, this woman was wed to an "Indian"  cook who, due to the occasional conflation of India and Ethiopia in Greek writings, may have been someone from Africa. Moreover, people from Africa, particularly Nubia and Ethiopia, would have been known to Late Antique Byzantium. Indeed, there were even pagans still living in Harran well into Islamic times, demonstrating the religious diversity of the Middle East long after the establishment of the early caliphates. But what, if any, were the possible links between Byzantium and Nubia or Ethiopia during this centuries? 

Kassia's Music

Although we don't usually listen to this type of music, our ongoing obsession with Byzantium has brought it to our attention and we find it enchanting and irresistibly beautiful.

Petion's Republic and the Haitian People

La République de Pétion et le peuple haïtien by Hénock Trouillot is important to read when considering Trouillot as a historian of early Haiti. Juxtaposed with his study of the government of Henri Christophe, Trouillot establishes, quite convincingly, how the model of a modern state was more likely to be achieved under the northern king than the republican government in the South and West. Unlike Christophe, whose state was more successful at maintaining large-scale plantation production and ensuring the state possessed significant reserves, the southern republic was cash-strapped, lawless or crime-filled in the capital, notably corrupt, and delivered the economy of the country into the hands of foreign merchants. Christophe's state, which inherited some of the the practices of Toussaint Louverture and the Dessalinien Empire, was more successful at protecting national commerce and industry and was, if given the time, more likely to lead to a stronger state.

Unfortunately, Petion's republic became the model for Haiti after the reunification under President Boyer. Even though Boyer himself had to repudiate or distance himself from some of his predecessor's actions, the mold was already cast. Thus, the regular abuse of power by the executive against the legislative branch and Petion's intervention in the courts was inherited by subsequent presidents. In addition, the incompetence of Petion during his war with Christophe helped ensure the fall of General Lamarre. Deficits, corruption, mishandling of government revenues, and politicians or functionaries cheating the state were regular affairs that sadly plague Haiti to this day. Even Petion himself encouraged the production of counterfeit Haitian currency as his administration looked the other way as Pigny, the director of the Hotel de la Monnaie, enriched himself by printing extra cash and the government accepted counterfeit money at a percentage of its value. 

Petion's republic embraced liberalism to detrimental consequences, too. For instance, his republic weakened national commerce by ending many of the protections of Dessalines and the state's role in commerce, ultimately favoring foreign merchants with access to capital, credit and international markets. Some examples of foreign merchants who enriched themselves during this time included the Frenchman Frederic Martin, who violated laws and received special treatment due to his friendship and partnership with the Bonnets. These foreign merchants often sold on credit to detaillants, who were often women (wives or mistresses of prominent Haitian functionaries or military leaders) who then resold imported goods to petite marchandes from their boutiques. This system, however, led to greater dependence on foreigners (French, English, German and American) who had access to credit, capital, and wielded a great influence on the commerce of the nation. Even attempts to protect local commerce often fell short since those in the upper echelons of the republic's administration were often landowners with an interest in grand commerce that entailed partnerships with these important merchants. These same individuals, including the president were willing to look the other way when foreigners violated laws that restricted their activities. 

Even on the land question, an area in which Petion is sometimes praised for recognizing the merits of small-scale proprietorship, the reality was quite different. According to Trouillot, he actually sold or made concessions to land to upper ranks of the military while saving the best lands for high-level functionaries or himself. However, the lack of capital, absence of technicians and loss or destruction of machinery during the Haitian Revolution meant that the land was often parceled or resold multiple times. This was the beginning of the de moitie system since those who held property needed some system in which labor could be found to produce something for export or national markets. However, it was not necessarily the intent of the president to provide land directly to the cultivateurs on a large scale, nor was his government able to protect them from the abuses of the corvee system or even from beatings by their employer. Indeed, even soldiers were sometimes forced to work on lands owned by their superior officers! What often occurred was a type of serfdom for the cultivateurs, especially when landowners were high-ranking functionaries or military generals with the means to abuse the corvee system or their power to exploit the cultivateurs who received little or no pay or medical benefits from their de moitie contracts. 

What about the population of Haiti? Sadly, Trouillot's sources did not allow him to delve deeply into this matter. However, Petion was, through demagogy, a popular ruler. He regularly gave alms to the poor during national celebrations and, perhaps due to his fears of sparking disturbances because of the color question, he went out of his way to treat noirs well (or at least that's what some sources suggest). Nonetheless, despite his popularity, popular discontent and hostility directed against the French was palpable. Disorder, theft, and anti-French violence in Port-au-Prince were common enough to spark fears among some of the foreign merchant colonies in the capital. Likewise, even the dance societies (tied to Carnaval?) which included titles like president, king, queen and general for their leadership sparked fears of political disorder and revolts. The fact that the government expressed fears of the masses i the city and the ongoing revolt of Goman in the South was never defeated by Petion suggest the masses reacted to Petion with overt and covert resistance. The crimes targeting the goods of foreign merchants and the French, for instance, were undoubtedly a reflection of the populace's anti-French sentiments and fear of a European takeover or invasion. Similarly, Goman's state lasting so long in the Sud showed the appeal of his movement to people in that region as well as its ability to establish a functional community with agricultural exports to Christophe and abroad to furnish itself with weapons and ammunition. Whether or not a noir had tried to assassinate him right before Petion's death is unclear, but the fears of the French that a massacre of the "mulattoes" or themselves was possible in the transition to Boyer's government definitely points to the republic's instability and weakness. Petion, in short, failed to establish stable institutions while encouraging the state against nation paradigm so expertly elucidated by Trouillot's nephew.